Cultural Press in Spain. The uses of Cultural Heritage
Prensa cultural en España. Los usos del Patrimonio Cultural
doxa.comunicación |
nº 35, pp. 281-309
| 281
July-December of 2022
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
How to cite this article:
Longhi-Heredia, S. A. Morillas-Alcázar, J. M. and Hernando-Gómez, A. (2022). Cultural Press in Spain. e uses of Cultural Heritage.
Doxa
Comunicación
, 35, pp. 281-309.
https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n35a1631
Sebastian Alberto Longhi-Heredia.
Doctoral candidate in the Interuniversity Program in Communication (Universities
of Seville, Málaga, Huelva and Cádiz). He holds a Master’s degree in Historical and Natural Heritage (UHU) and in
Cultural Media (Paris 8 University, France). He also holds a degree in Social Communication (UNC, Argentina). He is a
member of the “Heritage and Visual Arts in Europe and America” Research Group (HUM068). He investigates heritage
issues related to communication.
University of Huelva, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID: 0000-0001-8438-562X
José María Morillas-Alcázar.
Chair of History of Art at the University of Huelva with over 30 years of research experience.
He is PI of the “Heritage and Visual Arts LAB” Research Group (HUM068) and coordinator of the Heritage line of research
in the Ocial Interuniversity Doctoral Program in Historical and Cultural Heritage of the universities of Huelva, Córdoba,
Jaén and Extremadura. He is a member of the Management Committee and coordinator of the Network of Experts of the
International Campus of Excellence in Cultural and Natural Heritage of the ten public universities of Andalusia.
University of Huelva, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID: 0000-0002-2717-7696
Ángel Hernando-Gómez.
Doctor in Psychology from the University of Huelva, and Full Professor of said university.
Associate Editor of Comunicar magazine. Member of the “AGORA” Research Group. Research lines: prevention of
violence in couple relationships, promotion of positive adolescent development and edu-communication. In these
lines, he has directed many research projects, doctoral theses and intervention programs.
University of Huelva, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID: 0000-0002-6414-5415
Abstract:
Digital newspapers act in an interconnected and fragmented context,
producing and disseminating social representations in the virtual
community. Its virtual action space (the website) has evolved with
the rise of social networks. Journalists in this scenario have generated
Resumen:
Los periódicos digitales actúan en un contexto interconectado y frag
-
mentado produciendo y difundiendo representaciones sociales que
interactúan en la comunidad. Su espacio de acción virtual (la página
web) se ha visto supeditada a la injerencia de las redes sociales. Los
Received: 12/03/2022 - Accepted: 31/05/2022 - Early access: 14/06/2022 - Published: 01/07/2022
Recibido: 12/03/2022 - Aceptado: 31/05/2022 - En edición: 14/06/2022 - Publicado: 01/07/2022
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1. Introduction
e media must be understood as producers of social meanings that recreate instituting social imaginaries (Castoriadis, 2007).
According to Rodríguez-Pastoriza (2006), when “a cultural historical commemoration of interest is celebrated [there is] the
need to transfer elements of essential information to the readers so that their special importance can be valued” (p. 141). In
this context, such representations are determined by the very politics of the media agendas, which mostly move away from
cultural and heritage issues. (Barei, 1999; Compte-Pujol, 2016; González-Sánchez, 2011; Sánchez-Castillo, 2005; Longhi-Heredia
&
Quezada-Tello, 2021). is reduced treatment of the news is approached in a trivial, monotonous and brief way, presenting
heritage information supercially and disseminating a concept of cultural and natural heritage associated with the international
character given by the numerous conventions, charters and legislation of international organizations (Longhi-Heredia et al.,
2022). e media agenda characterized by McCombs and Shaw is subject to the importance and emphasis given to the topics
selected by the media (McCombs, 1996), representing certain notions of heritage to the detriment of others.
In this sense, the construction of representations is a living category that builds, crystallizes and (re)transmits social meanings
through imaginaries and collective representations. ey are reected in the discourses of each era in a wide variety of formats,
subjecting culture, and even heritage, to paradigms of action with the theories of communication and the logic of the mass media.
New cultural representations and cultural identity stereotypes are subsequently created. Faced with this panorama, the objectives
of the current investigation are: 1) to understand the dissemination of Cultural Heritage in the most inuential digital newspapers
in Spain during three periods in 2020, and 2) to survey the degree of engagement and interaction of the audience following the
ocial accounts of said newspapers on Twitter and Instagram in one of the three time periods.
a new capacity for interaction, allowing the audience to create a
communicative dialectic. e article analyzes the actions of the
cultural press in matters of cultural heritage, focusing on the three
most inuential digital newspapers in Spain during the months of
June, September, and November 2020. Further analysis on one of these
time periods (September) compares the degree of engagement and
interaction on Instagram and Twitter across the digital newspapers. A
study using a mixed-methods research design was carried out anchored
in the analysis of the textual and visual content of publications posted
on the web, together with the use of descriptive statistics involving
the indicators for the two social networks. e results showed that
UNESCO heritage typologies were present in the culture section of the
media agenda, as well as geographic and thematic indicators related
to heritage. World Heritage was the most newsworthy while Intangible
Heritage the least. e levels of engagement and interaction showed
interest and involvement in heritage-related posts.
Keywords:
Cultural journalism; cultural heritage; social networks; social
representations; culture section.
periodistas en este escenario han generado una nueva capacidad de
interacción permitiendo a la audiencia crear una dialéctica comunica
-
tiva. El artículo analiza el accionar de la prensa cultural referente al
patrimonio cultural en los tres periódicos digitales más inuentes en
España durante tres períodos de tiempo (junio, septiembre y noviembre
de 2020). Un análisis más detallado sobre uno de estos periodos (sep
-
tiembre) compara el grado de compromiso e interacción en Instagram
y Twitter. La investigación mixta, anclada en el análisis de contenido
textual y visual de las piezas periodísticas, unida al uso de la estadística
descriptiva de las redes sociales ayudó a advertir cómo las tipologías
patrimoniales de la UNESCO estuvieron presentes en la sección cultura,
así como los criterios geográcos y temáticos relacionados con el patri
-
monio. El Patrimonio de la Humanidad resultó ser el más noticiable
mientras que el Inmaterial el menos. Los niveles de compromiso e in
-
teracción demostraron interés e implicación de la audiencia en los post
referentes al patrimonio.
Palabras Claves:
Periodismo cultural; patrimonio cultural; redes sociales;
representaciones sociales; sección cultura.
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e present study is founded on theories of communication and studies of cultural journalism from Cultural Heritage in a
scenario marked by the interference of the coronavirus pandemic in Spain.
1.1. Heritage, cultural journalism and Culture
Journalism has been associated in epistemological studies and communication sciences with the construction of imaginaries
or social representations (Berger et al., 1968; Castoriadis, 2007; Leyton-Rivas, 2007) that are reproduced and disseminated on a
massive scale in society. e cultural press didn’t escape such a reality. It is essential to understand what is meant by Cultural
Heritage, cultural journalism and Culture to continue with the study.
e term Cultural Heritage implies a large number of meanings despite the fragmentation of the eld of study and numerous
adjectives associated with its scope. Beginning with a strong focus on monuments, today it is part of a broader universe, dened
as a social construction and “representative of cultural diversity and, therefore, participatory” (Durán-Salado & Carrera-Díaz,
2017:299). Its more democratic connotation and its accessibility were based on institutions such as UNESCO, the International
Council of Museums (ICOM) and the International Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property
(ICCROM). UNESCO imposed itself as the institution of reference in this sector, rendering the monumentalist and mercantilist
conception of 1972 obsolete and associating heritage with cultural and natural elements of exceptional value. As indicated by
Carrasco-Campos & Saperas-Lapiedra (2012), a new cultural archetype arose, materializing as the heritage boom (Ballart, 1997).
e arrival of mass culture and audiovisual media, as well as the importance of immateriality, formed the new notion of Cultural
Heritage that leans towards a labeled conception, with “digital strategies created to standardize communication criteria” in the
eld of marketing (Castillo-Abdul & Longhi-Heredia, 2022). Notions such as Cultural Heritage, World Heritage, Natural Heritage
and Immaterial Heritage are popularized in line with advances in international law.
