Collaborative Management and Organization of Digital Media in Spain. Case Study of El Salto, CTXT and La MareaGestión y organización colaborativa de medios digitales en España. Estudio de casos de El Salto, CTXT y La Marea doxa.comunicación | nº 35, pp. 127-147 | 127July-December of 2022ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978How to cite this article: Rodríguez Pallares, M. and Pérez Serrano, M. J. (2022). Collaborative Management and Organization of Digital Media in Spain. Case Study of El Salto, CTXT and La Marea. Doxa Comunicación, 35, pp. 127-147.https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n35a1572Miriam Rodríguez Pallares. PhD in Journalism, Master’s Degree in Journalism and Scientic Dissemination, Diploma in Library and Information Science. Professor in the Department of Journalism and Global Communication of the Faculty of Information Science at UCM. Member of the research group MediaCom UCM. Accredited as Associate Professor (ANECA). She has one six-year research period recognized by CNEAI.Complutense University of Madrid, Spain[email protected]ORCID: 0000-0002-5486-0298María José Pérez Serrano. Bachelor’s Degree in Journalism, PhD in Information Science, Extraordinary Doctorate Award, and an MBA with a specialisation in Financial Management. Specialist in management, organization, and direction of news companies, she is also a University Professor in the Department of Journalism and Global Communication of the Faculty of Information Science at Complutense University of Madrid. Moreover, Professor Pérez Serrano has an I3 Certicate as well as one six-year research period (CNEAI).Complutense University of Madrid, Spain[email protected]ORCID: 0000-0002-2190-7619Abstract:e communication sector and, especially, the media sector suered severely from the consequences of the economic crisis that began in 2008, and is witnessing, once again, the complicated situation derived from the Covid-19 pandemic. Bad strategic decisions; the decrease in advertising investment; the excessive dependence on the nancial sector, or the culture of total free of charge typical of the national idiosyncrasy are some of the causes of the emergency situation that drags written journalism in Spain. rough in-depth interviews, innovative actions related to the organization, nancing and the product in the journalist sector of digital media in Spain are analysed. Specically, the cases of Resumen:El sector de la comunicación y, en especial, el periodístico sufrió du-ramente las consecuencias de la crisis económica iniciada en 2008 y está asistiendo, otra vez, a la complicada situación derivada de la pandemia Covid-19. Malas decisiones estratégicas; el descenso de la inversión publicitaria; la excesiva dependencia del sector nanciero, o la cultura del gratis total propias de la idiosincrasia nacional son algunas de las causas de la situación de emergencia que arrastra el pe-riodismo escrito en España. A través de entrevistas en profundidad, en este artículo se analizan acciones innovadoras vinculadas a la organi-zación, nanciación y producto en el sector periodístico de los nativos Received: 03/12/2021 - Accepted: 17/02/2022 - Early access: 04/03/2022 - Published: 01/07/2022Recibido: 03/12/2021 - Aceptado: 17/02/2022 - En edición: 04/03/2022 - Publicado: 01/07/2022
128 | nº 35, pp. 127-147 | July-December of 2022Collaborative Management and Organization of Digital Media in Spain. Case Study of El Salto, CTXT and La MareaISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978doxa.comunicación1. Introduction and theoretical frameworkIn the 21st century, businesses dedicated to communication now face a new challenge that goes beyond the already accepted technical foundation and reaches the core of their commercial nature and social impact (McNair, 2012). e challenge involves positioning a company in a market, specically the communications market, which has been described as disruptive (Sádaba, Martínez-Costa y García-Avilés, 2016; Carvajal, García-Avilés y González, 2012; Salaverría, Martínez-Costa, Breiner, Negredo Bruna, Negreira Rey and Jimeno, 2019). Moreover, if this market was complex in the past, it is even more so today. As pointed out by Jarvis (2018), the dicult barriers to market entry have disappeared, generating a cluster of smaller, post-monopoly news companies, businesses, and social structures that have increased competition in the market, even though they have not become complete substitutes of goods and services. Finding the right strategy to place a news or communication product within the audience’s preferred range of choices (Vázquez-Herrero, 2021; To and Nielsen, 2018; urman et al, 2018; Feezell, 2018; Just and Latzer, 2017), together with taking into consideration direct and indirect competition, ultimately involves analysing the fundamentals of an organisation’s business model (Alcolea-Díaz and Pérez Serrano, 2015; Drucker, 1954; Campos-Freire, 2010; Roses, 2010), and anchoring it to innovation (Stevenson and Jarillo, 1990). In this sense, innovation has been almost inextricably linked to technology, digitisation, and online consumption in recent decades. As such, the impact of innovative solutions aects journalistic practices and media management, which has repercussions that bring us back to the business model (Zott and Amit, 2009; Magretta, 2002). is ambition toward innovation has given rise to journalistic transmedia and cross media narrative techniques (Jenkins, 2008), adaptation to mobile consumption (Canavilhas, 2015 and Westlund; Frädigh, 2015), and the use of virtual reality (García and Herrera-Damas, 2019; Kishore et al. 2016). Moreover, the media ecosystem has become fragmented in the digital environment, and news service providers now have to deal with new intermediary actors, such as Google, or the ever-growing catalogue of El Salto, CTXT and La Marea are analysed. e results are presented divided into six study variables: historical perspective; nancing and participation; income diversication; organizational structure; brand equity, and competition. Although the analyzed examples dier in aspects such as legal personality, all of them coincide in appealing to a traditional, reective, and with procedural guarantees, they bet on horizontal organizational structures and base their income model on the subscription. e main conclusions show the emergence of initiatives that, faithful to traditional journalistic values, seek to dierentiate themselves through strategies and brands whose economic, nancial and readership shares are inextricably linked to the concept of niche.Keywords:Organizational structure; media management; innovation; revenue model; business models; journalism.digitales El Salto, CTXT y La Marea a modo de case studies. Los resul-tados se presentan divididos en seis variables de estudio: perspectiva histórica; nanciación y participación; diversicación de ingresos; estructura organizativa; valor de marca, y competencia. Aunque los ejemplos analizados divergen en aspectos como la personalidad jurí-dica, todos coinciden en apelar a un periodismo tradicional, reexivo y con garantías procedimentales, apuestan por estructuras organizati-vas horizontales y basan su modelo de ingresos en la suscripción. Son iniciativas que buscan diferenciarse a través de estrategias y marcas cuyas cuotas económicas, nancieras y de lectores están indisoluble-mente ligadas al concepto de nicho. Palabras clave:Estructura organizativa; gestión de medios; Innovación; modelo de ingresos; modelos de negocio; periodismo.
