Spanish press coverage of the Covid-19 crisis. When front pages alarm and editorials reassureCobertura de la Covid-19 en la prensa de calidad. Cuando las portadas alarman y los editoriales tranquilizan doxa.comunicación | nº 36, pp. 65-85 | 65January-June of 2023ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978How to cite this article: Salvador-Mata, B. and Cortiñas-Rovira, S. (2023). Spanish press coverage of the Covid-19 crisis. When front pages alarm and editorials reassure. Doxa Comunicación, 36, pp. 65-85.https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n36a1831Bertran Salvador-Mata. Adjunct lecturer in the Communication department of the Universitat Pompeu Fabra and third-year PhD student at the same university. He has published several publications in indexed journals and over 250 citations in Google Scholar. He is currently the co-director of the journal Comunicació. Revista de Recerca i d’Anàlisi, included in the Web of Science-JCR. Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Spainbertran.salvador@upf.eduORCID: 0000-0002-0499-0350Sergi Cortiñas-Rovira. Senior lecturer in the Communication department of the Universitat Pompeu Fabra. He has published around fty papers in the felds of journalism, scientic communication, sports journalism and psuedoscience. He has a PhD in Social Communication and is a graduate in Chemistry and Journalism. He is also a Professor at the UPF-BSM (Barcelona School of Management). Universitat Pompeu Fabra, EspañaUPF Barcelona School of Management, Spainsergi.cortinas@upf.eduORCID: 0000-0002-7252-5418Abstract: e journalistic state of emergency that occurs during a health crisis is characterised by a substantial increase in the number of news items and a heightened risk of incurring in journalistic dysfunctions. ese may vary between dierent sections of a newspaper. is study has examined 124 front pages and 151 editorials from El País, La Vanguardia, El Mundo and El Periódico published between 17/04/2020 and 17/05/2020 by applying inductive content analysis. 26% of the front pages contained journalistic dysfunctions of at least one of the 8 subtypes described. However, these were only found in 14% of the editorials, mostly being linguistic in nature. e editorials Resumen: El estado de excepción periodístico que se produce durante una crisis sanitaria se caracteriza por un incremento sustancial del número de no-ticias y una mayor probabilidad de cometer disfunciones periodísticas. Estas pueden aparecer de modo diferencial en función de la sección del periódico en el que se publican. En este trabajo se ha realizado un análi-sis de contenido inductivo de 124 portadas y 151 editoriales publicadas en los diarios El País, La Vanguardia, El Periódico y El Mundo entre el 17/04/2020 y el 17/05/2020. En el 26% de las portadas se han detectado disfunciones periodísticas de al menos uno de los 8 subtipos descritos por metodología inductiva. En el 14% de los editoriales se han encon-Received: 26/10/2022 - Accepted: 07/12/2022 - Early access: 13/12/2022 - Published: 01/01/2023Recibido: 26/10/2022 - Aceptado: 07/12/2022 - En edición: 13/12/2022 - Publicado: 01/01/2023

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66 | nº 36, pp. 65-85 | January-June of 2023Spanish press coverage of the Covid-19 crisis. When front pages alarm and editorials reassureISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978doxa.comunicación1. IntroductionHealth crises can become disruptive for journalists’ duties, creating a kind of state of emergency in communication. e communication of emergencies supposes a major and fundamental challenge and brings with it a notion of risk. Risk society or risikogesellschaft, to which both Giddens and Beck have dedicated eorts (Beck; Lash & Giddens; 1997; Beck, 2006), congures a framework of reference from which one can understand reexive modernity and the notion and communication of risks. In contemporary society, one can look to the future under the premise of risk, in the modern sense of the word (Galindo, 2015), especially relevant in the handling of health crises which require a dicult balance between economic, health and political measures. Crises are the essence of a (post)modernity characterised by a presumed absence of visible power, in an increasingly globalised context and where control structures become invisible (Hardt & Negri, 2000). is makes the crises proliferate in a type of continuum, with constant rallies. Uncertainty and risk are