The representation of women in Japanese television advertising. A
content analysis of female roles and stereotypes
La representación de la mujer en la publicidad televisiva en Japón. Un análisis
de contenido sobre los roles y estereotipos
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How to cite this article:
Folguera del Barrio, M. Y. (2023). e representation of women in Japanese television advertising. A content analysis of female roles and
stereotypes.
Doxa Comunicación
, 36, pp. 183-209.
https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n36a1731
Milagros Yasira Folguera del Barrio
. PhD student at the Universidad Rey Juan Carlos, specialised in advertising, public
relations and marketing. I have chosen to specialize in gender stereotypes around the world. My previous work has
always been focused on the cultural barrier in business relationships between Spain and Japan. I have collaborated on
international projects such as ComuniCancer and the International Journalistic Role Performance.
Rey Juan Carlos University, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID: 0000-0003-2623-7770
Abstract
:
is paper analyses the dierent stereotypes in advertising on
Japanese television channels: TV Tokyo, TV Fuji, NHK, TV Asahi, and
TBL, broadcast in April 2021. is object of study is motivated by the
scarcity of works that deal with this type of material, since most of the
research on stereotypes in relation to women has focused on graphic
advertisements in magazines. A content analysis has been carried
out of 173 advertisements and 237 female characters in 2022. e
results conrm the existence of six dierent stereotypes: traditional,
subjugated, transgressive, kawaii, kirei and lolita women. In addition,
in contrast to the studies by Prieler, Kohlbacher, Hagiwara and Arima
(2015), it is conrmed that the dierent gender stereotypes are not
related to the ages represented, but rather linked to the attributes
represented. For the traditional woman, motherhood, love and family;
in the subjugated woman, weakness, submission and sadness; in
the transgressive woman, transgression, modernity and triumph;
Resumen:
En este trabajo se analizan los diferentes estereotipos en la publicidad
emitida en abril de 2021 en los canales de televisión japoneses: TV Tok
-
yo, TV Fujji, NHK, TV Asahi, y TBL. Este objeto de estudio viene moti
-
vado por la escasez de trabajos que aborden este tipo de material, ya
que mayoritariamente la investigación sobre los estereotipos en relación
con la mujer se ha centrado en los anuncios grácos en revistas. Se ha
realizado un análisis de contenido de 173 anuncios emitidos en 2022
y 237 personajes femeninos. Los resultados conrman la existencia de
seis estereotipos diferentes: mujer tradicional, sometida, transgresora,
kawaii, kirei y lolita. Además, en contraposición a los estudios de Prieler,
Kohlbacher, Hagiwara y Arima (2015), se comprueba que los diferentes
estereotipos de género no tienen relación con las edades que se represen
-
tan, sino que quedan ligados los atributos que representa. En la mujer
tradicional, la maternidad, amor y familia; debilidad, sometimiento y
tristeza, en la mujer sometida; transgresión, modernidad y triunfo, en
Received: 28/06/2022 - Accepted: 29/11/2022 - Early access: 01/12/2022 - Published: 01/01/2023
Recibido: 28/06/2022 - Aceptado: 29/11/2022 - En edición: 01/12/2022 - Publicado: 01/01/2023
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1. Introduction
1.1. e representation of “femininity”
A particularly relevant area for this study is that of social representations of femininity. Bourdieu (2000: 21) considers that
social structure is based on a system of arbitrary conventions by the “division between sexes”, creating a sexualised reality that
goes beyond the physical dierences between men and women, attributing them with dierent and contrasting schemata,
such that men are associated with concepts of “outdoors (elds, assemblies, markets)” and women with “indoors (home,
garden, fountain, rewood)” (2020:23). Furthermore, this social order is thought to be long-established, as the
habitus
, as
“lasting and transferable dispositions” which condition personal options and act as the “organising principles and generators
of practices and representations” (Bourdieu, 1991: 92), has reproduced these patterns unconsciously, in some way regulating
society, and repeating them until now.
In his study, Bourdieu highlights that men, as the dominant part of the man-woman binomial, tend to convert women into
objects which must have certain characteristics, placing them in a “state of bodily insecurity” or “symbolic dependence”
(2020: 86). e characteristics which women must display are to be “smiling, nice, attentive, submissive, discrete, contained”,
maintaining a relationship of dependency and respect towards men (2020: 86), their morality being dened on the outside by
their clothing and hair.
Wolf (1991) denes beauty as a monetary system created and politicised by masculinity, with norms and patterns written by
men using their perceptions, meaning that any woman who wishes to represent femininity must necessarily comply. is
imposed model is currently in crisis, undergoing major modications, as representations of beauty are no longer so immutable
or universal as was previously thought. us, the author of this paper arms that women live subjugated by the myth of
standards of beauty that are widely disseminated and accepted.
Given that both western and eastern societies are largely patriarchal, there has always been a tendency to reinforce sexism and
to make traditional gender roles seem natural. is, together with the fact that most positions of power are held by men and
that they tend to impose their leadership and authority on decisions (Kuperberg & Stone, 2008), means that these “traditional
roles” have been perpetuated in the media over time.
Here the concept of “stereotypes” comes into play, such that if Maisonneuve’s denition (1989) is reformulated using the terms
of Wolf (1991), it could be said that men, as a historically larger social group, have generalized and attributed to women certain
patterns (to be discussed below) to which they must mould themselves in order to be considered women. us, if they wish
regarding the kawaii woman, sexual attraction, pleasure and seduction;
in the case of the kirei woman, maturity or innocence, and the lolita
stereotype is inversely related to sweetness.
Keywords
:
Representation of women; female stereotypes; Japan; gender;
advertising.
la mujer transgresora; atracción sexual, placer y seducción, referido a la
mujer kawaii; madurez o inocencia, en el caso de la mujer kirei, y en el
estereotipo de mujer lolita que se relaciona inversamente con el atributo
dulzura.
Palabras clave:
Representación de la mujer; estereotipo femenino; Japón; género;
publicidad.
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to be seen as such, women have to reproduce these models, generating problems of self-representation. erefore, it can be
said that stereotypes are to be found in collective representations and in those of the collective imaginary world, and that they
generate a relationship of dependency with cultural models, shared by many people (Dittus, Basulto & Rio, 2017).
Arming irrefutably that women are subject to a stereotyped representation, it was necessary in Spain to legislate on this
reproduction of stereotypes, and Article 3 of the General Law on Advertising (1988) established that women cannot be
portrayed:
“[...] in a degrading manner, be it by utilising their bodies or parts of the same, particularly or directly, as mere objects bearing
no relation to the product being promoted, or by their image being associated with stereotyped behaviour which vulnerates the
basics of our statutes, thereby contributing to the violence referred to by Organic Law 1/2004, of the 28th of December 2004,
concerning Integral Protective Measures against Gender-based Violence”.