Cultural journalism by its essence is framed within specialized journalism. Tubau, (1982) denes it as the way of knowing and
disseminating the cultural products of a society through the mass media; or of building and de-constructing the symbolic
imaginary, according to Delponti-Macchione & Pestano-Rodríguez (2012). Chacón-Gutiérrez & García-Jiménez (2001) include
within its functions “the criticism and dissemination of the dierent artistic manifestations it covers” (p. 51). However, the actual
journalistic trend indicates a more generalist approach (Rodríguez-Pastoriza, 2006), obeying market inferences (Bello et al., 1994)
and falling into situations Cruz & Rosero (2012) describe as “
unifuentismo
, the omission of subjects and the absence of agenda”
(p. 183).
Cultural journalism’s marked relationship with the concept of culture is connected to an ambiguous notion in the eld
(Rodríguez-Pastoriza, 2006; Rivera, 1995). e rst classications of cultural specialization were subordinated to the notion of
‘Culture’. e major point of debate was associated with the interference of the spectacle or show business (Zambrano-Morales
&
Villalobos-Finol, 2010). Rodríguez-Pastoriza (2006), and Rivera (1995), two classics in the area of study, postulated such a
division by identifying the ideas coming from ‘high culture’ (ne arts, literature, classical music, among others) that were part of
the ‘Culture’ section; while all expressions of ‘popular culture’, associated for example with folklore or artisan crafts, were placed
in other sections, such as ‘Society’ or ‘Entertainment’. Over time, culture was thought of as an economic and social resource: “the
agenda proposed by the newspapers (...) is circumscribed to the notion of the cultural event: creators and producers who oer
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and customers who consume; culture understood as a stage, a place to sit and a ticket for the good life” (Rubiano, 2006:146). e
dialectic described above evolves in the study of Valle (2014), for whom journalism has advanced by becoming multicultural
content.
is article will not focus on the origins of cultural journalism, as numerous works have already done so (Barei, 1999; Jurado-
Martín, 2019; Martínez, 2018; Rivera, 2018; Rodríguez-Pastoriza, 2006, 2021; Villa, 1998, 2000; Zambrano-Morales
&
Villalobos-
Finol, 2010). However, this changing reality will be taken into account, associated with the advance of the Internet, the evolution
of cultural journalism, and the contextual specicity conditioned to the social reality marked by the interference of Covid-19.
Specically, the latter situation implied conditioning factors at the moment of communicating cultural content, such as the
prevalence of activities related to Natural Heritage in open air spaces.
Providing an explanation for this ever-changing reality has remained complicated because the academic literature on cultural
journalism “is neither uniform in its content, nor in its formal aspect, nor in the nature of its audiences” (Villa, 2000:8). e
literature has many denitions of culture and cultural journalists, such as “arts journalists, cultural journalists, critics and
lifestyle journalists” (Hovden & Kristensen, 2018:690). According to Riegert et al. (2018), current international research generates
complications due to its diverse designations and numerous aesthetic forms, disciplines or types of culture that change over
time. Furthermore, the limits of politics, entertainment, celebrity and consumption also inuence the social construction of the
culture section (Kristensen y Riegert, 2017). As explained by Jurado-Martín & Ivars-Nicolás (2019), the Spanish cultural section of
El País
,
El Mundo
and
ABC
continues to oer “a product for a reader who does not use or is not interested in using technological
possibilities. e Culture section is anchored in the past, and runs the risk of sinking with it” (p. 233). e aforementioned point of
debate continues through “an elite culture -accommodated in this section-, and another popular one that abandons the ‘Culture’
section to place itself in the ‘Society’ section” (Jurado-Martín, 2019:162).
However, new works (Jurado-Martin & Peña-Acuña, 2018, 2021) focused on education and new technologies (de-Lara-González,
2019) advocate novel transformations and ways of reaching the public through content that, according to Arteseros-Valenzuela
(2019), conjectures a change in the prole of cultural readers. In this scenario, new transmedia practices stimulate the imagination
to develop strategies that would help to further consolidate this journalistic specialization (Meza-Noriega, 2021).
1.1.1. Culture section and journalism, the crossroads
Although the cultural section is not as important as others, its importance is remarkable within specialized journalism (Barei,
1999). e news is catalogued according to socioeconomic and political roles, taking into account sources and formal and
aesthetic resources (Fontcuberta-Balaguer, 1993; Jaakkola, 2015; Riegert et al., 2018; Kristensen & Roosvall, 2021), as well as the
ways of organizing on the local, national and glocal levels (García-Canclini (2000, 2007). Monjas-Eleta (2013, 2015) conrms this
in the Spanish press. Cultural journalism should be assigned to the Culture and Social sections, “which implies a higher level of
specialization of the editors, and its inclusion in other sections, such as society or regional information” (Monjas-Eleta, 2013:
86). Entertainment (Jurado-Martín & Ivars, 2019), “the public sphere, the politics of recognition and the sociology of cultural
journalism” (Kristensen, & Roosvall, 2021: 177), local coverage (Jaakkola, 2021) and even advertising and commercial dimensions
(Hovden & Kristensen, 2018) are also inserted in the dialectic, where “institutions have become one of the most important sources
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of cultural information” (Rodríguez-Pastoriza, 2006: 95), together with the work of freelancers, press agencies, correspondents
and collaborators without labor ties to the newspaper.
Digital cultural journalism follows identical guidelines, although it is the public (through its ability to select and discriminate) who
has the last word (based on the criteria established in advance by the newspaper). According to Leyton-Rivas (2007), the journalist
is “a mediator, whose point of view is never neutral” (p. 109), and heritage ideals play a role in this decision-making. Cultural
journalism must be understood and readjusted “based on new trends, modern societies and changing readers”
(Zambrano-
Morales
&
Villalobos-Finol, 2010: 73), considering the “current panorama of cultural media on the Internet” (Monjas-Eleta,
2015:7)
. As postulated by Zaid (2006), giving cultural news “requires journalists who live it, who know how to read and write at
that level, with that animation”. e dialectic that opposes cultures must be left aside, bearing in mind that with UNESCO, the
concept has become more conciliatory (Martínez, 2018), giving way to the culturalist paradigm dominated by the logic of cultural
industries (Carrasco-Campos & Saperas-Lapiedra, 2012). Here, high culture as well as popular culture is encompassed (García-
Avilés, 2021) and immateriality is given visibility following the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage
(UNESCO, 2003). Natural aspects also gain signicance thanks to the agreements and conventions managed by UNESCO.
As Martínez (2018) says, the mission of cultural journalism is “that human beings cultivate their highest spiritual manifestation:
the arts, whatever the eld in which they are manifested, or the cultural manifestations that dene and identify the various
peoples” (p. 68). Historically, as Rivera (1995) pointed out, the majority of the members of cultural journalism were “made up of
intellectuals and artists vocationally or formatively oriented towards that sphere” (p. 112), being people not linked to journalism.
is explains the challenging need for new technologies (Rivera, 1995, p. 114).
Cultural journalism must renew itself (García-Avilés, 2021) and provide “information and entertainment through transmedia”
(San-José-de-la-Rosa & Monjas-Eleta, 2021:85), knowing how to adapt to the interests of the audience (Jurado-Martín et al.,
2021) and to the new digital environment (Abejón-Mendoza, 2021; López-García, 2021) for all types of artistic and cultural
manifestations. It emerges as a possibility of understanding and is congured by a sum of details (not anecdotes) interpreted
according to the constructed point of view” (Gayà-Morlà et al., 2022:286). Rodríguez-Pastoriza (2021) remarked by the way that
the goal of cultural journalists in the digital scenario is to guide and train audiences in cultural issues and not to promote cultural
marketing, since cultural journalism is a “representation of reality in an ecosystem in which paper, screen, classic and viral,
analog and digital, coexist” (Carrión, 2020).