doxa.comunicación | nº 35, pp. 127-147 | July-December of 2022Miriam Rodríguez Pallares and María José Pérez SerranoISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978129news aggregators (Edo, Yunquera and Bastos, 2019; Chiou and Tucker, 2017), and they even have to face interference from social networks in fullling their objectives of gaining the public’s attention or obtaining advertising revenue. Paradoxically, compared to the trend toward business concentration that emerged after World War II and reached its peak in the last decades of the 20th century, new journalistic ventures are constantly emerging in the digital environment which, in the case of Spain, seems to have already become overcrowded. Moreover, on many occasions there are no clear dierences in the products oered that would allow them to glimpse a future without turbulence.However, in this context, sometimes innovation does not imply novelty in the strictest sense, but instead entails discovering how much novelty there is in that which is classic. In terms of information, this involves strengthening the traditional values of journalism, which imply reinforcing the dening principles and identifying features of the social and societal structures that are the main components of the socio-economic sector of communication. e ultimate goal is clear: the focus is on content, not only in terms of substance, but also with regard to form, so that it can be shared, thereby extending its reach (see Su, Liu and McLeod, 2019; urman et al., 2018; Ödmark, 2018; Ross and Dumitrescu, 2018; Anderson, 2011). However, far from pursuing only the recognition and recall of their target audiences, the concern for content involves the ambition to convert it into revenue (Casero-Ripollés, 2016), which might allow for continuity and the increase of its intrinsic value without pursuing grandiloquence (Amoedo, Vara-Miguel, Negredo, Moerno and Kaufmann, 2021; Albarran, Mierzejewska and Jung 2018; Albarran, 2017; Agirre-Maiora, Murua-Uria and Zabalondo-Loidi, 2020; Parra Valcarce, Edo Bolós and Marcos Recio, 2020; Campos-Freire, 2015; Tejedor and Pla Pablos, 2020), and might even achieve synergy with the diverse media environment (Nielsen and Ganter, 2018; Neuman, 2018; Campos-Freire, Aguilera-Moyano and Rodríguez-Castro, 2018), in which now more than ever, there is synchronous coexistence between the large and the small, the one-person initiative and the more established corporation, and the problematic, intra-corporate histories of yesteryear and the sectoral movements that possibly seek to do something dierent.2. ObjectivesSince 2010, along with other markets, Spain has experienced a proliferation of information undertakings never seen before. is massive increase in supply has weakened the pillars on which the press has been founded until now, and consequently, media groups have lost a large part of their identity. While the description and analysis of this deconstruction process has been widely analysed, the study of creativity has not been carried out at the same level, which provides a stimulus to emphasise the concept of innovation applied to journalism as a trend encouraged by these new communication ventures (Bruno and Nielsen, 2012).Along these lines, our objectives are as follows:O1. To outline a clear vision of digital, journalistic initiatives, which are known to have a competitive advantage, and therefore nd themselves in a formidable position in the market. O2. To establish correlations between the three media analysed with regard to history and trends.