1.2. e media, advertising & social representation
1.2.1. The role of the media in the diffusion of social representation
e media’s main objective is to reach as many people as possible, and in fact this has become one of the chief ways of earning
prots: the sale of audience attention to advertising space, whether this be in the press, radio, television, or internet. e larger
the audience, the more expensive the advert, as more “impacts” can be achieved, and these impacts may be “converted” into
customers. Limited time and space are usually dedicated to these advertisements, there are a lot of brands wanting the slot,
and at a high price. For some authors (García-Fernández & García-Reyes, 2004: 44), this is a factor explaining why advertisers
feel it necessary to turn to stereotypes which the audience will recognise, allowing them to communicate more in the least
possible space and time. at is why they are used so much and have been for so long; that is, they need to be stable, as should
they change, the meaning of an image may generate a “lack of comprehension” in the target audience.
erefore, it must be remembered that the chief aims of any communication in the media are to:
“[…] reinforce certain social values, promote others, change some, encourage new ones, and transmit behavioural norms so that
society reproduces and perpetuates them in the way best suited to the historical moment in question” (De los Ríos & Martínez,
1997: 98).
In other words, the media are “reproducers and creators of normative models, that is, of what is socially and culturally considered
adequate or normative” (Rodríguez, Pando-Canteli & Zebrio, 2017: 11), showing a model of an idealized, standardised world
in which stereotypes set the course of the messages emitted by the media.
1.2.2. Advertising & the mechanisms for reproducing stereotypes
Qualter (1994: 71) considers that “one of the greatest responsibilities of a modern advertiser is the invention and expansion of
meaningful symbols”. is means that an advertiser is not dedicated just to providing information about the product or service
being promoted, but that this has to be done utilising those meaningful symbols which mark out certain behavioural models
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for people. is means that stereotyped images are reproduced in advertising to “maintain an economy of communication”
(García-Fernández & García-Reyes, 2004: 44), swiftly alluding to determined characteristics both of the target audience and of
the context in which the advert is placed.
It is common to see women represented in diverse roles, that, as we will see shortly, are usually classied as family, at home,
job balanced with housework, partner and companion or object of desire. All of these representations have behind them a
very important eect, as they transmit values, sensations and messages that identify certain lifestyles assumed to be natural
(García-Fernández & García-Reyes, 2004).
1.3. e representation of women in advertising
Since the period 2005-10, the importance of the feminist movement has crossed the barrier of social aairs to also inuence
the way in which companies communicate with the public. It can be said that, as advertisers, brands stand before their direct
audience, independent associations responsible for monitoring advertising practices (such as Autocontrol in Spain) and social
researchers, due to the stereotyped image transmitted of a non-existent reality (in this case, that of women), as there are few
women who really see themselves adequately represented in advertising.
In fact, it can be demonstrated how the image of women in advertising has been changing over time. In an analysis of the
advertising of luxury fashion brands, Díaz-Soloaga and Muñiz-Muriel (2007: 37) found six female proles: the traditional
woman, characterised by the refection of “love, maternity and family”; the transgressive woman, whose qualities are “success,
liberty, conquest, happiness and transgression”; the fragile or subjugated woman, from a reection of “sadness, weakness,
listlessness and oppression”; the hedonistic, sensual woman, characterised by “sexual attraction, seduction and pleasure”;
and the functional-modern woman, with attributes of “modernity, joy and comfort”.
In a later study of advertising in general (that is, not focused on fashion advertising), Díaz-Soloaga, Muñiz-Muriel and Quintas-
Froufe (2010: 126) detected ve distinct stereotypes: the transgressive, combatant woman, who reected attributes of “success,
competitiveness, professional achievement, loyalty, aective success, conquest, transgression and freedom”; sensual woman,
reecting “an attitude of seduction, an athletic body, an attitude of contemplation, seduction and pleasure”; traditional
woman, who reects “family, maternity, love and house-pride”; passive woman, with attributes of “sadness, weakness and
listlessness”; and fragile woman, appearing “lying down or leaning back with a passive or oppressed attitude”. It can be seen in
this new classication that the stereotype of modern woman has vanished, while that of fragile or subjugated woman gives rise
to two distinct female stereotypes, the fragile and the passive, clearly dierentiating between two types of attitudes.
Almansa and
Gómez de Travesedo (2017)
review stereotypes of woman present in graphic advertising, identifying nine kinds
of stereotypes: fashionable, glamorous, celebrity, partner, worker, mother, superwoman, friend and housewife. In this case,
the stereotypes correspond to dierent facets a woman may display in her daily life, so that, excepting that of celebrity, the
roles are not mutually exclusive. is model of stereotype identication presents the problem of categorisation, as two other
roles are presented (that is, “not dierentiated” and “others”) which make up a third of the analysis, and the attributes of these
“types” of women are not described. Nevertheless, what is noticeable from this study is the change in the roles which seems to
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be taking place, setting to one side the trident of “home-mother-wife” in favour of that of “worker-friend-partner”, which would
show a multi-talented woman, successful in both her professional and personal life.
In another study, Treviños-Rodríguez and
Díaz-Soloaga (2018) present four stereotypes repeated in luxury brand advertising:
modern-transgressive woman, showing values of competitivity, achievement, transgression, professional success, freedom,
risk and modernity; the family woman, amongst whose attributes we nd pride in the home, maternity, housework or attention
to the children and family; the seductive woman, represented by qualities of sexual attraction, seduction and conquest; and
the stereotype of the woman with aective success, reected by loyalty, love and seduction.
As regards research into this subject in other countries, Zotos and Tsichla (2014: 451) identify four groups of roles shown in
graphic advertising in magazines in Cyprus. In the rst, “the woman in traditional roles”, they distinguish two main roles, one
of dependency, where the man protects the woman, and she takes the unimportant decisions, and the role of housewife. In the
second category, what the authors term “decorative roles” are covered: women concerned with their physical attractiveness
and as sexual objects. e third category covers women’s roles classied as “non-traditional”, including women as authoritative
voices, focused on a professional career or a blue-collar job, or performing non-traditional activities outside the house (golf or
football would be examples of this). And nally, a fourth category represents women as equals, with men performing “neutral”
roles.
In the Asian context, Chen (2016: 2845) states that Chinese fashion magazines do not display a copy of westernised female
power, but that a more “sober, delicate, tender” model is followed, “in contrast with ostentatious, assertive western ideals”,
showing women who are more “powerful, condent and self-satised” (Chen, 2010, cited in Treviños-Rodríguez &
Díaz-
Soloaga, 2018: 150
).
Chan
& Cheng (2012), state that magazine advertising in Hong Kong shows a lack of diversity, with woman
represented on most occasions in decorative functions, projecting these stereotypes principally in adverts, which have women
themselves as the target audience.
1.4. Women & advertising in Japan
1.4.1. Women in Japan
To be able to understand women’s situation in Japan one must place oneself within the country’s historical and religious
framework. Japan is a polytheist country dominated by two religions; 70.4% of the population practise Shintoism and 69.8%
are Buddhists (Statista, 2020a), as, being polytheist religions, they are not incompatible, one individual being able to identify
with more than one religion. Moreover, the ideological basis of Japanese culture rests on Confucianism, active since the VIIth
century CE (Sánchez, 2010) touching all aspects of the nation, including its economy, politics, and society. e main pillars of
Japanese life derive from Confucianism, a strong ethical sense and human relations based on a hierarchy. Several of the books
of Confucianism openly declare a gender hierarchy and that there “exists” an obligation for women to obey men due to their
“lack of intelligence” (Sánchez, 2010), warning that this extends not only to a husband, but to obeying male children as well.