1.2. e Spanish digital press: access to and trust in the media
As recorded by Newman et al. (2020), in the publication of the Digital News Report, the media credibility index in Spain in 2020
was 36%. Less than half of the readers of the online press did not trust the news published, with the best indices for
El
País
(54%),
El Mundo
(52%), and
20 Minutos
(49%); the latter sharing the same values with
La Vanguardia, El Periódico
and
Eldiario.es
.
e report ranked
El País
as the most consulted media in the press (23%) followed by
El Mundo
(18%) and
20 Minutos
(17%). e
Spanish partner of the Digital News Report revealed that in 2021, the condence index was maintained in Spain, with only “36%
of the total number of readers declaring that they trust information in general and 42% trust the news they regularly consume”
(Amoedo-Casais et al., 2021). Concerning the most read online press reported for 2021,
El País
continued with the highest ranking
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(21%), while
20 Minutos
(15%) and
ElDiario.es
(14%) overtook
El Mundo
compared to previous years. e trust index registered
a drop in
20 Minutos
(from 49% in 2020 to 38% in 2021), and with trust among
El Mundo
’s left-wing audiences falling more than
among its right-wing audiences (Kaufmann, 2021).
1.3. Digital press and social networks
e (re)production of heritage discourses on the Internet reveals the power of “enjoyment, criticism, denunciation, collaborative
construction for its knowledge”. (Durán-Salado & Ortiz-Lozano, 2017: 287). e emergence of ‘metamedia’ and the digital
revolution (Campos-Freire et al., 2016) has formed “the architecture of the communication society through which millions of
citizens, organizations and other social actors relate to each other” (p. 449). Current data show that access to information through
social networks have beneted from preferential treatment, becoming highly relevant platforms in the media ecosystem (Bulut &
Do
ğ
an, 2017). Readers choose Facebook (44%), WhatsApp (34%), YouTube (25%), Twitter (20%), Instagram (17%) and Facebook
Messenger (6%) to keep themselves informed (Newman et al., 2020). In 2021, the same situation was registered with Facebook
(39%), WhatsApp (35%) and YouTube (21%). Also, Twitter (19%), Instagram (17%) and Facebook Messenger (5%) retained their
positions as information networks. In contrast, Telegram (8%), TikTok (3%) and LinkedIn (3%) were not used for informative
purposes (Moreno, 2021).
e Digital News Report Spain 2021 found that only 24% of Spaniards trusted the news published on social networks (Amoedo-
Casais et al, 2021).
e inuence of journalism on Twitter has been discussed in numerous research studies (Arce-García et
al., 2020; Arrabal-Sánchez
&
De-Aguilera-Moyano, 2016; Benaissa-Pedriza, 2018; Clua et al., 2018; Hermida, 2010, 2013; Marta-
Lazo
&
Garcia-Idiakez, 2014; Larsson
&
Hallvard, 2015; Lewis
&
Molyneux, 2018). e most current studies deal with the
transmission and perception of news (Barnidge et al., 2020; Bentivegna
&
Marchetti, 2018; Hedman, 2020; Hine, 2020; Houston
et al., 2020; Marenet, 2013; Oeldorf-Hirsch et al., 2020; Santos-Silva, 2019; Zhang
&
Ho, 2020), although other studies focus on
the interactions between journalists and other actors (López-Rabadán
&
Mellado, 2019; McGregor
&
Molyneux, 2018; Mills et
al., 2020), as well as on the new ways of approaching the domain of study (Hermida
&
Mellado, 2020; Hernández-Fuentes
&
Monnier, 2020; Jaraba-Molina et al., 2020; Jaraba-Molina
&
Tejedor, 2020). e focus of interest is centered, as reported in Tong
(2018), on the relegitimization of cultural journalism in the digital era. However, in Spain, according to Jaraba-Molina & Tejedor
(2020), cultural topics are forgotten on Twitter: journalists dedicated few tweets to cultural issues, while cyberjournalists did so to
a greater degree (p. 12). In this vein, “journalists are more interested in content related to society and culture than in other topics
(except those related to politics)” (Tejedor Calvo et al., 2020:15).
Studies based on Instagram, on the other hand, have acquired a higher degree of relevance, specically with works focused
on photojournalism (Benaissa-Pedriza, 2018; Borges-Rey, 2015; Maares
&
Hanusch, 2020); case studies (Mendez et al., 2020;
Vázquez-Herrero et al., 2019) and review studies (Hermida
&
Mellado, 2020; Lewis
&
Molyneux, 2018). In this scenario, the
advantages of the digital press mentioned by Jurado-Martín (2019) in terms of hypertextuality, multimediality, interactivity and
simultaneity, as well as the hybridization of genres and formats, are proposals that are separate “from the cultural contents in
the generic sections of the print media” (p. 162). In Spain, Hine (2020) showed that “through twitter, journalists oer a much
wider thematic scope and a self-promoting cultural information strategy.” For his part Mañas-Viniegra et al. (2019) claims that
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on Instagram, “it will be necessary to adapt the narrative” (p, 135) to the new ways of telling the news since according to Martín-
Quevedo et al. (2021) Instagram is positioned as a branding strategy.
2. Methodology
e study objectives of the present work are divided into two blocks.
–
o understand what and how heritage-related information is (re)produced in the cultural agenda in the digital versions of
three Spanish newspapers.
–
o study the degree of engagement of the ocial accounts of these newspapers on witter and Instagram in order to
understand the reproduction of journalistic material.
A mixed research methodology was used, and a non-probabilistic sample was employed. A content analysis of the digital editions
of
El País, El Mundo
and
20 Minutos
was carried out. eir content was quantied in categories and subcategories (Hérnandez-
Sampieri et al., 2010), submitting them to a statistical and descriptive analysis. e variables were taken into account (able 1)
include:
Table 1. Content analysis variables
Variable
Variable explanationClassication of the variable
Newspaper
Name of the media in which the
cultural news is published.
El País, El Mundo, 20 Minutos
.
Date
Date of news appearanceAccording to the established timeframes.
Summary
Summary of the news content
Section
Location of news itemDepending on the news (Sections and/or supplements).
Journalism
Genres
Journalistic genre of each
cultural news item (Salaverría &
Cores, 2015)
1) Informative: “communicate data, facts and information in a clear, concise and
impartial way” (Salaverría & Cores, 2015. p. 150). 2) Interpretative: “concerned
with answering the questions how, why, and for what purpose” (Salaverría &
Cores, 2015: 165). 3) Dialogic: “based on communication between two or more
people through written or oral texts, and can be performed synchronously or
asynchronously” (Salaverría & Cores, 2015: 169). 4) Opinion or argumentative:
“susceptible to hybridization with dialogic ones, since it seems natural that the
defense of an argument should be taken as the starting point for a debate or a
forum” (Salaverría & Cores, 2015: 176).
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Genre phase
Phase of development of genres
in the cybermedia (Salaverría &
Cores, 2015)
1) Repetition: a model that is limited to perpetuating textual formats from other
previous media. 2) Enrichment: when the genre, while respecting the formal
structure of its genre (...) incorporates hypertextual, multimedia and/or interactive
possibilities. 3) Renovation: when previous genres are recreated through
hypertext, multimedia and interactive possibilities. 4) Innovation: consists of the
creation of journalistic genres for the cybermedia, without starting from previous
references in the printed and audiovisual media” (Salaverría & Cores, 2015: 148-
149).
Headline
Title of the articleBased on the article.
ematic
headlines
Heritage topics included in the
headline
1) Primary: the title includes the word heritage.
2) Secondary: the title refers to culture.
3) Other: headline with unrelated topics.
Relation of the
news item to
heritage
Parallelism between cultural
heritage and the information
published in the news.
1) Primary: the theme has an exclusive reference to heritage. 2) Secondary:
heritage is mentioned but the theme is of a cultural nature. 3) Non-representative:
information orthogonal to cultural heritage.
Types of heritage
covered
Typology of heritage in the news
item.
Based on the information published in the cultural news.
Sources
Institutional sources mentioned
in the news.
1) Ocial
2) Unocial
3) Other.
Journalists
Source of information
1) Journalists: the professional of the newspaper who signs cultural news. 2)
Information agencies: news signed by a press agency. 3) Editorial sta: news
signed by the newspaper’s editorial sta. 4) No data: when the cultural article does
not have any of the three previous subcategories.
Images
Source of infographics, images,
videos and name of professionals
1) Private institutions
2) Public institutions
3) Image professionals
4) Archives,
5) Information agencies
6) No visual material
7) No data.
