Technological dependence and outsourcing for innovation in journalism in Spanish media outlets (2014-2021)Dependencia y externalización tecnológica en las innovaciones periodísticas de los medios españoles (2014-2021) doxa.comunicación | nº 37, pp. 453-478 | 453 July-December of 2023ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978How to cite this article: Arias-Robles, F.; Valero-Pastor, J. M. and Carvajal, M. (2023). Technological dependence and outsourcing for innovation in journalism in Spanish media outlets (2014-2021). Doxa Comunicación, 37, pp. 453-478.https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n37a1834Félix Arias-Robles. Associate Professor, Vice Dean of the Degree in Journalism and Deputy Director of the Master’s Degree in Innovation in Journalism at Miguel Hernández University (UMH), where he also coordinates modules on technology, new narratives, data journalism and social media. His research now focuses on the intersection between articial intelligence, data journalism and local information. He has published in journals such as Journalism Studies, Journalism Practice, El Profesional de la Información and e Journal of Media Innovations. He has been a visiting professor at the School of Journalism at the University of Sheeld and the University of Leeds (UK), and has trained journalists from groups such as La Voz de Galicia, Vocento and Onda Regional. He also coordinates the projects periodistasdedatos.com and localdatalab.umh.es. He holds a PhD in New Journalistic Models from UMH (2015), a Master’s Degree in Journalism Research from Universidad Complutense de Madrid (2011) and a Bachelor’s Degree in Journalism from UMH (2010).University Miguel Hernández, Spain[email protected]ORCID: 0000-0001-5910-1541José M. Valero-Pastor. Journalism professor at the Miguel Hernández University of Elche (UMH). He holds a PhD in Social and Legal Sciences and a Master’s degree in Journalism Innovation, and his research focuses on journalism innovation, particularly from an organizational perspective. He has published scientic works in various impactful journals such as Journalism Studies, Journalism Practice, El Profesional de la Información, and Revista Latina de Comunicación, among others, and in prestigious publishing houses such as Routledge. He has been a visiting researcher at CEU San Pablo (Madrid) and Fordham University (New York). Currently, he is working on the international project Journalism Innovations in Democratic Societies and is part of the European project on disinformation Iberier. He teaches courses on journalism entrepreneurship and writing in the Journalism Bachelor’s degree program, and coordinates the Advanced Web Design module in the Journalism Innovation Master’s degree program at Miguel Hernández University.University Miguel Hernández, Spain[email protected]ORCID: 0000-0002-6210-2761is content is published under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License. International License

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454| nº 37, pp. 453-478 July-December of 2023Technological dependence and outsourcing for innovation in journalism in Spanish media outlets (2014-2021)ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978| doxa.comunicaciónAbstract:Journalism and technology have always gone hand in hand, but the growth of technological progress and the resulting fascination have led to a lack of critical perspective. is study combines quantitative and qualitative methodologies to shed light on this intersection, with innovation at its core. First, the most prominent news organizations in the Spanish ecosystem in recent years (2014-2021) were identied. Next, all the innovations they implemented during that period were tracked. Lastly, the weight of technology in their innovations was analyzed using three variables: creator, change over time, and the nature of the organizations. e results reveal that approximately two-thirds of the innovations implemented are linked to technology, thereby corroborating its importance for progress in journalism. However, the results also conrm the existence of many initiatives independent of technological progress, particularly in the organizational sphere. In terms of the creators, third-party technologies predominate, with a spike in 2020 in response to the health crisis. ese ndings allow us to delve into the correlation between technological innovation, the social context and the reliance on big tech.Keywords: Technology; innovation; journalism; platformization; media ecology.Resumen:Periodismo y tecnología siempre han ido de la mano, pero el creciente avance técnico y su consiguiente fascinación ha degenerado en una falta de perspectiva crítica. Este estudio combina metodologías cuantitativas y cualitativas para arrojar luz sobre esta intersección, con la innovación como eje central. En primer lugar, se identicaron las organizaciones periodísticas más destacadas en el ecosistema español en los últimos años (2014-2021). A continuación, se rastrearon todas las innovaciones que habían implementado en ese periodo. Finalmente, se analizó el peso de la tecnología en sus innovaciones a partir de tres variables: la autoría, la evolución temporal y la naturaleza de las organizaciones. Los resultados revelan que aproximadamente