130 | nº 35, pp. 127-147 | July-December of 2022Collaborative Management and Organization of Digital Media in Spain. Case Study of El Salto, CTXT and La MareaISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978doxa.comunicaciónO3. To draw conclusions regarding the business model and strategic sustainability of ventures such as El Salto, CTXT (Contexto) and La Marea.3. Methodology is research is based on the analysis of information companies (Nieto; Iglesias, 2000) and provides “scientic knowledge of a specic nature that focuses on the functioning of such business units, which implies critical interpretation of the situation of the communication industry, a sector that has attained great prominence in the Global Information Society, and in which the use of new technology is able to transform business decisions that aect citizens in their ability to engage in free choice and opinion” (Peinado-Miguel, Fernández-Sande, Ortiz-Sobrino and Rodríguez-Barba, 2011). Given this background, the research herein has been carried out using a qualitative methodology along with a case study model (Walker, 1983), whose epistemological basis, according to Stake (2007:46), is “existential (non-deterministic) and constructivist”, and places the emphasis on interpretation. e case selection was based on non-participant observation and the identication of business models that prioritise a type of long-form journalism and the building of communities around brand value. e second reason for their selection was that the three media were identied as direct competitors. Table 1. Outline of the public information of the three media analysedBLOCKSKEY ASPECTSEl SaltoCTXT La MareaOrganisational structureType of companyPublishing Cooperative Revista Contexto, Ltd. (Limited Liability Company)MásPública, Cooperative Year founded 201720152012No. of subscribersNDA5,000 (December 2017)>6,000 (May 2021)Economic structure (in €)YearNDA201520162017201820132014201520162017201820192020Operating incomeNDA48,375220,989380,000528,056179,981185,316158,128277,512240,406274,400196,472305,753Operating costsNDA132,711250,967377,637504,842278,972201,083242,711261,793280,904273,727256,130299,484Results for the yearNDA-84,336-29,9782,36323,214-98,991-15,767-84,58315,719-40,498673-59,6586,269Source: Orbis. Accounting records; prepared by the authors
doxa.comunicación | nº 35, pp. 127-147 | July-December of 2022Miriam Rodríguez Pallares and María José Pérez SerranoISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978131e review of sources has been complemented by the application of semi-structured, in-depth interviews with the managers of the three companies selected. Given the objectives of the study, this research technique is considered especially useful, as it allows for delving into the issue as deeply as possible. e interviews were designed according to four thematic blocks: descriptive, nancing and investment; organisational; as well as multimedia and prospective-valuative. e number of questions varied slightly in each block for purposes of adaptation to the specic situation of each of the media analysed, according to the information oered publicly by each of them on their corporate websites, which reveals their level of transparency and clarity in terms of external communication in the rst level of analysis. Table 2. Semi-structured interviewsBLOCKSKEY ASPECTSNo. of questionsEl SaltoNo. of questionsCTXTNo. of questionsLa MareaDescriptive, nancing, and investment blockBusiness establishment processLegal statusManagement model and decision-makingInformation transparencyRevenue modelLines of business142324Organisational blockSta analysisEstablished organisational structureFlexible organisational structureAgreements and strategic alliances1072Multimedia blockInformative services and format oering681Prospective-valuative blockAssessment of the history of the mediumRobotic view of the target audienceFuture prospects and critical appraisal of the journalistic model in Spain 344 Total number of questions334231 •IntervieweesPablo ElorduyVanesa JiménezMagda Bandera Interview date 7/12/202020/01/202122/02/2021 Total interview time 1h 13m 10s1h 29m 24s1h 23m 56sSource: prepared by the authors
132 | nº 35, pp. 127-147 | July-December of 2022Collaborative Management and Organization of Digital Media in Spain. Case Study of El Salto, CTXT and La MareaISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978doxa.comunicación4. Results and discussion4.1. Historical perspective of El Salto, CTXT, and La Mareae three media analysed converge in many aspects, yet perhaps the most relevant is their intention to appeal to a journalistic spirit that is traditional, reective, and analytical, and that oers procedural guarantees, which they transfer to the digital environment due to the barriers to entry into the printed press sector, impelled by the eects of a severe economic recession that has hit the press especially hard (Negredo, Martínez, Breiner and Salaverría, 2020). From their beginnings, they have targeted highly segmented audiences and established communities with them based on loyalty and a sense of belonging (Canavilhas, 2015), both at the communicative and business levels. ey have made use of slow journalism (Albalad, 2018; Neveu, 2016; Masurier, 2015; Barranquero and Rosique, 2015; Rauch, 2011; Greenberg, 2007), as well as narrative and investigative journalistic practices (Requejo-Alemán and Lugo-Ocando, 2014). However, CTXT is possibly the medium that is most prolic in elevating this concept to a priority by avoiding, though not denying, up-to-the-minute journalism or submission to the immediacy of information (Blanding, 2015), as part of its DNA (Jiménez, 20/01/2021).Both El Salto and La Marea have been established as cooperatives which, according to current legislation, are companies consisting of “people who are associated in a system of free membership and voluntary withdrawal, to carry out business activities aimed at satisfying their economic and social needs, as well as their aspirations, with a structure and system of operations that are democratic, in accordance with the principles formulated by the international cooperative alliance” (Law 27/1999, of 16 July, on Cooperatives, 1999). For its part, CTXT was established as a Limited Company in 2015, but given its corporate statutes, all of the founding members have proportional amounts of the share capital initially contributed, which is 1,000 euros; the non-worker “shareholders” contributed amounts ranging from a minimum of 500 euros upward, and they have the right to participate in the company’s decisions as well.