Source: prepared by the authors
e study used the Reuters Institute Report as sample inclusion criteria, which ranked El
País, El Mundo
and
20 Minutos
as
the most inuential newspapers in Spain during 2020. e coding unit was the words “
Patrimonio
” (in the context of Cultural
Heritage) and “UNESCO” (in relation to the concept of World Heritage) on the web portals of each newspaper. It included any
cultural news in the sections and supplements of the three newspapers, which were catalogued in an Excel table.
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July-December of 2022
Sebastián Alberto Longhi-Heredia, José María Morillas-Alcázar and Ángel Hernando-Gómez
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
289
e temporal selection covered three time periods consisting of seven consecutive days, as detailed in Graph 1. e time periods
included commemorations and anniversaries related to the importance of heritage, specically Natural Heritage, often overlooked
in the press; European Heritage Days (which concentrate cultural activities throughout Europe for two days in September), and
World Heritage Day, which celebrates the sites and cultural practices that benet from this title. e third time period coincided
with the anniversary of the declaration of three intangible practices proclaimed by UNESCO in 2010 - the chant of the Sybil (
el
canto de la Sibila
), the human towers (the
Castells
) and amenco- as well as the anniversary of the declaration of the city of
Segovia as World Heritage in 1985.
Graph 1. Timing of the analyzed simple
6) No visual material
7) No data.
Source: prepared by the authors
The study used the Reuters Institute Report as sample inclusion criteria
,
which
ranked El
País, El Mundo
and
20 Minutos
as the most influential newspapers in Spain during 2020.
The coding unit was the words "
Patrimonio
" (in the context of Cultural Heritage) and
"UNESCO" (in relation to the concept of World Heritage) on the web portals of each
newspaper. It included
any
cul
tural news
in
the sections and supplements of the three
newspapers, which were
catalogued
in an Excel table.
The temporal selection covered three time periods consisting of seven consecutive days,
as
detailed in Graph 1. The time periods included commemorations and anniversaries
related to the importance of heritage, specifically Natural Heritage, often overlooked in
the press; European Heritage Days (which concentrate cultural activities throughout
Europe for two days in September), and World Heritage Day, which celebrates the sites
and cultural practices that benefit from this title. The third time period coincided with the
anniversary of the declaration of three intangible practices proclaimed by UNESCO in
2010
-
the chant of the Sybil
(
el canto de la S
ibila
)
, the human towers
(the
Castells
)
and
flamenco-
as well as the anniversary of the declaration of the city of Segovia as World
Heritage in 1985.
Graph 1. Timing of the analyzed simple
Source: prepared by the authors
290
| nº 35, pp. 281-309 |
July-December of 2022
Cultural Press in Spain. The uses of Cultural Heritage
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
doxa.comunicación
e indicated dates concentrated cultural activities related to Spanish cultural heritage, which is why it was thought that the press
would report on and communicate them. Based on these time periods, the current study was carried out on the basis of three
hypotheses, taking the number of cultural news items published each day as a reference point. It is hypothesized that heritage
information will increase when such initiatives are celebrated, specically:
–
H1. e representations of Natural Heritage in the digital press will increase due to the importance of the UNESCO media
agenda and the periodicity of the social reality marked by the Covid-19 pandemic.
–
H2. e cultural heritage events will grow and will be widely disseminated in the digital press, in connection with the
celebration of an international event such as the European Heritage Days.
–
H3. e articles published in relation to World Heritage (both material and immaterial) will have a greater presence in the
digital editions of the newspapers after the anniversaries of the declaration of certain festivities (
Castells
, amenco, chant of
the Sibyl) and of the city of Segovia as a World Heritage Site.
e study sample was composed of (
n=428
cultural news items). After systematic cataloguing in Excel, the data were exported to
the statistical program R (R Project, 2020) and the results were represented using the “ggplot2” package (Wickham, 2016).
For the analysis of social networks, it was decided to work with data from the second period since the European Heritage Days
are a stable festivity in time that promote and disseminate all types of Cultural Heritage. For this purpose, the Instagram accounts
(@20m
,
@elmundo_es
and
@el_pais
), and Twitter
(@20m
,
@elmundoes
and
@el_pais
) were monitored using the FanPage Karma
tool. e current study was based on research that used this tool previously (González-Carrión & Aguaded, 2020; Longhi-Heredia
& Marcotte, 2021; Sánchez-Jiménez et al., 2018; Suing et al., 2018).
e collection and treatment of engagement and interaction indicators were carried out based on the:
–
Percentage of Engagement achieved by each prole, which involved the audience through “likes”, comments and shared
publications (Huertas et al., 2015).
–
Total number of registered followers.
–
Degree of participation (interaction) of users with the content through their actions in social networks.
–
Total weekly percentage (evolution) of publications of each prole.
–
Percentage of eectiveness of the prole and publications (performance).
–
Number of ‘Likes’ of each post.
–
Number of publications of each prole.
–
Average number of daily publications.
–
Number of comments on each post.
–
Total number of reactions, comments and shares of each post.
3. Results
doxa.comunicación |
nº 35, pp. 281-309
|
July-December of 2022
Sebastián Alberto Longhi-Heredia, José María Morillas-Alcázar and Ángel Hernando-Gómez
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
291
e corpus studied revealed a certain interest in heritage in the cultural digital press. e newspaper
20 Minutos
was the one that
published the greatest number of news items referring to heritage (83%), sharply contrasting with
El Mundo
(10%) and
El País
(7%). e information shown in Figure 2 revealed three predispositions that gave rise to three specic comments:
–
During the week of June 2020, heritage content had little representation at the beginning and at the end of the week. Mentions
of Natural Heritage were present in the media agenda of
20 Minutos
, but not so in
El Mundo
and
El País
. e days before and
including June 5 (World Environment Day) saw two upturns, showing considerable interest in news associated with Natural
Heritage during the Spanish pandemic scenario.
–
e September sample showed the same patterns: the European Heritage Days had greater repercussion before and after
the celebrations on
20 Minutos
. Despite the symbolic value of the date granted by UNESCO, the cultural press did not cover
cultural events associated with heritage in Spain on the days in question. e news was published beforehand, with the
informative and disseminating character of the activities predominating.
Graph 2. Heritage material publications
3.
Results
The corpus studied revealed a certain interest in heritage in the cultural digital press. The
newspaper
20 Minutos
was the one that published the greatest number of news items
referring to heritage (83%), sharply contrasting with
El Mundo
(10%) and
El País
(7%).
The information shown in Figure 2 revealed three predispositions that gave rise to three
specific comments:
•
During the week of June 2020, heritage content had little representation at the
beginning and at the end of the week. Mentions of Natural Heritage were present in
the media agenda of
20 Minutos
, but not so in
El Mundo
and
El País
. The days before
and including June 5 (World Environment Day) saw two upturns, showing
considerable interest in news associated with Natural Heritage
during
the Spanish
pandemic scenario.
•
The September sample showed the same
patterns
: the European Heritage Days had
greater repercussion before and after the
celebrations
o
n
20 Minutos
. Despite the
symbolic value of the date granted by UNESCO, the cultural press did not cover
cultural events associated with heritage in Spain on the days in question. The news
was published beforehand, with the informative and disseminating character of the
activities pre
dominating.
Graph 2. Heritage material publicat
ions
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
Nº of articles published
Data from June, 2020
20 Minutos
El País
El Mundo
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
Data from September, 2020
Data from November
,
2020
Source: prepared by the authors
–
e heritage topics of November 2020 were addressed at the beginning of the week by
20 Minutos
, a date that coincided with
the commemoration of World Heritage Day. e agenda on this occasion justied the large number of news items published.
292
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July-December of 2022
Cultural Press in Spain. The uses of Cultural Heritage
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
doxa.comunicación
El País
and
El Mundo
had few references to World Heritage. e anniversary of the Immaterial Heritage Convention (
Castells
,
amenco and the Chant of the Sibyl) were referenced during the following days, which explains the decreasing trend recorded
in Figure 2. Regarding the tenth anniversary of the declaration of Segovia as a World Heritage City, it is evident that material
and immaterial heritage issues were part of the agenda of
20 Minutos
, but not in the other newspapers.
Regarding the existence of a typology of newsworthy heritage, the digital editions associated it with the adjective “cultural”,
demonstrating that they are at the forefront in terms of international legislation:
20 Minutos
(78%),
El Mundo
(14%) and
El País
(8%). is social construct used by UNESCO, national and regional legislation in Spain refers to cultural resources and practices
that were previously distinguished as tangible or intangible, and are now included in broader denitions: material or immaterial.