dos terceras partes de las innovaciones adoptadas tienen relación con la tecnología, lo que corrobora su importancia para el avance del periodismo. Sin embargo, se conrma la existencia de un gran número de iniciativas independientes del progreso técnico, sobre todo en el ámbito organizacional. En cuanto a la autoría, predominan las tecnologías ajenas, que presentan un pico en el año 2020 como respuesta a la crisis sanitaria. Estos hallazgos permiten ahondar en la interrelación entre la innovación tecnológica y el contexto social y en la dependencia de los gigantes tecnológicos.Palabras clave: Tecnología; innovación; periodismo; plataformización; media ecology.Received: 27/10/2022 - Accepted: 06/02/2023 - Early access: 23/03/2023 - Published: 01/07/2023Recibido: 27/10/2022 - Aceptado: 06/02/2023 - En edición:23/03/2023 - Publicado: 01/07/2023Miguel Carvajal. Associate Professor at the Miguel Hernández University (UMH). He holds a PhD in Communication from the University of Navarra (2006) and currently leads the Master’s programme in Innovation in Journalism at the UMH. His research career has focused on the transformation of journalism and its industry, with particular emphasis on innovation processes and the pursuit of sustainable business models. Over the years, he has published more than 50 scientic papers in various high-impact journals, such as Digital Journalism, Journalism Studies, Journalism Practice, El Profesional de la Información, and Revista Latina de Comunicación. In 2010, he was a visiting research fellow at the Donald McGannon Centre at Fordham University (New York), during a stay funded by the José Castillejo Programme. He has been awarded two CNEAI research periods (2007-2012, 2013-2018) and one transfer period (2013-2018). He has been part of the team for eight research projects funded by national (4) and European (4) public institutions. Currently, he leads the Journalism Research Group at the UMH.University Miguel Hernández, Spain[email protected]ORCID: 0000-0001-6547-61711. IntroductionTechnology is part of journalism’s essence (López-García and Vizoso, 2021). From the mass distribution of printed paper (Primo and Zago, 2015) to the automated and personalized generation of news (Jones and Jones, 2019; Lindgren, 2021), professionals have harnessed technological progress to oer a better product and expand its scope (Schapals and Porlezza,

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doxa.comunicación | nº 37, pp. 453-478July-December of 2023Félix Arias-Robles, José M. Valero-Pastor and Miguel CarvajalISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978 | 4552020). Additionally, digital media outlets have expanded the impact of technology on all aspects of journalism (Manovich, 2002: 64). Technology is viewed as “essential” for innovation in any activity, including journalism (Moreira Flores, 2017: 160). However, in recent decades, its nature and evolution have become the subject of constant debate (Smith, 1983: 47; García Avilés, 2021: 2). Technological innovation pushes the boundaries of journalism (Lewis, 2012) and invites journalists to reconsider their professional identity (Deuze, 2005). According to certain authors, the importance and interdependence of technology in the profession can be exaggerated. For years, critique of technological determinism and “technomyopia,” as referred to by Paul Sao (cited in Fidler, 1997: 11), has noted that the persuasive appeal of new technologies fosters the creation of utopias and hinders reection on more fruitful lines of research (Almirón and Jarque, 2008: 103). is matter has also been addressed through research on innovation in journalism, within the context of media ecology. It would be necessary to look beyond specic practices and evaluate the impact of technology on spheres such as social change (García Avilés, 2021: 4) because it signicantly alters journalists’ work and the quality of the resulting product (Franciscato, 2010). In any case, once a technology becomes widespread, understanding its conguration and development is extremely useful (Postman, 1992: 7). A technology’s history shapes the design of the industrial structures linked to it (Dosi, 1982: 147). According to the so-called platformization of cultural industries, media outlets become excessively reliant on companies that are solely technology-based, and this ultimately has socioeconomic impacts on the industry, organizations and audiences (Simon, 2022; Steensen and Westlund, 2020; Nieborg and Poell, 2019). is phenomenon poses an increasingly greater challenge, and media outlets use dierent approaches in response to it, from adopting third-party technologies to investing in in-house technological developments (Simon, 2022).e study of technological progress is of broad interest to journalism but requires a focus that prevents technological determinism and the denial of technology’s inuence. From this perspective, and through the theoretical framework of media ecology and the platformization of news, this article aims to analyze the presence of technology in journalism innovation. In addition to analyzing the interdependence, the goal is to also clarify who creates the technological advances used in these innovations, as well as the years and types of initiatives on which the technology