the result of a society that lives looking to the future (Beck, Lash & Giddens, 1997) and which has constructed its relationship with what is to come in an ongoing calculation of possibilities. e future is perceived, therefore, as a result of comparing and assessing risks and uncertainties. In this context, communication of such risks to society becomes essential for crisis management, including health crises. ere is a reason the WHO considers communication risks to be one of its principal activities as an organisation. Part of its bibliography consists of a series of reections and recommendations in this regard: from guides to establish the basic elements of communication during health emergencies (WHO, 2017a), systematic reviews which help establish basic criteria for recommendations (WHO, 2017b), or eective communication studies by the media (WHO, 2005a), to guides on how to communicate outbreaks (WHO, 2005b). As a complement, numerous reviews have analysed and systematised these and other recommendations, and have applied them, with nuances, to dened crisis contexts, such as, for example, outbreaks of Ebola, Zika and yellow fever (Toppenberg-Pejcic et al., 2019) or the bird u pandemic (Abraham, 2011). In parallel, several crisis communication models have been developed, from that of Reynolds & Seeger (2005) to that of Sandman (1993), and decalogues of proposals for the management of risk communication (Pont-Sorribes & Cortiñas-Rovira, 2011). e relationship with the public becomes essential when dealing with health crises, in terms of dialogue and the level of details, evaluating scientic evaluations of risk and correlating with the needs of the audience (Seeger, 2006), whilst coordinating tended to convey a message of rigour, prudence, and calm. is seems to concur with the journalistic theorem arming that, during a serious health crisis, the most truthful and reassuring information is to be found in editorials rather than on front pages, which are more alarmist and sensationalist. A new corollary is proposed for this theorem: journalistic dysfunctions in editorials increase in a polarised political context. Keywords:Alarmism; Covid-19; editorial; front page; journalistic dysfunction.trado disfunciones, la mayoría de entidad lingüística. Los editoriales suelen transmitir un mensaje de rigor, prudencia y sosiego. Se verica el teorema periodístico que arma que, en el curso de una crisis sanitaria grave, en los editoriales se encuentra la información periodística más veraz y tranquilizadora, en contraposición a las portadas, que tienden al alarmismo y al sensacionalismo. Se añade un corolario a este teore-ma: las disfunciones periodísticas en los editoriales se incrementan si se da en un contexto de polarización política.Palabras clave:Alarmismo; Covid-19; disfunción periodística; editorial; portada.
doxa.comunicación | nº 36, pp. 65-85 | January-June of 2023Bertran Salvador-Mata and Sergi Cortiñas-RoviraISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-397867with credible sources. e relationship must begin as early as possible and must be built on bidirectional communication channels. e risk must be recognised, analysed, and expounded honestly, even when faced with mistakes, whoever makes them (Sandman, 1993). e communication of risks occupies a fertile spot in the journalistic eld and starts with the idea that the public has a right to know the risks and dangers of a critical situation. How this communication should proceed, however, is a matter for debate. Some posit drawing the gloomiest possible picture to generate a situation where the population is ready for the worst, and thus avoid panic should the crisis really get worse, what has been called inoculation theory (Jones, 2010; Anderson & McGuire, 1965). is ts with philosophical positions such as the heuristic of fear, defended by the philosopher Hans Jonas (1995), whereby, faced by fear of a future catastrophe, morals must produce a preventative action, although the calamity itself is only a possibility. ey share with the WHO (2005a) the necessity of giving a swift alert about a crisis situation. Even so, it is not clear that painting an exaggeratedly negative scenario at the beginning is the best option, rather, it is more common to strike a balance between known risks and the uncertainties to be communicated, without utilising empty words. Reynolds and Seeger (2005) propose a model for crisis management and the communication of risks. Divided into ve