Despite this progress, the term “Historical Heritage” (an old concept associated with the history of a country) was the one most
used by the journalists of
20 Minutos
(92%) compared to
El País
(5%) and
El Mundo
(3%). “Artistic Heritage” as well as “Immaterial
Heritage” had great relevance in the news of
20 Minutos
, but not in the rest of the newspapers, being the most forgotten (See
Graph 3). is situation reinforces the importance of the adjective “cultural”: an association based on local, regional and national
laws, as well as UNESCO’s international conventions.
Graph 3. Types of heritage disseminated
Source: prepared by the authors
•
The heritage topics of November 2020 were addressed at the beginning of the week
by
20 Minutos
, a date that coincided with the commemoration of World Heritage Day.
The agenda on this occasion justified the large number of news items published.
El
País
and
El Mundo
had few references to World Heritage. The anniversary of the
Immaterial Heritage Convention (
Castells
, flamenco and the Chant of the Sibyl) were
referenced during the following days, which explains the decreasing trend recorded
in Figure 2. Regarding the tenth anniversary of the declaration of Segovia as a World
Heritage City, it is evident that material and immaterial heritage issues were part of
the agenda of
20 Minutos
, but not in the other newspapers.
Regarding
the existence of a typology of
newsworthy
heritage, the digital editions
associated it with the adjective "cultural", demonstrating that they are at the forefront in
terms of international legislation:
20 Minutos
(78%),
El Mundo
(14%
) and
El País
(8%).
This social construct used by UNESCO, national and regional legislation in Spain refers
to cultural resources and practices that were previously distinguished as tangible or
intangible, and are now included in broader definitions:
material
or i
mmaterial
. Despite
this progress, the term "Historical Heritage" (an old concept associated with the history
of a country) was the one most used by the journalists of
20 Minutos
(92%) compared to
El País
(5%) and
El Mundo
(3%). "Artistic Heritage" as well as
"
Immaterial Heritage"
had great relevance in the news of
20 Minutos
, but not in the rest of the newspapers, being
the most forgotten (See Graph 3). This situation reinforces the importance of the adjective
"cultural": an association based on local, regional and national laws, as well as UNESCO's
international conventions.
Graph 3. Types of heritage disseminated
Source: prepared by the authors.
The adjective "World Heritage or Heritage of Humanity" was one of the typologies most
reported by the journalists of
20 Minutos
(70%),
El País
(19%) and
El Mundo
(11%). The
use of the word "UNESCO" also appears within the news in
20 Minutos
(67%),
El País
World Heritage
…
Cultural H.
Natural H.
UNESCO
Historical H.
Architectural .
Artistic H.
Archaeological H.
Dramaturgical H.
Monumental H.
Musical H.
National H.
Immaterial H.
BIC
Bibliographic H.
Scientific H.
Film H.
Devotional H.
Documentary H.
Linguistic H.
Industrial H.
Material H.
Demonym
Ethnographic H.
Immovable H
Mining H.
Public H.
Defensive H.
Spoiled H.
Era (medieval,
…
Museum H.
Touristic H.
Urban H.
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
20 Minutos
El Mundo
El País
Source: prepared by the authors
e adjective “World Heritage or Heritage of Humanity” was one of the typologies most reported by the journalists of
20 Minutos
(70%),
El País
(19%) and
El Mundo
(11%). e use of the word “UNESCO” also appears within the news in
20 Minutos
(67%),
El País
(21%) and
El Mundo
(12%). Its international imprint, tourist scope and symbolic value are manifested in the brand
doxa.comunicación |
nº 35, pp. 281-309
|
July-December of 2022
Sebastián Alberto Longhi-Heredia, José María Morillas-Alcázar and Ángel Hernando-Gómez
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
293
value and in the label itself. As for the use of the term “Natural Heritage”, it was in
20 Minutos
(80%) where the highest numbers
of designations were reported.
El País
(12%) and
El Mundo
(7%) published less content related to natural, ecological and
environmental activities. e rest of the typologies conrm the partiality in the eld of heritage studies, including representations
associated with professions (architecture, archeology, linguistics, ethnography, among others) (See Graph 3). Geographical
references also formed part of the journalistic narrative, such as the nomenclatures “National Heritage” and those included in
the category “Demonym” (Andalusian and Valencian heritage, etc.) References to “dramaturgical, devotional or even touristic
heritage” contributed to transmitting erroneous socio-cultural representations, reinforcing the conviction that everything can be
patrimonial.
3.1. Sections: territory versus culture in 20 Minutos
20 Minutos
ranked the news according to two categories. e geographic demarcation began with an ‘autonomic type’
classication. Being a generalist and national newspaper, the territorial organization was the simplest way of organizing the
information: the Andalusia section reported the most heritage content (34%); the Community of Valencia, Castilla y León and
the Balearic Islands (8% respectively); Aragón and the Canary Islands (5%); Castilla La Mancha, Murcia and Extremadura (4%);
Asturias, Catalonia, La Rioja and Galicia (3%) and the Basque Country (1%) followed in order of importance. e culture section
gave way to news diused in other sections despite being news of a patrimonial nature, including Travel (2%), Culture, Economy,
International, National and Television (1%).
3.2. Territory and culture: parity in El País and El Mundo
e newspapers organized their articles according to sections and subsections. Although
El País
had the cultural supplement
“
Babelia
”, the cultural news was arranged around sub-sections such as
Sociedad
,
El viajero
and Icon Design.
20 Minutos
resorted
to not assigning subordinate categories, while
El Mundo
followed a mixed arrangement: a large part of the cultural news items
were not sub-classied (36%), and the remaining ones were organized in the subsections
Toros, Cine
and
Literatura
(Bullghting,
Cinema and Literature).
El Mundo
registered a balance when classifying information. e cultural thematic layout (51% of the total sample) was arranged
in the ‘Culture’ section (22%). e rest of the sections were constituted on the basis of a work area: LOC and Paper (7%), Metropoli,
Travel and Science and Greetings (5% respectively). e geographic arrangement (remaining 49% of the sample) positioned the
Valencian Community with the highest number of heritage news (17%), followed by national (15%), Madrid (7%), Andalusia and
International (5%). El País did not reveal a specic structure, although the best represented news items were grouped under the
geographic criterion: Catalonia (26%), International (6%) and Galicia (3%). e rest of the articles are thematically coded: Travel
(23%) Culture, Preserving the planet and Icon Design (10%); Society, Politics, Economy and Sports (3%).
3.3. Informative news and non-representative headlines
Following the model proposed by Salaverría & Cores, (2015), the most used form of journalistic writing was associated with the
informative genre. While in
El País
this value represented the majority of the information reported (66%), the Interpretative (17%),
294
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Cultural Press in Spain. The uses of Cultural Heritage
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
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Opinion (10%) and Dialogic (7%) genres were almost absent. e grand totality of informative communications was replicated in
the case of
20 Minutos
(97%) and
El Mundo
(97%), so that the discourse did not change with respect to the rest of the genres: 1%
Interpretative and 2% Dialogic in
20 Minutos
and 3% Opinion in
El Mundo
.
Concerning the four phases of development of cyber journalism genres indicated by Salaverría & Cores, (2015) the current
study found similar results to theirs, with the predominance of repetition, that is, the transposition of information published on
paper to the screen:
20 Minutos
(90%),
El Mundo
(62%) and
El País
(14%). Enrichment, on the contrary, took advantage of the
communicative characteristics of cyberspace, being higher in
El País
(76%) than in
El Mundo
(18%) and
20 Minutos
(8%). e
renovation or recreation of previous genres (through hypertext, multimedia and interaction) was markedly insucient in the
three newspapers:
El Mundo
(20%),
El País
(10%) and
20 Minutos
(2%), with innovation (the creation of journalistic genres for
cybermédia) being the only one that was not represented.
In relation to the headlines of the articles, most of the titles of
20 Minutos
(76%),
El Mundo
(80%) and
El País
(87%) did not cover
patrimonial issues (see Graph 4). Journalists did not clearly put patrimonial issues rst when referencing headlines. Heritage
topics were present in a secondary way (without explicitly insinuating the word ‘heritage’) with almost the same percentage in
the three newspapers: 11% in
20 Minutos
and 10% in
El País
and
El Mundo
. As for headlines with a direct or primary theme, there
were few occurrences:
El País
(3%),
El Mundo
(10%) and
20 Minutos
(13%), ultimately showing the non-spectacular nature of the
news.