has the greatest impact. To do so, 25 of the most prominent innovative journalism projects in Spain were selected and the variables linked to technology in the innovations implemented between 2014 and 2021 were analyzed.1.1. Technology-based innovationChange in the media is driven and accompanied, sometimes in contradictory or unexpected directions, by the production, access and use of technology, interdependent with other forces such as politics or the market (McQuail, 1990). Technology contributes to innovation (Moreira Flores, 2017), although through mechanisms that are more complex than by simply adjusting to technical changes (Storsul and Krumsvik, 2013). Traditional newsrooms were organized in such a way that news editors were kept separate from technicians (Boczkowski 2004; Usher 2014). In the last decade, however, technical and journalistic proles have become hybridized due to the emergence of native-digital media outlets, the introduction of media labs geared toward innovation (Hogh-Janovsky and Meier, 2021;
456| nº 37, pp. 453-478 July-December of 2023Technological dependence and outsourcing for innovation in journalism in Spanish media outlets (2014-2021)ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978| doxa.comunicaciónZaragoza Fuster and García Avilés, 2022), and the implementation of agile and collaborative workows (Valero-Pastor et al., 2019). In this sense, the proliferation of numerous startups linked to communication has blurred the lines between purely technology companies and news organizations (Carlson and Usher, 2016: 10). According to Carlson and Usher (2016), some of these organizations sought openly to eliminate the separation between journalistic and technological identities. By “breaking down” these barriers, organizations can improve their products and the consumption of news, particularly through the user experience. Post-industrial journalism startups (Anderson et al., 2015) resemble new technology-based rms (NTBFs). ese organizations, which are widely studied from economic and business perspectives (Arantes et al., 2019: 63), are dened as those that obtain a competitive advantage in the ongoing search and application of advanced technical and scientic knowledge (Garrido et al). Due to their nature, these organizations are primarily responsible for spreading innovation in the industry and therefore in society (Aldeano and Magdaleno, 2007), with technology is one of the dominant traits (Arantes et al., 2019: 49). However, most of these research eorts suer from a certain degree of technological determinism and limited critical reection on the technological nature of the innovations implemented. Worth noting is the contribution by Granstrand (1998: 487), who highlights the two sides of technology –soft and hard– framed in a “dynamic body of knowledge” and linked to the transformational processes within organizations. In this sense, technology could also be viewed as a knowledge resource because it forms part of a company’s intellectual capital and shares the general characteristics of knowledge, conferring it the possibility of scale, scope, speed and space for change.1.2. Adoption of technology in ongoing transformationConventional models that represent the diusion of innovation highlight the importance of adopters of new technologies (Vargo, 2020). According to the classic theory developed by Rogers (1962), the diusion of innovation is not linear but rather depends on various phases and the attitude of everyone involved (producers and recipients). However, for innovation to spread throughout an organization, it must be implemented holistically and in all areas, not just through management (García-Avilés, 2020).ere are primarily two approaches that explain the adoption of a specic technology: “demand-pull” and “technology-push” theories (Peters et al., 2012). According to Dosi (1982: 148-149), “demand-pull” hypotheses point to the market and consumption habits as the catalysts for technological development. In other words, companies perform a “needs analysis” on the audience and decide to allocate technological eorts accordingly. “Technology-push” theories, on the other hand, argue that changes in society are determined by the technological advances developed independently by companies. e two approaches coexist at odds with one another and are independently unable to account for the factors that drive technological innovations. is theoretical approach coincides with that of Smith (1983: 291), in which technological advances hover between existing needs in the beginning but can then create new opportunities.Although recent studies shed light on the characteristics of certain technological changes, they continue to be insucient given the diversity of variation patterns, prospects and analysis dimensions. According to Gynnild (2014: 727), the advances linked