In fact, Dore (2005) states that part of these values have lingered, there being girls’ schools with subjects concerning caring
for men and the arts, such as dance or music (Sánchez, 2010), and where the supposed intellectual inferiority of girls ts with
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established cultural patterns. Japan also represents one of the apexes of the Hofstede-Hall cultural model, as an example of a
reactive culture, the cultures of this apex being characterised by non-verbal communication, with no expression of emotions,
considerable use of silences and displaying an aversion to extroversion (Lewis, 2018).
As regards the world of work, two moments have marked women’s rights in Japan. e rst came in 1986 with the Law of Equal
Opportunities at Work, which was highly controversial, as most workers were opposed, stating that women are physically
and emotionally dierent from men, and therefore should be treated dierently in the workplace (Molony, 1995). is law
proposed that for a woman to have access to a position, the “head” of the family should be registered as having given express
consent, and it was only in this way that the labour market was opened to women. e second moment was the 1995 labour
reform. Since then, a man’s express consent has not been necessary for a woman to work (Onaha, 2007). Due to these two
laws, between 2002 and 2018, the employability of women rose by 13.6% (Kawaguchi & Mori, 2019), moreover the number of
married working women grew over this period from 59.4% to 73.7%, while that of single working women went from 87% to 89%,
something of little signicance bearing in mind the increase in the number of married women in employment. Furthermore,
these laws did little to alter the employability of older women. It has recently appeared in the media that women have rebelled
against the State about wearing something other than skirts and heels in their workplaces, where the Minister stated that
“society accepts that wearing them is necessary and reasonable at work” (Cuesta, 2019). Moreover, in 2001, the “Law on the
prevention of conjugal violence and the protection of victims” was passed, it has been modied in 2004 and 2007. e order
concerning gender violence covers three important points, a restraining order relative to partners and their children, for a
maximum of 6 months, an expulsion order, whereby the aggressor is expelled for a maximum of 2 months, during which
time he cannot approach the family home, and a gagging order, whereby he cannot request visits to any child the couple had
(Matsumoto, 2010).
Yasumoto (2006) speaks of the subordinate position that Japanese women have habitually occupied, in an analysis of 30 articles
in the magazine Aera, concluding that slight indications of progress can be perceived towards a modern role for women. It
should be mentioned that this study was based on textual elements, demonstrating dierent hierarchies, in which women
are portrayed as not taking independent decisions, and with a negative representation, that is, a Confucianist representation
of woman. Yasumoto’s study (2006) also indicates that age is a crucial factor when studying the transmission of stereotypes,
something exacerbated by the importance in Japan of social hierarchy systems which inuence the reproduction of stereotypes
in advertising.
e studies available show that elderly women are represented in a traditional role that shows a woman at home and men
in the workplace, thus reinforcing the perception of the man-woman stereotypes and roles present in society, older women
being least frequently represented (Prieler, Kohlbacher, Hagiwara & Arima, 2011). Although the representation of the elderly
has increased over recent years, the inclusion of the female sex in this age group has been limited to the category of cosmetics
and hygiene articles (Prieler, Kohlbacher, Hagiwara & Arima, 2017), as well as food and drink (Prieler, Kohlbacher, Hagiwara &
Arima, 2015), generally being shown in the home.
e fact that the model of an older woman is associated with food is generally due to the great importance which this sector has
in advertising in Japan, and that it is associated with the credibility and experience that this social prole grants to the sector.
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Furthermore, it is worth mentioning that no association has been found with products related with health and medication
(Prieler, Kohlbacher, Hagiwara & Arima, 2015).
Concerning age, numerous studies indicate that a beautiful and essentially young woman is preferable for advertising, as is
the norm in most countries (for example, in the case of Spain: Berganza & Del Hoyo, 2006; Chacón, 2008; and
Díaz-Soloaga,
Quintas-Froufe
& Muñiz-Muriel, 2010). In Japan, Suzuki (1995) considers that the choice of younger women in advertising is
explained by, as occurs in other countries, these women being attributed with all the characteristics a desirable and beautiful
face or body should possess, based always on youth and physical appearance. However, in Japan, men are chosen for their
experience, education or social status, so it is commoner to see middle-aged or elderly men in adverts. is relegates more
mature women, as theirs is not the “standard” beauty. Chang (2008: 29) corroborates that, apart from the ethnicity or sex of
the model in the advert, in order for brands to achieve the desired engagement there has to be a correspondence between the
consumer and what the model represents, as well as being in line with their aspirations, pointing out that “for Asian clients, a
young Caucasian model may be more eective than an Asian one”. ere is another factor considerably inuencing the under-
representation of older women in Japanese advertising, as they tend to perceive and self-represent themselves with characters
between 5 and 10 years younger (Yamasaki, 2005, cited by Prieler, Kohlbacher, Hagiwara & Arima, 2009). is last point has to
do with the fact that “in commercial stereotypes, credibility is more important than the individuals who tend to take as true
that information which ts with their beliefs” (Quarter, 1994: 91); that is, if women tend to self-represent as some years younger
than they are, it is necessary to use models who represent that age group when trying to reach them.
Depending on the characteristics that each advertising message wishes to express, three main aesthetics have been distinguished
in Japan, which, due to ease of engagement, have triumphed in advertising. e rst model is the kawaii aesthetic, deriving
from one of the most popular words in Japanese popular culture, and which has crossed frontiers (Kinsella, 1995). To dene
kawaii, one can turn to the Japanese Nihon Kokugo Daijiten dictionary (2000), taking the acceptation applied to women and
children, who have the attributes of being adorable, attractive, obedient, small and beautiful. One should clarify that this
aesthetic is what in Spanish would be termed “mona” and in English, “cute”, and which is also applied to animals or even to
cartoons. Applied to a woman’s aesthetic, it refers to women representing 18 to 29 years of age and is utilised as a means of
persuasion in advertisements to make potential consumers feel closer to the model (Lieber-Milo & Nittono, 2019).
e second aesthetic model in women is kirei, or simply pretty and attractive, although with a connotation containing touches
of maturity, more sexualized bodies, a larger bust (with the intention of eliminating any childlike feature), provocative clothing,
corporal expressions reecting maturity, power or dominance (Johnson, 2010).
Although the features of a kawaii woman seem well-dened, this is not so, as there is a variant within the framework of this
aesthetic, the model called lolita, which in Japan means attractive young woman. It can be said that, as a common characteristic
of the kawaii, there is no apparent sexuality, but the aesthetic is strongly marked by her baroque style clothes and hairdo, factors
described by Bourdieu (2000) which were decisive in a woman’s role, and which is even more clearly marked in advertising.
is aesthetic is characterised by wearing a lot of laces, chiey pink and white; generally pastel colours to highlight innocence
and denote a minor (Marcus, Kurosu, Ma & Hashizume, 2017), simulating the appearance of a doll or a baby, and showing
greater submission than kawaii girls.
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ese three aesthetics show representations of a mix of the attributes that make up the dierent roles of women in advertising.