Graph 4. Heritage themes in headlines
3.3.
Informative news and non
-
representative headlines
Following the model proposed by Salaverría & Cores, (2015), the most used form of
journalistic writing was associated with the informative genre. While in
El País
this value
represented the majority of the information reported (66%), the Interpretative (17%),
Opinion (10%) and Dialogic (7%) genres were almost absent. The grand totality of
informative communications was replicated in the case of
20 Minutos
(97%) and
El
Mundo
(97%), so that the discourse did not change with respect to the rest of the genres:
1% Interpretative and 2% Dialogic in
20 Minutos
and 3% Opinion in
El Mundo
.
Concerning the four phases of development of cyber journalism genres indicated by
Salaverría & Cores, (2015) the current study found similar results to theirs
,
with
the
predominan
ce of repetition, that is, the transposition of information published on paper
to the screen:
20 Minutos
(90%),
El Mundo
(62%) and
El País
(14%). Enrichment, on the
contrary, took advantage of the communicative characteristics of cyberspace, being
higher in
El País
(76%) than in
El Mundo
(18%) and
20 Minutos
(8%). The renovation
or recreation of previous genres (through hypertext, multimedia and interaction) was
markedly insufficient in the three newspapers:
El Mundo
(20%),
El País
(10%) and
20
Minutos
(2%)
, with innovation (the creation of journalistic genres for cybermédia) being
the only one that was not represented.
In relation to the headlines of the articles, most of the titles of
20 Minutos
(76%),
El
Mundo
(80%) and
El País
(87%) did not cover patrimonial issues (see Graph 4).
Journalists did not clearly put patrimonial issues first when referencing headlines.
Heritage topics were present in a secondary way (without explicitly insinuating the word
'heritage') with almost the same percentage in the three newspapers: 11% in
20 Minutos
and 10% in
El País
and
El Mundo
. As for headlines with a direct or primary theme, there
w
ere few occurrences:
El País
(3%),
El Mundo
(10%) and
20 Minutos
(13%)
, ultimately
showing the non
-
spectacular nature of the news.
Graph 4. Heritage themes in headlines
Source: prepared by the authors
20 MinutosEl MundoEl País
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Unrepresentative
Primary theme
Secondary theme
Source: prepared by the authors
3.4. Narrative and the use of sources
e presence of Spanish ocials and political institutions (ocial sources) were the most consulted by journalists on patrimonial
matters (70%). Non-ocial sources (14%) and those belonging to other categories (8%) were the least incorporated. A small
doxa.comunicación |
nº 35, pp. 281-309
|
July-December of 2022
Sebastián Alberto Longhi-Heredia, José María Morillas-Alcázar and Ángel Hernando-Gómez
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
295
percentage of articles (5%) made no reference to sources within the notes, and another (3%) could not be analyzed because they
were publications that required access to paid content for full access.
Government and administration entities such as
Ayuntamientos
or City Councils (with their mayors and councilors) were the
most requested ocial sources in the technical sphere of heritage (40%), followed by the regional governments (Councils of
Government,
Consells
and/or
Generalitats
, 35%). e criterion for access to the source was based on the statute of autonomy,
and not on the provincial authorities: the
Diputaciones
,
Cabildos
and Island Councils were less replicated (10%). National
sources were poorly named: Vice-Presidency (1%), Ministry of Culture and Sports (2%) and other Ministries in the cultural and
patrimonial spectrum (1%). Political parties (7%), the Judiciary (2%), the institutions of Parliament and the Congress itself (1%)
were barely evoked by journalists, as were institutions on the international level (1%).
Referring to non-ocial sources, journalists turned to cultural or heritage associations (55%) over other institutions (see Graph
5). Universities as repositories of knowledge (19%) and professionals in the eld of heritage were other preferred options (18%).
Finally, consulting professionals in the private sector and museum institutions were the preferred options in the heritage sector.
Graph 5. Access to non-ocial and other sources
3.4.
Narrative and the use of sources
The presence of Spanish
officials
and political institutions (official sources) were the most
consulted by journalists on patrimonial matters (70%). Non
-
official sources (14%) and
those belonging to other categories (8%) were the least incorporated. A small percentage
of articles (5%) made no reference to sources within the notes, and another (3%) could
not be analyzed because they were publications that required access to paid content for
full access.
Government and administration entities such as
Ayuntamientos
or City Councils (with
their mayors and councilors) were the most requested official sources in the technical
sphere of heritage (40%), followed by the regional governments (Councils of
Government,
Consells
and/or
Generalitats
, 35%). The criterion for access to the source
was based on the statute of autonomy, and not on the provincial authorities: the
Diputaciones
,
Cabildos
and Island Councils were less replicated (10%). National sources
were poorly named: Vice
-
Presidency (1%), Ministry of Culture and Sports (2%) and other
Ministries
i
n the cultural and patrimonial spectrum (1%). Political parties (7%), the
Judiciary (2%), the institutions of Parliament and the Congress itself (1%) were barely
evoked by journalists, as were institutions on the international
level
(1%).
Referring to non
-
official sources, journalists turned to cultural or heritage associations
(55%) over other institutions (see
Graph
5). Universities as repositories of knowledge
(19%) and professionals in the field of heritage were other preferred options (18%).
Finally, consulting professionals in the private sector and museum institutions were the
preferred options in the heritage sector.
Graph 5. Access to
non-
official and other sources
Source: prepared by the authors
Concerning sources from press agencies, these were the easiest way to reproduce content
(see Graph 6), specifically in
20 Minutos
(with 95% of the material coming from Europa
Press). The few journalists (3%) and editors (2%) who signed their work did not produce
their own information nor were they specialized in culture. Most authors (Puri Caro,
Beatriz Rodríguez, Judith Calderón and José Luís Obrador) are correspondents in other
cities or staff editors (Clara Pinar and Belén Sarria).
55%
19%
6%
18%
2%
Non-
official sources
Social
associations
Universities
Public
institutions
Professionals
No data
6%
3%
9%
27%
55%
Others sources
Celebrities
Citizens
Spanish military
police
Museums
Private sphere
Source: prepared by the authors
Concerning sources from press agencies, these were the easiest way to reproduce content (see Graph 6), specically in
20 Minutos
(with 95% of the material coming from Europa Press). e few journalists (3%) and editors (2%) who signed their work did not
produce their own information nor were they specialized in culture. Most authors (Puri Caro, Beatriz Rodríguez, Judith Calderón
and José Luís Obrador) are correspondents in other cities or sta editors (Clara Pinar and Belén Sarria).
Contrarily, in
El País
, most of the news items (74%) were signed by journalists and editors from the Editorial Sta (16%). eir
prole was the best trained in cultural areas. e following stand out: José Ángel Montañés (Culture editor and specialist in
art and heritage issues); Aldo Nicolai (editor specializing in culture); Toni Montesino, Gonzalo Robledo, Iván de Moneo, Javier
Montes and Mercedes Cebrián (travel), Javier Pérez Senz (journalist and music critic), Jesús Cañas (correspondent with a Masters
in heritage); Margot Molina (Editor for Andalusia, specializing in culture); Vicotira Zárate (culture and fashion journalist). e
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rest of the writers including Marta Villena (freelance), Oscar Corral (photojournalist), Pere Ríos (editor), Ramón Besa (sports)
made reference to heritage in their writings without being specialized.
El Mundo
had similar indicators to
El País
, although without cultural specialization: Víctor de la Serna, Rafael Bachiller and
Antonio Lucas (columnists); Noa de la Torre (Economy); Héctor Fernández (politics); Cristina Galafate, Eduardo Álvarez,
Germán González, Inmaculada Cobo and Luis Durán (editors); Francisco Carrión-Molina, Pablo Pardo and Salud Hernánez-
Mora (correspondents), Isabel García and Patricia Ozuna (travel), Manuel Hidalgo and Juan Diego Mandueño (opinion); Marisol
Hernández (national). Finally, Manuel Llorente and Pablo Roces were the only two specialized professionals who produced
content with a certain exclusivity in heritage.