doxa.comunicación | nº 35, pp. 127-147 | July-December of 2022Miriam Rodríguez Pallares and María José Pérez SerranoISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978133Figure 1. Historical Perspective of El Salto, CTXT, and La MareaFigure 1. Historical Perspective of El Salto, CTXT, and La Marea Source: prepared by the authors 4.2. Trends in financing and investment In the search to differentiate themselves from the traditional mainstream media, and having a clear dependence on banking entities and partners outside the communication sector, in many cases the organizations we have analysed, which could be considered as part of a new generation of cyber media (Marquez and Peña Marin, 2020), seek economic independence through alternative sources of financing that inevitably involve investment from the general population. Even with this premise as a conditio sine qua non, the business models under study differ slightly, as suggested by the following aspects: El Salto was not founded through the use of crowdfunding, which is an alternative they see as circumstantial, linked to a project, and not so much as something structural (Elorduy, 7/12/2020). The distinctive nature of this medium, which is a renewed continuation of Diagonal, entailed a paradigmatic financing process: contributions were made through bank transfers, and Diagonal's subscriptions were transferred to El Salto. This resulted in putting the months on hold between the closure of one project and opening of the other. Moreover, given its legal structure as a cooperative, becoming a subscriber does not automatically imply the status of a cooperative member, although an administrative process regulated by law is required. However, subscribers Source: prepared by the authors
134 | nº 35, pp. 127-147 | July-December of 2022Collaborative Management and Organization of Digital Media in Spain. Case Study of El Salto, CTXT and La MareaISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978doxa.comunicación4.2. Trends in nancing and investmentIn the search to dierentiate themselves from the traditional mainstream media, and having a clear dependence on banking entities and partners outside the communication sector, in many cases the organizations we have analysed, which could be considered as “part of a new generation of cyber media” (Marquez and Peña Marin, 2020), seek economic independence through alternative sources of nancing that inevitably involve investment from the general population. Even with this premise as a conditio sine qua non, the business models under study dier slightly, as suggested by the following aspects:El Salto was not founded through the use of crowdfunding, which is an alternative they see as “circumstantial, linked to a project, and not so much as something structural” (Elorduy, 7/12/2020). e distinctive nature of this medium, which is a renewed continuation of Diagonal, entailed a paradigmatic nancing process: contributions were made through bank transfers, and Diagonal’s subscriptions were transferred to El Salto. is resulted in putting the months on hold between the closure of one project and opening of the other. Moreover, given its legal structure as a cooperative, becoming a subscriber does not automatically imply the status of a cooperative member, although an administrative process regulated by law is required. However, subscribers have the option of being represented in decision-making, either in face-to-face assemblies or through streaming, or by proposing online surveys (generally carried out using Google Forms), as well as discussion forums through which the audience is heard from the perspective of a study, yet not from an executive point of view. As a cooperative, El Salto is required to hold an annual general assembly where accounts are rendered. Moreover, the assemblies are open to all types of members, including workers, collaborators, and consumers, and each group has the right to vote with a weight of 1/3 in the nal decision. e rst in-person assembly was held in Madrid with a large turnout; the second took place in Malaga, where attendance was lower, and in which a streaming model was introduced. is format simplied subsequent events, which were forced to use this method due to health requirements. CTXT was founded by journalists with extensive professional experience yet scarce management training. ere were 14 founding journalists, who contributed approximately 1,000 euros per person to the share capital, yet they were not paid during the rst year of the project’s life. ey were joined by a wide range of people from diverse elds, including philosophy, lm, acting, sociology, law, and others, who took on the role of “companions”, or promoters, and contributed between 500 and 3,000 euros in capital. ey even formed part of the journal’s rst editorial board. One year after the medium was established, only three of the initial 14 founders remained due to obvious reasons linked to the project’s protability. In the beginning, the organization considered using crowdfunding through Verkami, with the intention of defraying the costs involved in launching an entirely online project, mainly expenses related to IT, (between 25,000 and 30,000 euros were raised); later, another crowdfunding project was carried out with the Goteo platform, aimed at survival or consolidation, or in other words, the objective was to guarantee the salaries of the media workers (around 72,000 euros); its third major crowdfunding venture moved away from structural issues in favour of a specic project, which was aimed at producing a documentary about Billy the Kid. La Marea is an initiative that was undertaken by a group of former employees of the newspaper Público. As they were grouped together on the platform Más Público, and supported by the cooperative known as Xarxa Integral de Professionals i Usuaries, they made a bid to take over Mediapro’s newspaper after it was subjected to bankruptcy proceedings in 2012. Despite having
doxa.comunicación | nº 35, pp. 127-147 | July-December of 2022Miriam Rodríguez Pallares and María José Pérez SerranoISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978135signicant popular support through Verkami, the cooperative lost the auction bid, which was won by the very recently created Display Connectors, a real estate company linked to the newspaper’s former owners. is setback led to an initiative to launch a new media outlet under the umbrella of the Más Público Cooperative, composed of workers and users. e people who had supported the initiative to buy Público on Verkami were invited to participate in a new project, whose rst two publications were linked to the call name Más Público, and later to La Marea, which aimed to disassociate itself from Público (Mediapro) and become a magazine with a constant online ow. e members of the cooperative who were workers were legally obliged to contribute 3,000 euros, and the cooperative members who were users had to pay 1,000 euros initially, an amount that was reduced over time to adapt to the characteristics of the target audience. ey currently have 3 worker members and approximately 80 user members. On the premise of dignifying the profession, this situation became permanent after one year, yet the paradox was that the workers did not want to be cooperative members, since the wage conditions were radically dierent, and in fact are negative in the case of an organisation that has not yet achieved stability in the market: due to legal requirements, workers who are members of the cooperative do not have a set salary, but instead must rely on a corporate advance, which varies according to the performance of the production unit; workers who are not members of the cooperative do have a set salary in accordance with the general wages agreement which, in addition to greater security, is a deterrent to taking the step to becoming a cooperative member and assuming the economic risk in doing so. In order to solve this anomaly, the option being considered is that after the one-year contract expires, either the worker will become a cooperative member or will not be oered a permanent position (Bandera, 22/02/2021). Given the nature of a cooperative, becoming a member implies a justication of motivations, as in the case of El Salto. Decisions are taken by representative bodies of workers and users; the former have a qualitative vote in the event of a tie, but the voice and vote of all members of the cooperative is guaranteed.Regardless of their legal structure, the three media analysed have chosen micro-patronage on multiple occasions to a greater or lesser extent, mainly through Verkami and Goteo. Projects such as Cimática, IBEXtigo, #portodas (La Marea), the Billy the Kid documentary (CTXT), and the opinion survey on the Spanish Monarchy (Plataforma de Medios Independientes[1]), have been possible due to economic collaboration through crowdfunding, or participative nancial strategies, which means there is no dependence on micro-patronage platforms. 4.3. Trends in revenue diversication Large mass media companies are mostly dependent on advertising revenue. e 2020 INFOADEX study estimated that advertising investment in Spain had decreased by 17.9% compared to the previous year, and in controlled, or formerly conventional media, there was a general decrease with the exception of the digital environment. e three organizations analysed use advertising, but in no case does it represent their primary source of income, which is mainly from subscriptions. In any event, El Salto, La Marea and CTXT manage advertising investment according to the rigid ethical criteria published on their websites. e rst claim among the criteria is the rejection of any persuasive content that goes against their corporate 1 Created in 2020 by 16 independent media outlets: Alternativas Económicas, Carne Cruda, Catalunya Plural, Critic, CTXT, Cuartopoder, El Salto, La Marea, La Voz del Sur, Luzes, Mongolia, Norte, Nueva Tribuna, Pikara Magazine, Praza, and Público.