Díaz-Soloaga and Muñiz-Muriel’s study (2007) shows the prole of a fragile or subjugated woman is associated with being
younger, having a seductive, passive and joyless attitude, sharing certain features with kawaii. e image of a transgressive
woman is related with aggression, competitiveness and athleticism, and she is older than the fragile woman. Also noteworthy
is the sensual woman prole, passive, with a perfect body. It should be pointed out here that both the transgressive aesthetic
and the sensual woman share certain features with kirei women, but none of the roles mentioned ts perfectly with those
proposed by
Díaz-Soloaga and Muñiz-Muriel (2007).
e representation of foreigners in Japanese advertising shows the male gure as prevalent over that of women. Foreigners
are mostly represented by Caucasian actors, in contrast to the low representation of those of African descent. Among existing
types, the North American is the commonest, followed by the Europe and other Asians (Higawara, 1998).
It must also be pointed out that, being a society with a strong social hierarchy, in Japan inter-cultural relations are also
understood via hierarchy, such that a Caucasian would never adopt a role inferior to that of a Japanese. Moreover, they are
constantly employed to ascribe positive aspects to the service or product being advertised; that is, lending a seal of approval that
guarantees quality (lafsson, 2014), always with a successful and uninhibited attitude. In fact, the representation of the perfect
woman, white-skinned and western-looking, has become a new standard of beauty in Japanese society, “assigning a new
ideal for national femininity” (Sánchez, 2014: 318). erefore, it is hardly strange to nd studies related to the representation
of women in the media in which the ideal young woman sees herself represented by characters with “pale skin, long or half-
length hair, large eyes and a balanced gure” (López Rodríguez & García Pacheco, 2011: 1094), stereotypes that appear in
advertising as well as in other messages.
From the racial mixture comes the gure of the haafu (from ‘half’); that is, with half-Japanese features, the other half
corresponding to another nationality/ethnic group. Haafu are very popular in adverts in Japan, as they contribute to the
creation of a stereotype the young nd very attractive, automatically granting them certain qualities, such as being “attractive,
polyglot, friendly, rich, cosmopolitan” (Want, 2016), all mixed with some Japanese features. Furthermore, haafu are frequently
utilised in cosmetics ads (evoking the perfection of a white complexion, as seen above), food, clothes and complements,
especially wrist watches (Want, 2016), causing insecurity when not meeting the parameters directly associated with them.
Moreover, young haafu often get modelling jobs for brands in other sectors if they have been “favoured” with the stereotyped
features.
anks to these “good” characteristics, associated with both foreigners and with haafu, it is no surprise that they become
celebrities and are hired to give a product or service a stamp of “luxury” or of good quality. As regards female characters,
it is essential to distinguish celebrities from idols, persons generally of the female sex who have become famous due to
their appearance, having passed through the musical world, whether in one of the groups dedicated to “creating idols” or
as a soloist. e objective of these groups is to become famous, work as models for magazines or adverts, and appear in
programmes to increase audiences. ey are characterised by having the kawaii aesthetic, which supposes and guarantees a
certain “commercial weight” (Gabraith & Karlin, 2012).
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e interest of this paper resides in nding out how female stereotypes are transmitted in Japanese advertising, given the
hyper-sexualisation of Japanese women, which reaches even to the West.
1.5. Objectives & hypothesis
O1: Identify the stereotypes employed in Japanese advertising in its representation of women. O2: Reveal the values that dene
each of the stereotypes found.
O3: Analyse the type of character utilised for each product category advertised.
In relation with these objectives, the following hypotheses are proposed:
H1a: ere is an association between women’s age groups and the stereotypes with which they are represented in Japanese
television advertising. us, the model of adolescent woman corresponds to the stereotype
lolita
; a young adult woman to
kawaii
; adult woman to
kirei
; and an older woman to the traditional Japanese woman.
H1b: ere is a direct association between the roles of traditional woman, transgressive or combative woman, fragile or
subjugated, sensual and modern as proposed in other studies, with the stereotypes of traditional Japanese woman,
kirei,
kawaii
and
lolita
respectively.
H2: e ideal woman in Japanese television advertising is identied with the features of
haafu
H3a: Traditional women are represented in the home to advertise food products.
H3b:
Kirei
women are chosen to advertise household products.
H3c:
Kawaii
women are mainly chosen to gure in beauty adverts.
2. Method
2.1. Sample & unit of analysis
e study into stereotypes of women in Japanese television advertising has been carried out utilising quantitative content
analysis (Wimmer & Dominick, 1996), a technique which permits the analysis and study of communicative elements, in
particular texts, images and voices (Krippendor, 2004). e analysis has been applied to a sample of 173 advertisements
broadcast by the channels TV Tokyo, TV Fujji, NHK, TV Asahi and TBL. ese channels were selected as they are the main
national television channels in Japan (Takeshita & Mikami, 1995) and as they broadcast live online 24 hours a day. e choice
of these TV channels is justied by audience gures: TV Asahi 19.1%, TBS, 10.5%; NHK, 10.2%; TV Tokyo, 10.1%; Fuji TV 9.7%,
primetime
being from 19:00 to 22:00 o’clock, according to Video Research (2020a). Furthermore, television viewing in Japan is
still the main choice of leisure activity, for 63.1% of women, and 60.4% of men, followed by a la carte contents such as Netix
or Youtube (Video Research, 2020b).
e adverts analysed were broadcast between 13:00 and 23:00 o’clock (corresponding to the slots 6:00 and 16:00 in Spain) over
a constructed week that contained 7 days in April, randomly chosen each day from Monday to Sunday. e days from which
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advertisements were taken were the following: 19, 13, 7, 29, 16, 10 and 25 of April, randomly selected utilising the Google
Random Number Generator -
(https://www.google.com/search?q=generador+de+numeros+aleatorios).
e unit of analysis for this study are the female gures that appear in the adverts. Of the 173 ads included in the sample, a total
of 237 units of analysis have been obtained, without dierentiating between leading or supporting characters, in those cases
where more than one woman appears in an advert.
2.2. Measurement & denition of the variables
e analysis protocol applied in this study (see Appendix I, where the principal variables and their associated categories are
indicated) is based on the studies by Prieler, Ivanov and Hagiwara (2015), and Arima (2003), with some modications, as these
studies have been able to approximately synthesise the various roles of women in Japanese advertising. e variables and
categories proposed in these studies have been complemented by other elements taken from
Díaz-Soloaga, Muñiz-Muriel
and Quintas-Froufe (2010) in order to look more deeply at the attitudes assumed by the women in the adverts, and which were
not covered by Prieler, Ivanov and Hagiwara (2015) or Arima (2003) in their respective studies.
e variables considered for the analysis of the female stereotypes in Japanese television advertising are the following:
Age
. Referring to the age group that the character represents. A new operationalisation has been proposed with respect to that
propounded by Arima (2003), which goes by years. Given that this is an analysis of graphical elements (images), the model’s
age cannot be armed, only her apparent age, therefore there is dierentiation between those models represented as minors,
youths, adults, elderly and ‘does not correspond’ or ‘is not clear’. Such a categorisation allows us to observe the attributes
associated with each stage represented.