phases, it establishes the following periods: pre-crisis (where warnings are given and risks communicated), initial event (where uncertainty should be reduced and eective messages given), maintenance (continue to reduce uncertainty and keep up the eective messages), resolution (resolution, discussion of the cause and new risks, and forecasting of future risks), and evaluation (to evaluate the response and the lessons learnt). Supposing that crises tend to follow a pattern, this model seeks to anticipate and serve as a guide for communication management depending on the phase and the time. Despite previous experiences, journalism is severely disrupted in a pandemic, making journalistic dysfunction more probable. is is aggravated by the lack of specic protocols -in addition to deontological codes, which may appear highly generic-. Moreover, the against-the-clock nature of the task and the lack of scientic training among sta, apart from a few specialised journalists, may play a part, (Cortiñas-Rovira et al., 2014; Cassany-Viladomat, Cortiñas-Rovira & Elduque-Busquets, 2018). e journalistic state of emergency during a health crisis is characterised by, among other aspects, a substantial increase in the number of news items. Over the period April 27 to May 3, 2009, coinciding with the H1N1 u (or type A inuenza) crisis, Duncan (2009) detected 3,979 items dealing directly with H1N1 u in a selection of the main European media. For a month in a non-crisis time (January 15 to February 15, 2009), the total number of articles on health matters in general was only 2,824. Zanetti et al., (2012) found an over-exposure of the subject during the same crisis, especially on the front pages of Italian media. Lewison (2008) reported a peak with the SARS 2003 outbreak, especially concentrated in the week of April 20, practically tripling in number compared to March 23. In that same crisis, Chan et al., (2003) detected a correlation between the increase in the number of publications and new cases, but also discovered a lapse when there was no coverage of the outbreak, just as it began.e same pattern has been observed in the case of Covid-19. Lázaro-Rodríguez and Herrera-Viedma (2020) found a boom in media output concerning the crisis, with its peak in Spain coming with the decree of the State of Alarm, when over 45,000 digital news items were found, which, moreover, represented the lion’s share of content published in the press. is fact
68 | nº 36, pp. 65-85 | January-June of 2023Spanish press coverage of the Covid-19 crisis. When front pages alarm and editorials reassureISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978doxa.comunicacióncorrelates with the pandemic-related boom in scientic informationof scientic information, as indicated by Torres-Salinas (2020) analysing its publication in dierent data bases (Scopus, PubMed Central & WoS among others). Beyond this excess of information, these communication crises were characterised by a series of journalistic dysfunctions which, to a greater or a lesser degree, were repeated. Among the dysfunctions previously identied in contexts of health crises were, mainly, the periods or frames of alarmism, sensationalism, generation of the language of fear (Altheide, 2002) or the utilisation of bellicose or deliberately exaggerated language. ese were found, for example, in the case of H1N1 u (Liuccio et al., 2012; Trucchi; Domnich & Casabona, 2011). In Italy, up to 47.9% of the infographics analysed had an alarming tone, with considerable use of sensationalist images (Zanetti et al., 2012). In Spain, an analysis of media coverage of the early stages of the same virus also detected alarmism, sensationalism, lack of deeper information on science matters and a lack of rigour in some content (Camacho, 2009; Cortiñas-Rovira; Pont-Sorribes & Alonso-Marcos, 2015). ese studies indicate that journalistic dysfunctions do not follow a single pattern in the dierent sections of a paper. Cortiñas-Rovira, Pont-Sorribes and Alonso-Marcos (2015) have set out a theorem which states that more trustworthy and pertinent information concerning health crises is found in editorials than on front pages. is study intends to test this theory applied to journalistic production at the height of a worldwide pandemic, that of Covid-19. Any crisis like a pandemic supposes maximum tension for the media, but the case of Covid-19 brings other diculties to the table which were far less serious in other health crises: (1) reduction