136 | nº 35, pp. 127-147 | July-December of 2022Collaborative Management and Organization of Digital Media in Spain. Case Study of El Salto, CTXT and La MareaISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978doxa.comunicaciónvalues (human rights, feminism, environmental defence, etc.); secondly, they are clearly opposed to hidden advertising; nally, they are completely opposed to advertising content that could aect their journalistic freedom. e case of CTXT is perhaps the most divergent, given that they have a strategic alliance with the newspaper Público, according to which they relinquish their advertising inventory (except for the front page) to be marketed jointly. ey have an additional publication, El Dobladillo, which also uses advertising, and unlike El Salto and La Marea, CTXT uses sponsored content as well, but with a win-win criterion, and only after reviewing the conditions. For example, they currently have this type of agreement with the Observatorio de La Caixa. Subscriptions are the main source of income for all three media: this consisted of approximately 70% of El Salto’s income in 2020; 53% of the income of CTXT in 2017; and 75.9% of the income in 2019 of the combined sales of La Marea, newsstand books, magazines, and merchandising. is undoubtedly conrms the implementation of a strategy based on loyalty and community building. is coincides with the increasing trend toward paying for online news content in Spain (Vara-Miguel, 2020). However, in these cases, it is more similar to a membership model, given that the content is not closed, but instead the aim is to promote the survival of the media.Figure 2. El Salto subscription models in 2021Regardless of their legal structure, the three media analysed have chosen micro-patronage on multiple occasions to a greater or lesser extent, mainly through Verkami and Goteo. Projects such as Cimática, IBEXtigo, #portodas (La Marea), the Billy the Kid documentary (CTXT), and the opinion survey on the Spanish Monarchy (Plataforma de Medios Independientes[1]), have been possible due to economic collaboration through crowdfunding, or participative financial strategies, which means there is no dependence on micro-patronage platforms. 4.3 Trends in revenue diversification Large mass media companies are mostly dependent on advertising revenue. The 2020 INFOADEX study estimated that advertising investment in Spain had decreased by 17.9% compared to the previous year, and in controlled, or formerly conventional media, there was a general decrease with the exception of the digital environment. The three organizations analysed use advertising, but in no case does it represent their primary source of income, which is mainly from subscriptions. In any event, El Salto, La Marea and CTXT manage advertising investment according to the rigid ethical criteria published on their websites. The first claim among the criteria is the rejection of any persuasive content that goes against their corporate values (human rights, feminism, environmental defence, etc.); secondly, they are clearly opposed to hidden advertising; finally, they are completely opposed to advertising content that could affect their journalistic freedom. The case of CTXT is perhaps the most divergent, given that they have a strategic alliance with the newspaper Público, according to which they relinquish their advertising inventory (except for the front page) to be marketed jointly. They have an additional publication, El Dobladillo, which also uses advertising, and unlike El Salto and La Marea, CTXT uses sponsored content as well, but with a win-win criterion, and only after reviewing the conditions. For example, they currently have this type of agreement with the Observatorio de La Caixa. Subscriptions are the main source of income for all three media: this consisted of approximately 70% of El Salto's income in 2020; 53% of the income of CTXT in 2017; and 75.9% of the income in 2019 of the combined sales of La Marea, newsstand books, magazines, and merchandising. This undoubtedly confirms the implementation of a strategy based on loyalty and community building. This coincides with the increasing trend toward paying for online news content in Spain (Vara-Miguel, 2020). However, in these cases, it is more similar to a membership model, given that the content is not closed, but instead the aim is to promote the survival of the media. Figure 2. El Salto subscription models in 2021 Source: elsalto.es 1 Created in 2020 by 16 independent media outlets: Alternativas Económicas, Carne Cruda, Catalunya Plural, Critic, CTXT, Cuartopoder, El Salto, La Marea, La Voz del Sur, Luzes, Mongolia, Norte, Nueva Tribuna, Pikara Magazine, Praza, and Público. Source: elsalto.esAll three cases analysed propose dierent subscription models that vary according to periodicity, access to online and oine content, and the inclusion of value-added content as well, whether it involves merchandising and discounts (García-Santamaría, Pérez-Serrano and Maestro-Espínola, 2016), or monetising their own content (Rodríguez-Pallares, 2014, 2015, 2020).