Ethnicity
. Consideration of this variable respects the proposal of Arima (2003), highlighting the express dierentiation made
between the characters of Japanese origin and other Asian ethnicities. In addition, and due to the great importance that
characters of mixed race have acquired in the advertising panorama, it has been deemed essential to add the
haafu
variable.
e categories of cartoon, robot or monster of human-female appearance have also been added, as it is common in Japan to
see advertisements with such characters. In order to dene the various categories, the guide proposed by Rodríguez (2020) has
been employed, in which the dierent features of the Asians are dierentiated. us, the Japanese can be distinguished from
other Asians and the
haafu
.
Character type
.
is variable includes the categories of celebrity and ordinary person. A “celebrity” is any person or being,
be it animal, robot or monster, that is easily recognisable as famous or an
idol
, such that by virtue of personal or professional
trajectory they have been the object of media coverage. e two categories (celebrity and
idol
)
have been joined as one because
they perform the same function in advertising, that of being prescriptive of the brand and symbol of quality. When they do not
have such characteristics, they are registered as an ordinary character; that is, any person or being, animal, robot or monster,
that does not fall into the category of celebrity or
idol
.
Clothing
.
e proposals of D
í
az-Soloaga, Mu
ñ
iz-Muriel and Quintas-Froufe (2010) have been accepted for this variable, with
the addition of the attributes of children’s and provocative clothing, an important attribute when marking a woman’s role
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in advertisements, as seen above. Each of the garments has been taken as a dichotomic variable (0= no; 1=yes), as the same
woman may have a change of outt, for example to indicate a before and an after.
Setting
. is variable refers to the space or environment in which the women are represented, it allows for verication of the
negative vision of Japanese woman observed in previous studies. It is for this reason that the places proposed by Arima (2003)
have been kept. Furthermore, it is operationalised is a dichotomic variable because, dealing with television adverts, a single
character may move from one setting to another.
Product
. 11 categories have been established, largely following the proposals of Prieler, Ivanov and Hagiwara (2015), which
refer to articles of cosmetics and personal care, restaurants and cafes, fashion and complements, telephones and technology,
automotive, insurance and nancial services, alcohol and tobacco, foodstus and supermarkets, medication and health,
household and other. is last category has been added given the impossibility of classifying all the many products on the
market.
Target audience.
is category refers to the public towards which the advert is aimed. Four categories have been included:
men, women, men and women, and others.
Body part highlighted
. is marks the part of the character’s body that is highlighted in the advert, taking those proposed in the
study by Díaz-Soloaga, Muñiz-Muriel
and Quintas-Froufe (2010). 11 dichotomic variables correspond to this category: face,
eyes, mouth, neck, hair, faceless body, chest, legs, hands, waist and whole body. `
Values reected by the character
. is variable has been added with the objective of looking more closely at the dierent roles,
with categories based on the proposals of
Díaz-Soloaga and Muñiz-Muriel (2007), incorporating some other attributes. ese
extras are: innocence, maturity and sweetness, to match more closely the models of representation of Japanese women.
e coding table has been segmented into four groups of variables:
–
Identication data for the advertisement: 3 items.
–
Data relative to the characters’ outer appearance: 15 variables.
–
Data referring to the context in which the advert takes place: 19 variables.
–
Data referring to the values reected by the character: 18 variables.
3. Results
3.1. General aspects of the characters
26.5% of the characters analysed are in adverts for foodstus. Together with this category, telephones and technology (19.5%)
also provided a considerable number of ads, followed by cosmetics and personal care (13.5%). e others correspond to the
categories of medication and health (9.8%), household (7.4%), fashion and complements (5.6%), other (4.2%), insurance and
nancial products (4.2%), alcohol and tobacco (3.3%), restaurants and cafes (3.3%) and automotive (2.8%). When analysing
the advertisements, the target audience were also taken into consideration, with 47.9% being aimed at both men and women,
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38.1% at women, 11.2% addressing men exclusively, and 2.8% to other audiences. Furthermore, it was found that 86.6% of the
characters were ordinary people, in contrast with the characters considered to be celebrities or
idols
, although these made up
a noticeable 13.4%.
As regards the physical appearance of the female characters analysed, and more specically their socio-demographic
characteristics, it is worth noting that most appear to be young (45.8%), followed by adults (31.5%). Finally, with less
representation, 13% of the characters represent minors, and 9.7% represent the elderly.
Turning to ethnicity, Japanese characters clearly predominate (46.8%), followed by the
haafu
, with 31%. Caucasians have less
representation (8.8%), as do non-Japanese Asians (6.4%), cartoons, monsters, robots or anthropomorphised objects (5.1%),
and, lastly, a meagre representation of people of African descent (1.9%).
As for the body part highlighted, it is important to point out that there may be more than one in a single advertisement. In fact,
the commonest combination found is that of face and whole body which appear equally highlighted in the same spot, therefore
the data presented refers to each category in the total number of adverts. Firstly, the body part most frequently highlighted in
the adverts analysed is the whole body (77.3%), in second place the face, (51.9%). Less prominent were, the waist (6.5%), hands
(4.7%), chest (4.2%), mouth (3.2%), hair (2.8%), eyes (2.3%), faceless body (2.3%), neck (1.9%; and legs (1.9%).
Concerning the characters’ clothing, just as in the previous variable, changes of clothing have been considered as possible
in audio visual spots, and therefore each of the categories presented are distinct variables measured in relation with the total
number of adverts. e clothing type most frequently used by the characters analysed is casual clothes (25.2%), followed by
formal (18.2%), children’s (17.8%), work uniforms (13.6%) and provocative clothes (11.7%). Less commonly represented are
the characters wearing aprons (7.9%), sportswear (6.1%), suits (5.1%), semi-naked (4.7%), with a kimono, yukata or traditional
Japanese costume (3.7%), in a swimsuit or underwear (2.3%) and, nally completely nude (0.9%).
As regards the setting of the advert, being an audio-visual element and as there may be several settings in a single spot, they
have been measured such that each setting covers dierent variables. e commonest setting for female characters is inside
the home (34.3%), followed by the street or outdoors (25.9%), other interiors (21.8%), at work (15.4%), in places of leisure
(11.1%) and other settings (0.9%).
3.2. Stereotypes identied
In order to identify the various stereotypes present in Japanese advertising, a factorial analysis was performed utilising the
18 variables corresponding to the dierent attributes which, as seen in the theorical framework, are to be found in the roles
represented by the female characters in the adverts. Each of the variables has been presented as a dichotomy, therefore, where
an attribute has been identied it is marked as 1, and on the contrary as 0. Adaptation of Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin (KMO) sampling
with Varimax rotation gave a value of .728, resulting in a statistically signicant Bartlett coecient of (p≤.01). is analysis
shows that the 18 factors explain 63.87% of the variance.
Once the factorial analysis had been carried out, a reliability analysis was performed to analyse the internal consistency of
each of the stereotypes found, leaving to one side the components composed of a single variable, as is the case with sweetness
(see table 1). By utilising this procedure six factors were discovered, corresponding to the same number of stereotypes:
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–
the stereotype of
traditional
woman is made up of the variables of maternity, family and love
(
α
= .795).
–
the stereotype of
subjugated
woman is made up of items which make reference to the reection of weakness, subjection
and sadness
(
α
= .648).