Graph 6. Information from agencies and journalists
Contrarily
, in
El País
, most of the news items (74%) were signed by journalists and
editors from the Editorial
Staff
(16%). Their profile was the best trained in cultural areas.
The following stand out: José Ángel Montañés (Culture editor and specialist in art and
heritage issues); Aldo Nicolai (editor specializing in culture); Toni Montesino, Gonzalo
Robledo, Iván de Moneo, Javier Montes and Mercedes Cebrián (travel), Javier Pérez Senz
(journalist and music critic), Jesús Cañas (correspondent with a Masters in heritage);
Margot Molina (Editor for Andalusia, specializing in culture); Vicotira Zárate (culture
and fashion journalist). The rest of the writers
including
Marta Villena (freelance), Oscar
Corral (photojournalist), Pere Ríos (editor), Ramón Besa (sports) made reference to
heritage in their writings without being specialized.
El Mundo
had similar indicators to
El
País
, although without cultural specialization
:
Víctor de la Serna, Rafael Bachiller and Antonio Lucas (columnists); Noa de la Torre
(Economy); Héctor Fernández (politics); Cristina Galafate, Eduardo Álvarez, Germán
González, Inmaculada Cobo and Luis Durán (editors); Francisco Carrión
-
Molina, Pablo
Pardo and Salud Hernánez
-
Mora (correspondents), Isabel García and Patricia Ozuna
(travel), Manuel Hidalgo and Juan Diego Mandueño (opinion); Marisol Hernández
(national).
Finally,
Manuel Llorente and Pablo Roces
were
the only two specialized
professionals who produced content with a certain exclusivity in heritage.
Graph 6. Information from agencies and journalists
Source: prepared by the authors
3.4.
Use of the image
20 MinutosEl MundoEl País
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
No data
Editorial staff
Journalists
Press Agencies
Source: prepared by the authors
3.4. Use of the image
e use of visual material was one of the preferred techniques to complement the information (72%), yet illustrations and videos
did not stand out (1%). e rest of the cultural news did not have complementary visual material.
Four trends were emphasized in this regard (see Graph 7):
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–
Agency teletypes and publication of pictorial content: many cultural news items in the newspaper
20 Minutos
did not have
associated pictorial material (31%), nor complementary data (1%). e same happened to a lesser scale in El País (11%) and
El Mundo (19%). is propensity was closely related to the (re)production of news from press agencies.
–
Photos taken by the professionals themselves: most of the images were taken by the newspaper itself in El País (52%) and El
Mundo (49%). In 20
Minutos
, the images came from the agencies.
–
(Re)production of material from press agencies: the actions of
El País
,
El Mundo
(15% respectively) and
20 Minutos
(10%)
complement the previous criteria, showing a journalism that reproduces already processed content.
–
Transfer of photographic material by companies and individuals: assistance to news professionals by providing visual
material.
20 Minutos
recurred to the use of the institutional archive when it did not have material to accompany the cultural
news (9%). Images were reproduced out of context in relation to the topic.
Graph 7. Use of visual resources in the digital press
The use of visual material was one of the preferred techniques to complement the
information (72%), yet
i
llustrations and videos did not stand out (1%). The rest of the
cultural news did not have complementary visual material.
Four trends were emphasized in this regard (see
Graph
7):
•
Agency teletypes and publication of pictorial content: many cultural news items in
the newspaper
20 Minutos
did not have associated pictorial material (31%), nor
complementary data (1%). The same happened to a lesser scale in El País (11%) and
El Mundo (19%). This propensity was closely related to the (re)production of news
from press agencies.
•
Photos taken by the professionals
themselves:
m
ost of the images were taken by the
newspaper itself in El País (52%) and El Mundo (49%). In 20
Minutos
,
the
images
came from the agencies.
•
(Re)production of material from press agencies: the actions of
El País
,
El Mundo
(15% respectively) and
20 Minutos
(10%) complement the previous criteria, showing
a journalism that reproduces already processed content.
•
Transfer of photographic material by companies and individuals
:
a
ssistance to news
professionals by providing visual material.
20 Minutos
recurred to the use of the
institutional archive when it did not have material to accompany the cultural news
(9%). Images were reproduced out of context in relation to the topic.
Graph 7. Use of visual resources in the digital press
Source: prepared by the
authors
3.5.
Engagement and interaction in social networks
34%
5%
31%
10%
15%
15%
9%
9%
52%
49%
6%
22%
12%
1%
11%
19%
20 MinutosEl PaísEl Mundo
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
No data
Private institutions
Professionals
Archive
Press agencies
Without visual content
Public institutions
Source: prepared by the authors
3.5. Engagement and interaction in social networks
Concerning the study of the second time period, the type of narratives published on Instagram and Twitter served to measure the
degree of connection, the interaction with the audience and to see how the journalistic narratives were merged through cultural
journalism from a transmedia practice. Two realities could be determined (See Table 2):
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–
High engagement (4.53%) and good page performance index (25%) were reported for
El Mundo
, positioning them as the
most engaged and interactive prole on Instagram in terms of heritage themes - despite the fact that
El País
was in last place
with almost double the number of followers (more than 1 million). In terms of interaction, with an average of 34 cultural
publications and more than 4 million comments,
El Mundo
was above its peers with good indicators of ‘Likes’ and total
number of comments, demonstrating a good reception by its followers.
–
No dierences were found when analyzing the indicators of the newspapers
El País
and
20 Minutos
on Twitter. Although
the engagement (0.57%) and the evolution of its followers over time (0.58%) was higher in the cultural publications of
20
Minutos
, the number of followers of
El País
(which increased ve-fold) levelled the footing; therefore, both accounts obtained
comparable indicators. e level of interaction also showed parity: although the number of ‘Likes’ was higher in the former,
the cultural publications of the latter surpassed by far the indicators of
El País
. erefore, taking into account the total number
of reactions,
El País
occupied the most interactive role in terms of heritage, although it was
El Mundo
which had the highest
indicator (142.1K).
Table 2. Analyzed proles
InstagramTwitter
El PaísEl Mundo20 MinutosEl P
aís
El Mundo20 Minutos
Engagement
Engagement
1,93%4,53%2.39%0,25%0,53%0,57%
Followers
1 M443,4 K179,5 K7,8 M3,8 M1,4 M
Post Interaction
0,54%0,93%0,54%0,0%0,0%0.0%
Followers Growth
0,49%0,55%0,58%0,18%0,16%0,58%
Page performance Index
15%25%19%24%33%24%
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299
Interaction
Number of Like136,9 K135,8 K
28,3K
107,9 K110 K
44,2K
Number of posts
25343111628701854
Numbers of post by day
3,574,854,42166124,28264,85
Number of comments Total3,5 K4,3 K1,6 K
---
Number total of reactions 140,4 K140,2 K29,9 K138,9 K142,1 K57,2 K
Highest levels recordedAverage levels recorded
Source: prepared by the authors
Heritage information published in
El Mundo
gained more digital presence on Instagram than on Twitter. is engagement
positioned the newspaper as the best managed account on Instagram. However, its presence on Twitter went unnoticed with
respect to
El País
and
20 Minutos
.
El País
tended to concentrate its activity on Twitter without neglecting Instagram, its engagement
strategies were the least representative in terms of heritage themes. In this sense, it racked up the highest score of followers (1
million), with its interactivity motivating the Instagram audience (with scores of 140.4 K).
20 Minutos
also opted to publish more
cultural content on Twitter. Its engagement indicators were good on both social networks, so its actions were consistent in terms
of followers and overall performance. Its experience was accentuated on Twitter, which made it the newspaper with the best
presence for cultural journalism on Twitter.
4. Discussion and conclusions
e results presented here are part of a corpus study circumscribed to a specic period of time, based on solid research criteria
and framed in the theory that pertains to the area of study of cyberjournalism. is temporal limitation and the fact that the choice
of press headers was not based on digital native media does not imply that the social reality dened in the object of study cannot
be portrayed. Although it was conditioned by an international scenario, marked by the presence of the coronavirus pandemic, it
helped to discern a concrete reality associated with the use and reproduction of heritage content in the cultural press. roughout
the reporting of the results, a strong inuence of press agencies was noted, a situation that helped to understand the heritage story
contemplated from the agenda.