in the number of workers due to the pandemic, (2) mobility problems, (3) complications with access to sources, especially doctors, who were also overwhelmed by the situation, and (4) possible emotional eects on journalists and sources.All of this adds up to a truly complex journalistic context, worthy of analysis. is study analyses journalistic output published over a month at the height of the Covid-19 crisis to analyse the most frequent journalistic dysfunctions in these news items, as well as to establish a comparison between two distinct elements: editorials and front pages, with the intention of dening their dierences and contributions to the education and literacy of the population in a crisis. Furthermore, it intends to test the theorem proposed by Cortiñas-Rovira, Pont-Sorribes and Alonso-Marcos (2015). 2. Methodologyis study analyses journalistic coverage at the height of the pandemic by looking at the content reected on the front pages and in the editorials of four of the main Spanish dailies (El País, El Mundo, la Vanguardia and El Periódico) over the period from 17/04/2020 to 17/05/2020. is period has been chosen, partially coinciding as it does with other studies into Covid-19 (Torres-Salinas, 2020), because that was the equator of the rst State of Alarm (15/03/2020 to 21/06/2020). It represents approximately a third of said period, thus being a signicant sample, which allows analysis of the development of media handling of the pandemic.e front pages and editorials published digitally in the newspapers analysed were compiled for the sample. e various newspapers’ library services were employed for the front pages, while for the editorials the FACTIVA tool was utilised, ltering by dates, type of content (editorial) and newspaper. From the total of items gathered, all those which did not touch on the
doxa.comunicación | nº 36, pp. 65-85 | January-June of 2023Bertran Salvador-Mata and Sergi Cortiñas-RoviraISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-397869Covid-19 pandemic or derived matters (economic, educational or health measures) were excluded. e nal n was 124 front pages and 151 editorials. La Vanguardia and El Mundo published a large number of editorials which met the criteria for inclusion, therefore their weight in the sample is greater than the other two newspapers. Table 1. Description of the sample analysed Front pageEditorialsTotal Total El País 3126El Periódico 3129La Vanguardia3150El Mundo3146124151Source: created by the authorsOnce the sample was compiled, mixed (qualitative and quantitative) inductive content analysis was applied. e authors examined both individually and qualitatively all those elements present on the front pages (headline, epigraph, subtitle, main and secondary items, frieze and photographs) and in the editorials (title, subtitle, text) susceptible to containing journalistic dysfunctions. e dierent dysfunctions identied were placed together and agreed consensually one by one. Secondly, the dysfunctions were coded, grouping them together for a total of seven categories, named by consensus. ese categories or “frames” were acquired inductively from indicators such as metaphors, examples, arguments, images... We assumed that these frames did not appear explicitly and, therefore, it was necessary to perform an immersive process in the sample to categorise and interpret the results (as in, for example, Ardévol-Abreu, 2015). It was attempted, where possible, to link the categories of dysfunctions or frames to standardised concepts in the bibliography (for example, alarmism, language of fear, sensationalism, use of bellicose language); in other cases, specic dysfunctions, of a more deontological nature (inappropriate dealings with disadvantaged collectives; invasion of privacy), were named as the sample required. For the front pages, it was necessary to create an additional code: includes opinion.e dysfunctions identied and coded in the study were the following: (1) creating social alarm, (2) fostering the language of fear, (3) use of bellicose or catastrophic language, (4) use of deliberately exaggerated language, (5) sensationalism, (6) invasion of privacy, (7) inappropriate treatment of disadvantaged social groups or other sensitive collectives. An eighth had to be added for the front pages: (8) not respecting the divide between information and opinion.irdly, quantitative frequencies were established by the number and type of dysfunction detected in each newspaper.