–
the stereotype of
transgressive
woman is directly related with the values of transgression, modernity and achievement
(
α
=.735).
–
the stereotype of
kawaii
woman is composed of sexual attraction, seduction and pleasure
(
α
= .613).
–
the stereotype of
kirei
woman is made up of maturity and innocence, such that they are inversely proportional; that is, the
presence of one automatically supposes the absence of the other, therefore the Cronbach’s Alpha value is negative
(
α
=
-.789).
–
the stereotype of
lolita
woman has the attribute of sweetness.
Table 1. KMO factorial analysis with Varimax rotation of the attributes present in stereotypes
TraditionalSubjugatedTransgressive
KawaiiKireiLolita
Maternity.850
Family.809
Love.784
Weakness.796
Subjection.681
Sadness.650
Freedom
-.479.374
Loyalty
.412.440
Transgression.802
Modernity.786
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Achievement.546
.424
Comfort
-.470
Sexual attraction
.795
Seduction.776
Pleasure.612
Innocence-.767
Maturity.767
Sweetness-.912
Percentage of variation
explained
21.19%14.03%8.71%8.18%6.05%5.71%
Source: created by the author
Following the factorial analysis six new variables were drawn up with the stereotypes obtained. To this end, using the SPSS
tool “transform variable”, all the attributes present were added up in each of the proles and divided between the total number
of items added. e averages observed in each of the stereotypes are: traditional woman M=.132; subjugated woman M=.165;
transgressive woman M=.212;
kawaii
woman M=.160;
kirei
woman M=.251, and
lolita
woman M=.346.
Concerning the relation between the stereotypes identied and the clothes worn by the model in each advert (see table 2),
the image of the traditional woman can be seen to be positively and signicantly associated with wearing an apron (r=.469,
p≤0.01), negatively correlating with provocative clothing (r=-.1175, p≤0.01). Turning to subjugated woman, she is usually seen
in an apron (r=.130, p≤0.05), negatively correlating with casual clothing (r=-.204, p≤0.01) and sportswear (r=-.137, p≤0.05). e
transgressive woman has a positive and signicant correlation with provocative clothes (r=.271, p≤0.01), and negative with
children’s clothes (r=-.150, p≤0.05) and with an apron (r=-.1357, p≤0.05). e
kawaii
woman dresses provocatively (r=.490,
p≤0.01) and in children’s clothes (r= .210, p≤0.01), and also has a negative correlation with casual clothes (r=-.175, p≤0.01) and
with work uniforms (r=-.173, p≤0.01). e
kirei
woman
usually dresses provocatively (r=.243, p≤0.01) and in children’s clothes
(r=.290, p≤0.01), with a negative correlation with wearing an apron (r=-.207, p≤0.01). Finally,
lolita
woman has a positive
correlation with children’s clothing. (r=351, p≤0.01).
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Table 2: Table showing correlation between stereotypes and their clothing
TraditionalSubjugatedTransgressive
KawaiiKireiLolita
Casual
-.204**-.175**
Sport
-.137*
Suit
Formal
Work uniform
-.173**
Swimsuit or underwear
Kimono Yukata
Apron
.469**.130*-.157*-.207**
Nudity
Semi-nudity
Provocative
-.175**.271**.490**.243**
Children’s-.150*.210**.290**
.
351**
**p≤0.01 *p≤0.05
Source: created by the author
In order to measure how the stereotypes are represented in relation to the age variable (see table 3), the averages have been
compared relative to each of the stereotypes, with the following results: Adult women (M=.305), are usually represented as
traditional (F (3,233) =15.810, p≤.01); subjugated women are usually those that present as minors (M=.300) (F (3,233) = 4.420,
p≤.01). e same thing happens with the proles
kawaii
(M=.325) (F (3,233) = 7.978, p≤.01,
kirei
(M=.425) (F (3,233) = 11.256,
p≤.01), and
lolita
(M=.600) (F (3,233) = 17.881, p≤.01).
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Table 3. Dierence in averages between each stereotype and the apparent age of each character
Stereotype FSig.MinorYouthAdultSenior
Traditional15.810.000.008.073.
305
.064
Subjugated4.420.005
.300
.118.164.143
Transgressive0.548.650.217.257.225.159
Kawaii7.978.000
.325
.159.108.032
Kirei11.256.000
.425
.248.211.071
Lolita17.881.000
.600
.467.127.000
Source: created by the author
Concerning the ethnicity variable (see table 4), the traditional woman is represented by Japanese (M=.208) (F(5,231)= 3.277,
p≤.01); the subjugated woman is characterised by being represented as a cartoon, monster, robot or anthropomorphised object
(M=.450) (F(5,231)= 5.839, p≤.01); transgressive woman is represented as a woman of African descent (M=.667) or Caucasian
(M=.510) (F(5,231)= 6.810, p≤.01). e
kawaii
woman may be represented as a cartoon, monster, robot or anthropomorphised
object (M=.333),
haafu
(M=.246), of African descent (M=.250),or Caucasian (M=.235,) (F(5,231)= 7.369, p≤.01); and, similarly,
kirei
woman is represented by a cartoon, monster, robot or anthropomorphised object (M=.450) or
haafu
(M=.309) (F(5,231)=
5.960, p≤.01). Finally, the
lolita
woman is represented as a cartoon, monster, robot or anthropomorphised object (M=.550) or
other Asian (M=.500) (F (5,231) = 3.153, p≤.01).
Table 4. Dierence in averages between each stereotype and each character’s ethnic group
StereotypeFSig.CaucasianJapanese
African de
-
scent
HaafuCartoon…
Other
Asian
Traditional
3.277.007.059
.208
.000.070.033.146
Subjugated
5.839.000.098.170.000.114.450.125
Transgressive
6.810.000
.510
.131
.667
.289.167.292
Kawaii
7.369.000
.235
.061
.250.246.333
.083
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Kirei
5.960.000.265.183.000
.309.450
.219
Lolita
3.153.009.059.308.000.395
.550.500
Source: created by the author
When calculating the dierences between the averages of the character types (
idol
or celebrity or not) and the stereotypes
found (see table 5), it can be observed that it is only found for the stereotype of traditional woman that she is usually not
famous (M=.153) (F (1,235) = 7.733, p≤.01). On the other hand, the transgressive woman is usually a celebrity (M=.410) (F
(1,235) = 13.467, p≤.01), the same occurring for the proles of
kawaii
woman (M=.393) (F (1,235) = 39.824, p≤.01) and
lolita
(M=.538) (F (1,235) = 7.830, p≤.01). However, the prole of
kirei
woman may be presented as either an idol or a celebrity
(M=.385) or not famous (M=.225) F (1,235) = 13.064, p≤.01).
Table 5. Dierence in averages between each stereotype and the type of character appearing in the advertisements
Stereotype FSig.