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After the analysis of the sample, it was conrmed that the media presence of the most widely read digital newspapers in Spain
in the eld of Cultural Heritage was relatively limited in the editions of
El País
and
El Mundo
. However, this was not the case in
the redaction of
20 Minutos
, where the content coming from press agencies acquired great visibility through the (re)production
of information as opposed to the dissemination of their own cultural news. e informative order dened in Salaverría & Cores,
(2015) was the most representative. e cyberjournalistic genres focused on the rst two phases of development, with repetition
predominating in
20 Minutos
and
El Mundo
, and enrichment in
El País
. Renovation was relatively low in the three newspapers,
and innovation was nil, which revealed that cyberjournalistic genres are still in the intermediate stages. is conrmed the trend
described by Jurado-Martín & Ivars-Nicolás, (2019) with respect to the Spanish cultural section, which prioritized a diusion that
does not use or is not interested in using technological possibilities.
Referring to the treatment of information, most of the cultural news did not mention, directly or indirectly, issues related to
the topics concerning Cultural Heritage. e form of (re)production of information based on trivial references or supercial
features linked to the heritage eld is collated (Compte-Pujol, 2016; González-Sánchez, 2011; Longhi-Heredia and Quezada-
Tello, 2021). As Rodríguez-Pastoriza (2006) indicated “the newsworthy (...) corresponds more to the unexpected” (p. 80). To this
eect, headlines with an explicit heritage theme were the least represented in the digital press, a situation that did not imply that
heritage issues were developed in greater depth within the articles.
e narrative of cultural journalism covered events and heritage performances belonging to both high and popular culture (García-
Avilés, 2021). Newspapers did not classify news according to cultural specialization. e cultural section was structured in sections
that complemented and associated with cultural content: the political (Kristensen, & Roosvall, 2021), social (Monjas-Eleta, 2013;
Jurado-Martín, 2019), local (Jaakkola, 2021), and commercial dimensions (Hovden & Kristensen, 2018) were examples. Only a
minority of the news was placed in the ‘culture’ section evidencing the tendency indicated by Rodríguez-Pastoriza, (2006), noting
the approach to a more generalist journalism, and with great market inference (Bello et al., 1994).
Unifuentismo
, the omission of
subjects and the absence of agenda, as evidenced by Cruz & Rosero (2012), were also present.
e hierarchization of the news followed the same parameters of the written press, privileging the nomenclature based on
geographical criteria of proximity (García Canclini, 2000) starting with local and provincial events, up to those of a national
character. e use of sources followed the trend of Rodríguez-Pastoriza (2006) in which institutions come to life as direct ocial
referents in dealings with heritage. Cultural journalists in this sense were scarcely specialized in heritage, so they need, in the
terms of Rivera (1995), to overcome the old recipes and oer original repertoires in line with transmedia (Jurado-Martín & Peña-
Acuña, 2021).
With respect to the treatment of the weekly media agenda, the newspapers were interested in specic events related to the
management of sites and festivities declared World Heritage by UNESCO, as well as special festivities linked to specic days
(World Environment Day, World Heritage Day and European Heritage Days). e agenda was able to include cultural themes,
with the typology of World Heritage being the most newsworthy (Longhi-Heredia et al., 2022). Immaterial Heritage was one of the
topics that was most missing in comparison to “Historical and Cultural Heritage”. Natural Heritage, on the other hand, occupied
an unremarkable spot in the cultural agenda in a context marked by the Covid-19 pandemic.
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Concerning the second objective of the research, the newspapers resorted to transmedia practices to reproduce information
on social networks in order to communicate about an attractive product that allows them to know and engage their audience
(Jurado Martín, et al.,2021). While
El Mundo
stood out for its great dedication in the management and dissemination of content
on Instagram (obtaining signicant indicators in terms of engagement and interactivity for heritage issues),
El País
was able to
develop a strategy of production and transmission of journalistic cultural content focused on Twitter (with important interaction
notes on Instagram).
20 Minutos
favored content published on Twitter, without neglecting engagement on Instagram. e
transmedia universe turned out to be an ideal practice in the cultural journalistic eld (Jurado-Martin & Peña-Acuña, 2021): the
information published by the digital press was reproduced on social platforms in order to generate comprehensive content. Note
that Instagram as a communication strategy “seeks a balance between quick information and entertainment” (San-José-de-la-
Rosa & Monjas-Eleta, 2021: 85) where a post or a story results in the action of clicking and subsequent redirection to transmedia
content.
e media competence of digital newspapers in terms of Cultural Heritage synchronized with the logic of the agenda setting,
especially with the editorial guidelines of the newspapers themselves. e socio-patrimonial representations (Castoriadis, 2017)
that were transmitted from
20 Minutos
for example incorporated the logic of (re)production of press agencies. In the case of
El
País
and
El Mundo
, it was the journalists themselves who were in charge of generating social categories based on ocial sources
and associated with political gures of the Spanish government, as revealed by Rodríguez-Pastoriza (2006). Collaborators and
free lancers were also present at the time of constructing the discourses, although the information obtained through agencies,
mainly in the case of
20 Minutos
, stood out.
Concerning the hypotheses that guided this work, the only time period that conrmed them was June 2020 (H1). e news
concerning Natural Heritage promulgated and encouraged by UNESCO were widely represented in the cultural press of
20
Minutos
. During World Environment Day, news referring to Spanish and international Natural Heritage was very popular. e
editions of
El Mundo
and
El País
did not portray socio-patrimonial representations linked to nature. Considering the health
context marked by the Covid-19 pandemic, it was believed that such spaces would be widely disseminated after the distancing
and connement measures (Longhi-Heredia & Marcotte, 2021).
During September 2020 the European Heritage Days were present in the agenda of
20 Minutos
, but not in
El Mundo
and
El País
(H2). e activities that were disseminated from
20 Minutos
were not associated with the dates of the celebration (September
19 and 20). ey were disseminated days before to inform the audience of the dierent activities. Cultural journalists did not
cover events associated with heritage in Spain, nor did they specialize in its topics. ey were rather close to generalist issues
(Rodríguez-Pastoriza, 2006) linked to the logic of the market (Bello et al., 1994).
Finally, in November 2020, immaterial and material heritage representations occupied an important place in the journalistic
treatment (mainly by
20 Minutos
) and during the commemoration of World Heritage Day (November 16) (H3). e cultural
agenda did not echo this phenomenon in
El País
and
El Mundo
. ere were few references to World Heritage in either newspaper.
e Immaterial Heritage that was thought to be highlighted with the anniversary of the Immaterial Heritage Convention (
Castells
,
Flamenco and
Canto de la Sibila
) was well communicated in
20 Minutos
, yet not so in the other newspapers. e same happened
with the tenth anniversary of the declaration of Segovia as a World Heritage City: a large exposition in
20 Minutos
and scarce
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reference in
El Mundo
and
El País
. is shows once again that historical commemorations acquire special importance in the
cultural press (Rodríguez-Pastoriza, 2006).
e work presents several aspects that can be explored in the future with synchronic and diachronic lines of research and
incorporating other digital newspapers in order to deepen local cultural practices such as those surveyed in this study:
Castells
,
amenco and the
Canto de la Sibila
(Chant of the Sibyl). e evaluation of other social networks such as Facebook and TikTok
could also enrich the current line of research, considering the cultural and heritage aspects present in the informative material
published on their social networks. Other questions emerge from the study: does the conception of heritage go beyond the
aspects present in international law? What happens with the notions present in national and/or autonomous law? How does
cyberjournalism portray heritage in danger or heritage sites of great international importance? ese questions can be recovered
in the future for a better understanding of the cultural reality.
5. Acknowledgements
Patrick Louis Rohrer translated this article.
6. Specic contributions from each author
Name and Surname
Concept and design of the workSebastián Alberto Longhi Heredia
Methodology
Sebastián Alberto Longhi Heredia
Data collection and analysisSebastián Alberto Longhi Heredia
Discussion and conclusions
Sebastián Alberto Longhi Heredia José María Morillas Alcázar and
Ángel Hernando Gómez
Writing, formatting, revision and approval of versions
Sebastián Alberto Longhi Heredia, José María Morillas Alcázar and
Ángel Hernando Gómez
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