70 | nº 36, pp. 65-85 | January-June of 2023Spanish press coverage of the Covid-19 crisis. When front pages alarm and editorials reassureISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978doxa.comunicaciónAs the coding process was inductive, it is biased in favour of the dysfunctions on the front pages, as these were more recurrent and varied. Even so, in some cases editorials also contain the dysfunctions, as will be seen in the results and discussion. e principal objective of the study is to identify the dysfunctions present in these pieces, and to compare their frequency, aetiology, and importance by the section they appear in (editorials or front pages) and the newspaper. e secondary objective of the study is to verify whether, in the context of Covid-19, the journalistic theory propounded for the A Flu (H1N1) health crisis is supported, that is, that editorials contain more reliable information (Cortiñas-Rovira; Pont-Sorribes; Alonso-Marcos, 2015). 3. ResultsFrom the total of 124 front pages analysed, dysfunctions were identied in 33 (26% of the total). On these front pages, up to 63 dierent dysfunctions were counted (1.9 dysfunctions per front page). Regarding the editorials, fewer items containing dysfunctions were found, 21, corresponding to 14% of the total. Except in one case, only one dysfunction was found per editorial. Table 2 shows the data obtained by newspaper and genre analysed.Table 2. Front pages & editorials with dysfunctions & total # of dysfunctions per newspaperFront pagesEditorialsTotal With dysfunctionsTotal dysfunctionsTotal With dysfunctionsTotal dysfunctions El País 317132644El Periódico3113 232922La Vanguardia31485044El Mundo3191946111212433631512122Source: created by the authorse medium with most dysfunctions on its front pages is El Periódico, with 23 dysfunctions on 13 dierent front pages, closely followed by El Mundo, with 19 dysfunctions on 9 front pages. In the editorials, the newspaper with by far the greatest number of dysfunctions is El Mundo, with 11 editorials including some type of dysfunction (nearly 24% of the total of the sample). Table 3 reects all the dysfunctions found on the front pages by type. e commonest dysfunction identied is number 4 (use of deliberately exaggerated language), which occurred on 14 occasions. e second most frequent is type 2 (fostering the language of fear), identied 11 times. en come types 1 (creating social alarm) and 5 (sensationalism), with 10 appearances
doxa.comunicación | nº 36, pp. 65-85 | January-June of 2023Bertran Salvador-Mata and Sergi Cortiñas-RoviraISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-397871each. Including opinion (dysfunction 8) was identied on 7 occasions. Type 6 (invasion of privacy) was seen 5 times, number 3 (use of bellicose or catastrophic language) on four occasions. Type 7 (inappropriate treatment of disadvantaged social groups) was only found on two occasions.Examination of the editorials gives varied results. Dysfunctions were found in 21 of the 151 editorials (14%), though in all the editorials, bar one, no more than a single dysfunction was discovered. e aetiology of these dysfunctions was the 4th (use of deliberately exaggerated language), on 13 occasions and the 3rd (use of bellicose or catastrophic language), on 9 occasions. ere is, therefore, no appearance of alarmist speech, nor of that which causes fear, nor sensationalism, nor invasion of privacy nor inappropriate treatment of vulnerable collectives. In this sense, any infringements present in the editorials are minor, in that they do not incur in the prime malas praxis described in the introduction, but rather are of a linguistic character. It was found that any infringements in the editorials tend to be of a political nature, related to argument and the political arena. e newspaper El Mundo accumulates most of these editorials with dysfunctions. El Periódico, with only 2 editorials with dysfunctions, is the newspaper incurring in fewest journalistic errors in that category.