Idol or FamousNot famous
Traditional
7.733.006.017
.153
Subjugated
3.430.065.239.150
Transgressive
13.467.000
.410
.197
Kawaii
39.824.000
.393
.114
Kirei
13.064.000
.385.225
Lolita
7.830.006
.538
.308
Source: created by the author
On analysing the sector variable (type of product advertised) in relation with the stereotypes obtained (see table 6), traditional
woman has been found to be the most commonly chosen for automotive adverts (M=.500) and household products (M=.333)
(F (10,226) = 3.266, p≤.01). In the case of subjugated woman, she usually advertises alcohol and tobacco (M=.370), other
products (M=.296), medication and health (M=.286) and telephones and technology (M=.245) (F (10,226) = 3.783, p≤.01). e
kawaii
woman is the one selected to advertise cosmetics and personal care products (M=.283), alcohol and tobacco (M=.222)
and telephones and technology (M=.214) (F (10,226) = 2.705, p≤.01). And the stereotype of
kirei
woman is typically to be found
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in spots for insurance and nancial services (M=.350), telephones and technology (M=.321) and fashion & complements
(M=.313) (F (10,226) = 1.914, p≤.05).
Table 6. Dierence in averages between each stereotype and the sector corresponding to the products / services advertised
StereotypeFSig.
Cosmetics & personal care
Restaurants & cafes
Fashion & complements
Telephones & technology
Auto motion
Insurance & nancial services
Alcohol & tobacco
Foodstus
Medication & health
Household
Other
Traditional
3.266.001.083.075
.500
.200.037.138.190
.333
.185
Subjugated
3.783.000
.245
.167.133
.370
.149
.286
.167
.296
Transgressive
1.202.291.277.056.200.037.247.175.125.185
Kawaii
2.705.004
.283.214
.000.000
.222
.190.048.042.037
Kirei
1.914.044
.313.321
.250
.350
.222.276.167.156.222
Lolita
1.655.093.491.333.200.444.379.190.188.556
Source: created by the author
In the dierence in the averages between the stereotypes found and the target audience (see table 7 in Appendices), the
traditional woman is chosen to make adverts for other publics, such as companies (M=.444) (F (3,233) = 4.237, p≤.01). e
subjugated woman usually addresses male audiences (M=.483), (F (3,233) = 20.419, p≤.01), as happens with kirei woman
(M=.403) (F (3,233) = 5.001, p≤.01). e transgressive woman is chosen to speak to both women (M=.261) and indistinctly
to women and men (M=.259) (F (3,233) = 2.966, p≤.05). Finally, lolita woman addresses men (M=.516) and other publics
(M=.500), (F (3,233) = 3.555, p≤.05).
As regards the type of setting in which each female stereotype is to be found (see table 8 in Appendices), it can be observed
how traditional woman is normally represented within the home (r=.241, p≤.01). e transgressive woman is characterised
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by nding herself mainly in the street or other exteriors (r=.192, p≤.01) and in other spaces (r=.173, p≤.01), inversely related
to being in the home (r=-.141, p≤.01). e
kawaii
woman is basically found in places of leisure (r=.248, p≤.01) and in other
places (r=.151, p≤.01), and is proportionally inversely related to the workplace (r=-.154, p≤.05). e
kirei
woman has an inverse
correlation with being represented at home (r=-.148, p≤.05) and in other places (r=-.151, p≤.05). Lastly,
lolita
woman is
normally represented in the street (r=.189, p≤0.01) and inversely correlated with the fact of being in places of leisure (r=-.140,
p≤.05).
Regarding the parts of the body highlighted in the adverts (table 9 of the Appendices), it can be observed for each prole that
it is infrequent to focus on the face when presenting a traditional woman (r=-.166, p≤.05). e subjugated woman’s chest is
shown more frequently (r=.142, p≤.05) as is her whole body (r=.133, p≤.05). In the case of transgressive woman, there is a
negative relation with the fact of focusing on her chest (r=-.128, p≤.05). In
kawaii
woman, the parts most frequently focused
on are the face (r=.280, p≤0.01), mouth (r=.136, p≤.05), hair (r=.130, p≤.05), chest (r=.176, p≤.01) and legs (r=.244, p≤0.01). e
kirei
woman has a signicant and positive relation with displays of her face (r=.151, p≤.05), and a negative one with her hair
(r=-.143, p≤.05) and faceless body (r=-.128, p≤.05). Lastly, the
lolita
prole only has a positive relation with focus on her whole
body (r=.159, p≤.01).
4. Discussion
e principal objective of this study is to nd the stereotypes utilised in Japanese advertising, because of analysis of the data,
six representations of women have been identied: traditional, subjugated, transgressive, kawaii,
kirei
, and
lolita
. erefore,
it has been demonstrated that Japanese advertising still relies on and invests millions in a series of female stereotypes, being
third amongst countries with the highest advertising spend, with 46.626 billion dollars, after the USA ($242.535bn) and China
($87.533bn) (Statista, 2020b).
e six female stereotypes identied have the following characteristics:
–
Traditional woman. She is an ordinary woman (that is, not famous) who appears to be an adult of Japanese descent and
reects love, maternity and family. She is usually represented in the home, wearing an apron. Her prole is used to promote
family cars and household products, which refutes hypothesis H3a. is type of woman corresponds to the one identied
in numerous studies on advertising stereotypes on Japanese television (Courtney & Whipple,1974; Arima, 2003), in which
this woman responds to the category termed by Arima (2003) “beautiful, wise housewives”. Nonetheless, regarding these
studies, we have observed that this role has undergone substantial modications. First, she is no longer represented as an
elderly woman, but as an adult, which may be related to the self-representation of these women with those of a younger
age group (Yamasaki, 2005, cited by Prieler, Kohlbacher, Hagiwara & Arima, 2009). Second, she drives; that means she does
not depend on a man to move around, although she may be economically dependent.
–
Subjugated woman. A woman who reects weakness, subjection, and sadness. She is usually represented as a cartoon,
monster, robot or anthropomorphised object, which is well-known (famous or
idol
), a minor, and may be represented
wearing an apron. is prole is generally utilised to advertise alcohol and tobacco, medication and health, telephones
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and technology or other products aimed at a male audience. Her complete body may be focused on in adverts, to a lesser
degree her chest, something which concurs with the female character’s “intention” to serve or please the male.
–
Transgressive woman. She is represented by a Caucasian or African-descended model, whose values are those of
transgression, modernity and achievement, she normally dresses provocatively. is character is a celebrity or
idol
,
and usually addresses a female or mixed audience. In this prole, and coinciding with that proposed in the theoretical
framework, successful non-Asian foreigners are common; that is, they are in a position greatly superior to that assigned to
Japanese women. Anyway, due to the scant representation she has in Japanese advertisements, it cannot be armed that
she is a “new ideal of national femininity”, as stated by Sánchez (2014: 318), but rather that she functions as a guarantee, as
propounded by
lafsson (2014).
–
Kawaii
woman. is stereotype reects sexual attraction, seduction, and pleasure. She dresses in a provocative, childlike
manner, reecting the minor she looks like. is is the type of woman manifested by the greatest ethnic variety, as she
is shown as a cartoon, monster, robot or anthropomorphized object, ethnically Caucasian,
haafu,
or of African descent.
is character type is employed to promote beauty and personal care products, telephones and technology, and alcohol
and tobacco, which serves to conrm hypothesis H3c, although all the other sectors for which this type of woman is used
should also be included. She is basically represented in places of leisure, and the parts of the body highlighted in the spots
are her face, legs, chest, mouth and hair.