doxa.comunicación | nº 35, pp. 127-147 | July-December of 2022Miriam Rodríguez Pallares and María José Pérez SerranoISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978137Figure 3. CTXT subscription models in 2021 All three cases analysed propose different subscription models that vary according to periodicity, access to online and offline content, and the inclusion of value-added content as well, whether it involves merchandising and discounts (García-Santamaría, Pérez-Serrano and Maestro-Espínola, 2016), or monetising their own content (Rodríguez-Pallares, 2014, 2015, 2020). Figure 3. CTXT subscription models in 2021 Source: agora.ctxt.es In all cases, an option is available for giving a subscription as a gift and making a donation in the amount of your choice to make the project viable without committing to a regular payment. For the moment, there is free access in all cases, or in other words, payment does not imply access to closed content, but instead guarantees the survival of the media. Figure 4. Subscription models of La Marea in 2021 Source: agora.ctxt.esIn all cases, an option is available for giving a subscription as a gift and making a donation in the amount of your choice to make the project viable without committing to a regular payment. For the moment, there is free access in all cases, or in other words, payment does not imply access to closed content, but instead guarantees the survival of the media.
138 | nº 35, pp. 127-147 | July-December of 2022Collaborative Management and Organization of Digital Media in Spain. Case Study of El Salto, CTXT and La MareaISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978doxa.comunicaciónFigure 4. Subscription models of La Marea in 2021 All three cases analysed propose different subscription models that vary according to periodicity, access to online and offline content, and the inclusion of value-added content as well, whether it involves merchandising and discounts (García-Santamaría, Pérez-Serrano and Maestro-Espínola, 2016), or monetising their own content (Rodríguez-Pallares, 2014, 2015, 2020). Figure 3. CTXT subscription models in 2021 Source: agora.ctxt.es In all cases, an option is available for giving a subscription as a gift and making a donation in the amount of your choice to make the project viable without committing to a regular payment. For the moment, there is free access in all cases, or in other words, payment does not imply access to closed content, but instead guarantees the survival of the media. Figure 4. Subscription models of La Marea in 2021 Source: Kiosko.lamarea.comIn the struggle to survive in the market and to guarantee the dignity of the labour force, the possibility of reaching agreements among media outlets with similar values in order to propose joint subscriptions is being debated, possibly by using the Platform of Independent Media (Plataforma de Medios Independientes). is idea was still being envisioned at the beginning of 2020 (Jiménez, 20/01/2020), and it was launched in 2021 through an initiative involving El Salto and La Marea, which joined forces under the banner “United Against Hate”, in a campaign for joint subscriptions. For its part, El Salto (Figure 2) occasionally collaborates with ventures that are in line with its corporate identity, an example of which is the clothing shop Pantera, which was opened by the Manteros Union.
doxa.comunicación | nº 35, pp. 127-147 | July-December of 2022Miriam Rodríguez Pallares and María José Pérez SerranoISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978139Figure 5. Joint subscription models for La Marea and El Salto in 2021Source: Kiosko.lamarera.comFurthermore, El Salto, La Marea and CTXT have alternative sources, and despite not representing the bulk of their income, they collaborate actively with these sources, and above all, with their engagement and visibility. El Salto has an online section called tienda” (shop) where it sells illustrated editorial resources aimed at children and youth, and publications from collaborating media such as Pikara, promotional packs that include its own content in paper format, merchandising, and documentaries. La Marea has a similar section where it sells books and old editions in paper or digital format of its own publications, as well as those of Climática, which is a new, independent venture that focuses on climate change, founded in 2019. CTXT also has a “tienda” (shop) section, where it is possible to nd everything from merchandising, eBooks, videos, and books from the Contextos collection, to copies of El Dobladillo, a bimonthly publication created by CTXT, which is occasionally published ad hoc for requesting institutions after reviewing conditions and content. Apart from these options, perhaps one of the most signicant features shared by all three media analysed, to a greater or lesser extent, is the oer of education and training. El Salto is possibly the media outlet that uses this option the least on its website, as it currently oers only a course entitled Crisis, transnacionales y lavado verde. Claves y alternativas para desandar el laberinto capitalista (Crisis, transnationals and greenwashing. Keys and alternatives to unravelling the capitalist labyrinth), in collaboration with OMAL (Observatorio de multinacionales de América Latina), Carro de Combate, REAS (Red de Economía Alternativa y Solidaria), and El Salmón Contracorriente. La Marea also oers several one-time courses on aspects linked to its corporate values, such as the gender perspective, journalistic activity, political analysis, and the climate crisis. CTXT focuses its online training courses on journalistic activity, but it has its own facilities on Calle Juan de Austria in Madrid as well, where