72 | nº 36, pp. 65-85 | January-June of 2023Spanish press coverage of the Covid-19 crisis. When front pages alarm and editorials reassureISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978doxa.comunicaciónTable 3. Dysfunctions identied on the front pages of the newspapers by type 11 Tabla 3. Disfunciones identificadas en las portadas de los distintos periódicos por tipología Fuente: Elaboración propia A continuación, se detallan y explican de forma contextualizada las vulneraciones de los códigos deontológicos encontradas en la muestra analizada. Disfunción (localización, fecha) Tipo de disfunción El País La generación triturada (Titular pieza secundaria, 26/04/20) 4 Ataúdes de cartón en Nueva York (Fotografía central, 28/04/20) 5 Fusiles contra el confinamiento (Titular pieza secundaria, 2/05/20) 3 Los jóvenes, arrasados por la crisis (Titular pieza secundaria, 10/05/20) // “En la desescalada se pueden cometer errores muy traumáticos” (Titular pieza principal, cita de Carmen Calvo, 10/05/20) 4 // 2, 1 ¿Es lícito infectar a personas sanas para buscar una vacuna? (Titular pieza secundaria, 14/05/20) 1, 2 La epidemia hundió Detroit en 72 horas (Friso, 16/05/20) 4, 2 ¿Hay que encerrar a los viejos? (Friso, 17/05/20, Opinión) 2, 1, 7 El Periódico Imagen de la morgue (Fotografía central, 17/04/20) 5 Imagen de un niño reconocible (Fotografía central, 18/04/20) 6 Imagen de niños reconocibles (Fotografía central, 22/04/20) 6 Esperanza y miedo en la UCI (Titular notica secundaria, 23/04/20) // Imagen de un box de la UCI (Fotografía central, 23/04/20) 2, 5 // 6, 5 Pánico en el país de los bares (Titular pieza secundaria, 25/04/20) 2, 1 La catástrofe exige reformar los geriátricos (Titular pieza secundaria, 28/04/20) 4 España, campeona en “crispación” vírica (Subtítulo pieza principal, 06/05/20) 8, 4 La escuela del virus (Titular pieza principal, 08/05/20)// Imagen de niños reconocibles en conferencia (Fotografía central, 08/05/20) 4 // 6 La pandemia amenaza con más miseria a América Latina (Titular pieza secundaria, 10/05/20) 2 El virus aboca a la extinción a la venta ambulante (Titular pieza secundaria, 11/05/20) // Imagen de un profesional sanitario con equipo de protección (Fotografía central, 11/05/20) 4 // 1, 5 Pobreza sobrevenida (Titular pieza principal, 14/05/20) 1 Muerte y devastación económica en dos meses de confinamiento (Subtítulo pieza principal, 15/05/20) 1, 5, 4 El miedo al hambre se suma a los impagos de facturas (Subtítulo pieza secundaria, 17/05/20) 2 La Vanguardia Las aterradoras cifras del virus en las residencias: ¿qué ha pasado? (Titular pieza secundaria, 26/04/20) 4, 2 Más muertos que en la Guerra del Vietnam (Pie de fotografía, 1/05/20)// Imagen de una mujer arrastrando un muerto (Fotografía central, 1/05/20) 3, 2 // 5 Invasión de franceses desconfinados en la Jonquera (Titular pieza secundaria, 12/05/20) 3, 1 El virus dejará un cierre masivo de comercios (Pie de la fotografía central, 13/05/20) 4 El Mundo Los mellizos del coronavirus (Titular pieza secundaria, 20/04/20)// Imagen de dos recién nacidos reconocibles (Fotografía central, 20/04/20) 4 // 6 Un Gobierno rebasado rectifica en horas sobre el paseo infantil (Titular pieza principal, 22/04/20) 8 El naufragio de la gestión deja a Sánchez más solo que nunca (Titular pieza secundaria, 23/04/20)// Fin a la morgue de hielo, símbolo de la pandemia (Titular pieza secundaria, 23/04/20) 8 // 5, 4, 1 Illa tergiversa los datos para doblar la curva de la pandemia (Titular pieza principal, 25/04/20) 8 Control de temperatura en súper chinos de Madrid (Pie de fotografía central, 29/04/20) 7 El Estado se prepara para un aluvión de demandas por la mala gestión del COVID-19 (Titular pieza principal, 04/05/20) 8 Sánchez amenaza con “el caos” para alargar su estado de alarma (Titular pieza principal, 05/05/20) 8 Fotoportada de Ayuso vestida de luto (Foto central, con cita “Vamos a la ruina económica”, 10/05/20) 5, 1, 2, 4 “Alrededor de un mes más” de estado de alarma exorbitado (Titular pieza principal, 17/05/20) // 8 // 4, 3, 5 Los “supercientíficos” al rescate de la humanidad (Friso, 17/05/20) Source: created by the authors