–
Kirei
woman. She presents maturity or innocence, although these attributes are not shown simultaneously. Just as
kirei
woman, she is characterised by childlike or provocative clothes. e character represents a minor, she is usually a cartoon,
monster, robot or anthropomorphized object or
haafu
. ere are hardly any dierences between the adverts that represent
her with a celebrity or idol or as an ordinary person, though there is a certain preponderance of the former. is character
type is used to advertise insurance and nancial services, telephones and technology, and fashion and complements,
thereby refuting hypothesis H3b. She is chiey aimed at a male audience, and the body part underlined most in the spots
she appears in is her face.
–
Lolita
woman. is character is either a youth or a child who, in either case, dresses as a child, and is commonly represented
as a cartoon, monster, robot or anthropomorphized object or other Asian. She is clearly a famous person or an idol,
represented in the street or outdoors. Her whole body is usually shown, and the adverts she appears in are aimed at a male
audience or other groups, such as companies, which are generally led by men.
–
All these stereotypes can be grouped into two types of roles, those of subordination and those of independence. In the case
of roles of subordination, it can be observed how, in the case of the traditional woman, one sees a woman at the service
of her family and children, willing to sacrice herself for them, while the subjugated woman represents a woman who
is incapable of getting by on her own. On the other hand, among the subordinate stereotypes can be found those which
could be termed “trophy women”, the
kirei
,
kawaii
and
lolita
women, who match in detail the norms expressed at the
beginning of this paper, and who coincide with the results of other research in which they are presented as women fullling
“decorative roles” (Chan & Cheng, 2012; Zotos & Tsichla, 2014). Finally, in the general role of independent woman, only
one stereotype of woman in this category has been identied, that of the transgressive woman.
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–
In light of these results, hypothesis H1a should be rejected, as the stereotypes are not linked to the ages represented, as
suggested by the study of Prieler, Kohlbacher, Hagiwara and Arima (2015).
–
Hypothesis H1b is partially conrmed, because the values represented by the types of traditional, subjugated and
transgressive woman are, in the essential aspects, the same, that is: for traditional woman, the reection of maternity,
family and love; for the subjugated, weakness, subjection and sadness; and for the transgressive, transgression, modernity
and achievement. Moreover, the kawaii model has an exact correspondence with the sensual woman (Díaz-Soloaga,
2007), being associated with the same values: sexual attraction, pleasure, and seduction. Lastly, two other proles can be
observed, kirei, with attributes of innocence or maturity, and lolita, whose essential attribute is sweetness, which do not
correspond with any of the studies mentioned.
–
Hypothesis H2, in which it is stated that the ideal woman is identied with features shown by the haafu ethnic group, is
rejected, because it is the Japanese ethnic group which has greatest incidence in the advertisements analysed. On the other
hand, it cannot be denied that the haafu are the second most frequently represented, and that they are an important group,
one to be taken into consideration, when trying to represent kirei and kawaii women.
4. Conclusions
is paper has identied the dierent stereotypes of woman current in Japanese advertising. It has been demonstrated that
ve of the six stereotypes found correspond to a position of subordination for woman, namely: traditional, subjugated,
kirei
,
kawaii
and
Lolita
woman, which also coincide with stereotypes identied in previous research by Arima (2003, whose data
was gathered in 1996) and Díaz-Soloaga (2007). Although some signicant dierences in the handling of these stereotypes
can be observed, particularly regarding the relation with the type of products assigned to each role, and in the appearance
of new roles in advertising, these essentially remain unchanged. Only one stereotype has been identied which presents
an empowered and independent woman, the transgressive woman, although it would not be correct to speak of a woman
represented in a position of superiority, as the gure has not been evaluated in comparison with a male gure.
Although this paper compiles the stereotypes of women in Japanese advertising, there are aspects that could be considered for
future research. Among these, it would be interesting to evaluate the position occupied by female characters in advertisements;
that is, whether she is the star or a supporting gure, and her hierarchical position relative to men, to classify her as in a
position of subordination, equality, superiority or independence.
Advertisements in which a man appears alone could also be analysed, to be able to establish a comparison of the roles performed
by the two genders. Furthermore, for a more detailed analysis, the textual element of the adverts should be considered, as in
a highly hierarchical society such as the Japanese, individuals are expected to use
keigo
(the language of honour) to relate to
others, taking the place corresponding to each person on the social scale (Paterna, 2012).
e
haafu
gure should also be examined more closely, as its place as such an important ethnic group in Japanese advertising
would make it interesting to compare the characteristics attributed to it with its representation in advertising. Finally, it would
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be interesting to extend the time period under consideration and to include other formats (for example, series or lms, from
dierent genres, and other media, such as graphic print advertising or adverts on social networks).
Furthermore, the fundamental work has been done for a comparison between the stereotypes transmitted on television in
countries on the other apexes of the Hofstede-Hall communicative model, which would be the linear-active pole, made up
of countries such as Germany, Switzerland, Luxemburg and the UK, and the multi-active pole, where countries such as Italy,
Spain, Colombia and Peru are to be found.
5. Acknowledgements
is paper has been translated from Spanish by Brian O’Halloran.
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6. Appendices
Table 7. Dierence in the averages between each stereotype and the type of audience at which it is aimed
StereotypeFSig.MenWomen
Men & women
Other
Traditional
4.237.006.022.146.133
.444
Subjugated
20.419.000
.483
.092.129.222
Transgressive
2.966.033.075
.261.259
.111
Kawaii
1.182.317.237.149.153.056
Kirei
5.001.002
.403
.230.235.083
Lolita
3.555.015
.516
.230.381
.500
**p≤0.01 *p≤0.05
Source: created by the author
Table 8. Table of the correlation between the stereotypes and the place in which the character appears
TraditionalSubjugatedTransgressive
KawaiiKireiLolita
Street or exterior
-.021-.076
.192
**
-.082.043
.189
**
Home
.241
**
-.031
-.141
*
-.102
-.148
*
.028
Work-.049.045-.024
-.154
*
.089-.110
Place of entertainment
-.027-.067.043
.284
**
.101
-.140
*
Other interiors
-.055.043-.054.063.037-.049
Other.008.109
.173
**
.151
*
-.163
*
.109
**p≤0.01 *p≤0.05
Source: created by the author
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Table 9. Table of the correlation between the stereotypes found and the parts of the body highlighted in the spots
TraditionalSubjugatedTransgressive
KawaiiKireiLolita
Face-.166
*
-.007.043
.280
**
.151
*
.078
Eyes
-.022.080.039.003-.064.042
Mouth
.052-.031.022
.136
*
.051.052
Neck
-.052-.067-.040-.021-.037-.082
Hair
-.068-.087.073.130
*
-.143
*
-.045
Faceless body
-.061-.039.071.003
-.128
*
-.027
Chest
-.086
.142
*
-.128
*
.176
**
.090.061
Legs
-.061-.078.103
.244
**
.063-.026
Hands
.012-.065-.027-.090-.108.041
Waist
.014.083-.085.006-.001.016
Whole body
-.078
.133
*
-.083.115.082
.159
*
**p≤0.01 *p≤0.05
Source: created by the author