140 | nº 35, pp. 127-147 | July-December of 2022Collaborative Management and Organization of Digital Media in Spain. Case Study of El Salto, CTXT and La MareaISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978doxa.comunicacióna specic team of its sta organises workshops related to issues of interest to its target audience, yet these installations can also be rented to individuals and institutions for events that to a greater or lesser extent increase its income. It also bears mentioning e Feminist Macro-Congress, promoted by CTXT in Zaragoza. is event gathered more than 600 people and was nanced by Bankia, among others. In all three cases, it is evident that these educational/training and informational oerings are not only attended by the media’s current audience, but also by the potential target audience that has not yet become engaged, which leads to the conclusion that this medium is of interest to a social group that is likely to become an ally of the media, if a good communication strategy is carried out. Despite not being comparable to those of the large mainstream media, these value-added options have become sound opportunities for small media companies, who are managing to benet from gaps in the market and build loyalty among segmented audiences who share their values. e ight of banks and large advertising companies is a unanimous guarantee of a certain degree of independence when it comes to selecting and dealing with content. However, the three media analysed point out that even though this is true, the lack of nancial support from large banking and advertising players limits their coverage due to a lack of resources, which in the end aects their daily activity, not by direct order, but as a result of economic restraints. 4.4. Trends in organisational structure In a context of relentless change in which companies are obliged to reinvent themselves and constantly learn (Senge, 2005), organisations search for dynamism, and in accordance with new organisational structures (Bueno, 1996) they have a smaller permanent sta and collaborate through contracts only on occasion. El Salto has several unique features. On the one hand, it is a medium composed of territorial hubs, which are operationally integrated into the day-to-day structure of the main newsroom, and even though they initially functioned as independent media, they now operate as a single medium with dierent territorial areas. is decentralised, or territorialised structure, is aected by the inability to have suciently large newsrooms, which encourages remote work. Since December of 2019, only two editions have been printed in paper format: the general edition and Hordago, of El País Vasco and Navarra; on the web, the sections of the territorial hubs have been maintained (Andalucía, Extremadura, Galicia, La Rioja, and País Valencià), which previously had their own print editions, but these were nancially unsustainable. On the other hand, El Salto can be considered a media outlet, as many independent media collaborate with this organisation, such as Pikara and Soberanía Alimentaria. In addition, this media’s website supports more than 70 blogs, whose characteristics dier considerably. e relationship between blogs and the medium is a win-win situation: blogs gain visibility on the website and social networks of El Salto, they can access its archives, and the medium expands its thematic coverage as a result. Nevertheless, this model works inconsistently: in addition to dierences in periodicity, some blogs combine this platform with their own websites, while others can only be consulted from El Salto’s site (Elorduy, 7/12/2020).CTXT has a very small, centralised sta of around 15 people, yet it has a hub of permanent collaborators as well as another group of sporadic collaborators. Management of the topic-based specials is planned with three outlets in mind: the web, El Dobladillo, and workshops (debates, training courses, etc.) (Jiménez, 20/01/2021). With regard to production coordination,
doxa.comunicación | nº 35, pp. 127-147 | July-December of 2022Miriam Rodríguez Pallares and María José Pérez SerranoISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978141CTXT has the support of the following associated media: Público, which has a framework agreement that was established more than two decades ago to optimise the scheduled purchase of advertising, as well as an editorial alliance, which involves the dissemination of at least four CTXT stories per day on Público’s networks; e Buer, which relinquishes part of its publications to CTXT, with the latter being responsible for language translation in exchange for visibility; other associated media include Jacobin, e Nation, Atlantic, and Anbia, with similar agreements. Another category includes organisations considered “media friends”, which implies a good relationship, yet there are no previously conrmed agreements. Instead, agreements are made on an ad hoc basis for the transfer of content or collaboration. Examples include Ytali, Inpiù, La Voz del Sur, El Estornudo, El Tercer Puente, Political Critique, and Nueva Sociedad. La Marea only has two full-time and six part-time professional workers, who are responsible for managing Climática as well. erefore, a signicant percentage of the workforce is hired by project (Bandera, 22/02/2021). Moreover, in this case, media partnerships have been agreed upon, an example of which is Carne Cruda.In this regard, the search for exibility inherent to a networked, organisational structure has been completed. 4.5. Trends in brand value as a continuous feature in a multi-format environment Multi-channelling is imperative for today’s media, whose presence on the Internet is absolutely essential, although digital natives might possibly be excluded from this proposition. However, it is interesting to see that the three cases analysed combine an online presence, or ow, with a print version, and variable periodicity, depending on each organisation. e reason seems to lie in the prioritisation of slow journalism, as well as the leisurely, reective reading style of its target audience, which expresses a preference to be well-attended, with meticulously developed editions, and a high level of respect aimed at readers (Elorduy, 7/12/2020; Jiménez, 20/01/2021; Bandera, 22/02/2021). Although the reduction of print production and longer periods of time between printings are being pursued for economic and environmental reasons, the total elimination of paper versions is not being considered at the moment. As far as the multiplicity of web formats is concerned, the cases analysed display signicant divergence. El Salto constantly feeds its website with video and audio content: at the present time, video programmes such as Plano Maestro and Periferias are part of the media outlet’s oering, which also centralises the videos of its news coverage on the same page of the website; with regard to podcasts, which have an independent budget and are increasingly popular among the under-45 year old audience (Amoedo, 2020), there are also programmes with a certain regularity, such as Área Subterránea and Postapocalipsis Now, with a focus on technology. e medium is trying to increase its multi-format, or multimedia oering, if only in a humble way given the high costs of such modes, yet it is constantly searching for an association with the brand. Even though CTXT has a video section (CTXTán TV), mainly with interviews and documentaries, and another for podcasts (Cultura en rojo y blanco), the medium openly states that “We are not a multimedia channel, we are text”, which functions best with its audience (Jiménez, 20/01/2021). At La Marea, other priorities need to be attended before making the leap to multiformat, although they admit to giving special importance to illustration and intend to promote video, having conrmed that their audience values this format. is medium does not plan to enter the podcast world, yet they do have a reporter who is coordinating an audio series on the 15 M movement
142 | nº 35, pp. 127-147 | July-December of 2022Collaborative Management and Organization of Digital Media in Spain. Case Study of El Salto, CTXT and La MareaISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978doxa.comunicaciónwith Carne Cruda, which might lead to some visibility on their site at an intermediate point, somewhere between El Salto and CTXT.In any case, the search for identiable brand value is the key to the productive activity of the three media analysed, regardless of the format –in other words, the aim is to establish a brand in the market through their principles and ways of doing things. 4.6. Trends in competition and market nichesFactors that inevitably link El Salto, CTXT and La Marea to very limited segments of the population include the following: nancial diculties; the commitment to covering news events in depth rather than always following the last-minute rush; and avoiding the aspects that predominate the agendas of the mainstream media. is situation prevents them from competing with large national newspapers, which is not among their aspirations in any case, yet it oers them the possibility to have an audience that is faithful, loyal, participative, and committed. As mentioned above, the selection of the three media analysed is not an inconsequential matter, nor is it the result of logic applied by the authors of the study herein –instead, it is a response to the statements made by the interviewees themselves, who eventually mentioned each other as direct competitors, although with greater or lesser clarication. It is quite possible that the question now is the following: Will the three media survive independently, or will they succumb to consolidation, which has been the usual case since the 1980s, with all the advantages and disadvantages entailed in that process? 5. Conclusions Information has been described as the “fundamental activity of the human being” (Eydalin, 1971). If one did not know that this quotation was made half a century ago, one might think that it was written during these pandemic times. For this reason, and due to the fact that media organisations are specically dedicated to information (Conesa, 1978), it is essential for such companies to be endowed with innovative features that will allow them to continue serving as the vehicle of information, but that will also allow them to link such information to the market, where it must necessarily develop. is research has striven to complement previous studies, including those of Márquez and Peñamarín, 2020, and Tejedor and Pla, 2020, and to outline some of the most distinctive characteristics of a new journalistic model that operates in an era that one might call post-digital, in which the aim is no longer to be present, but to optimise that presence and build the loyalty of demanding audiences by combining dynamic professional practices (Deuze and Witschge, 2017). e media analysed, which are digital natives that have emerged from a process of reinvention, as well as from the eorts of professionals who have been aected by the crisis that has ravaged the press since 2008, epitomise a new way of carrying out journalistic work in which these organisations do not attempt to compete with titanic media companies, but instead, they try to nd a space of their own, which they have achieved, though not without having to overcome obstacles.Despite having divergent features, all three media concur in the implementation of new organisational structures that tend to be horizontal, as well as innovative professional roles and routines, new collaborative organisational cultures (Rodríguez-Pallares and Pérez-Serrano, 2017), and enhancement of their brand value. Moreover, there is one specic challenge that they all have in common: the search for funding sources. is overwhelmingly involves social micronancing, the avoidance of
doxa.comunicación | nº 35, pp. 127-147 | July-December of 2022Miriam Rodríguez Pallares and María José Pérez SerranoISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978143banking institutions and other players with values contrary to their own (to a greater or lesser extent), and the diversication of income. In a context in which online journalistic initiatives are constantly emerging, the features mentioned immediately above can be considered distinctive characteristics that have managed to build communities and add viability to the projects analysed in this study.6. AcknowledgementsArticle translated by Charles Edmond Arthur.7. Specic contributions from each authorName and SurnameConcept and design of the workMiriam Rodríguez Pallares and María José Pérez SerranoMethodologyMiriam Rodríguez Pallares and María José Pérez SerranoData collection and analysisMiriam Rodríguez Pallares and María José Pérez SerranoDiscussion and conclusionsMiriam Rodríguez Pallares and María José Pérez SerranoWriting, formatting, revision and approval of versionsMiriam Rodríguez Pallares and María José Pérez Serrano8. Bibliographic referencesAgirre-Maiora, A., Murua-Uria, I., & Zabalondo-Loidi, B. (2020). Modelos de negocio ajustados para proyectos periodísticos reposados: subsistencia económica de medios slow. Profesional de la información, 29(6), e290620. https://doi.org/10.3145/epi.2020.nov.20Albalad, J.M. (2018). Periodismo Slow. O cómo se cuecen las historias en los fogones de Anbia, Narratively y Frontera. Fragua.Albarran, A. B. (2017). e media economy (Second). Routledge.Albarran, A.B., Mierzejewska, B.I., & Jung, J. (2018). Handbook of media management and economics (2nd. ed.). Routledge.Alcolea-Díaz, G., & Pérez-Serrano, M.J. (2015). La Marea como modelo de negocio: nuevas formas de organización, nanciación e innovación en el producto. En J.V. García Santamaría, y F. Pérez Bahón (coords.), Los medios digitales españoles: procesos de cambio e innovación (pp. 55-80). Cuadernos Artesanos de Latina (104). http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/cac104 Amoedo, A. (2020). La escucha del podcast se consolida en España y alcanza al 41% de los internautas. Digital News Report. https://bit.ly/2QlBFZAAmoedo, A., Vara-Miguel, A., Negredo, S., Moreno, E., & Kaufmann, J. (2021). Digital News Report. https://bit.ly/2TAUaeh
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