doxa.comunicación | nº 37, pp. 453-478July-December of 2023Félix Arias-Robles, José M. Valero-Pastor and Miguel CarvajalISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978 | 457to the development of algorithms, the use of big data and the adoption of social science methods rely less on technological creation than on the values, objectives and development of the interactive skills of news professionals.e media ecology theory, originally outlined by McLuhan in 1964 (Richard and Turner, 2010), states that all change aects the entire system to a greater or lesser degree because it is neither additive nor subtractive (Postman, 1992: 18). Neil Postman argues that technology has an impact on society as well as on what and how people think. is theory garners special interest to explain the correlation and evolution of the elements of communication (Scolari, 2012: 218) through the concept of remediation, which is “the representation of one medium inside another” (Scolari, 2013: 51), leading to the analysis of media outlets as settings where communication ows uidly.Technology never behaves in a neutral manner (Díaz Noci, 2001: 1), but rather it has a constant connection with its social context (McQuail, 2010: 39). According to Fidler (1997: 23), the media’s mutation, or “mediamorphosis,” poses the need to study all the elements of an interdependent system as well as to analyze the similarities and relationships between past, current and emerging media outlets. Along these lines, all technological evolutions entail a gain and a loss in a generally complex and asymmetrical process (Piscitelli, 2005: 21). In the same way that demand-pull theories focused on “needs” to create a specic technology, new media outlets appropriate techniques, forms and social meaning from others. A media outlet does not operate in an isolated manner but rather through an ongoing relationship built on respect and rivalry with its competitors (Landow, 2006: 65).As a result, technologies not only project and amplify industry trends but also allow employees to establish their professional identities. However, technology can also be a source of conict, tension and frustration in news organizations, with negative consequences because it is oftentimes “imposed from above” and can disrupt informal hierarchies (Deuze, 2008: 204). is leads to the aforementioned professional divides, although it also opens the door for the creation of technology-based rms that oer greater “technological dynamism” and break the inertia of organizations (Fontes and Coombs, 2001: 79).1.3. e platformization of newsCultural production does not occur independently of the social and technological context. In the West, news organizations –and companies from other industries, such as the video game segment –are “contingent on” a group of platforms that include Apple, Google and Meta (Nieborg and Poell, 2019). According to these authors, this complex process has been analyzed from the perspective of the economy, politics and software: platformization. Platformization can be dened as “the penetration of economic, governmental, and infrastructural extensions of digital platforms into the web and app ecosystems, fundamentally aecting the operations of media industries and production practices” (Nieborg et al). is denition underscores the socioeconomic implications that go beyond the technological advances of these platforms and have a bearing on the media industry due to their dependence on “U.S.-technology giants” (Simon, 2022). According to this author, platforms are contributing to the transformation of processes at news organizations: from providing services to assisting with research and technological development.is dependency began between 2007 and 2008, and continued to grow in the subsequent years due to mobile consumption, which these companies have even more control over (Steensen and Westlund, 2020: 40). Additionally, the introduction of
458| nº 37, pp. 453-478 July-December of 2023Technological dependence and outsourcing for innovation in journalism in Spanish media outlets (2014-2021)ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978| doxa.comunicaciónarticial intelligence (AI) in newsrooms could increase the reliance of news organizations on the technology companies that provide these types of services (Simon, 2022). is creates several dierent paths within the relationship between media companies and platform companies (Gorwa, 2019: 856; López-García and Vizoso, 2021). In the rst, companies can develop in-house technology. is particularly applies to startups that have been founded as an alternative to traditional media outlets and have implemented innovations that are extremely challenging for most legacy media outlets to achieve (Valero-Pastor and González-Alba, 2018). Investments made by media outlets for in-house developments are viewed as a response to the risk of losing skills, which would further widen the gap between news organizations and big tech, and cement an already asymmetrical relationship (Simon, 2022: 17).In the second, as Simon (2022) explains, platform companies sometimes operate as “partners” for media outlets in the research and development of technology; in other words, the technology has a shared origin and both parties benet. In the third, media outlets are completely dependent on these companies because news organizations either hire a third party to develop a specic technology or they benet from existing platforms. According to Ekström and Westlund (2019: 259), these platforms oer “a digital infrastructure with diverse kinds of information and communication, as well as opportunities to produce, publish and engage with content.” rough the theoretical framework of media ecology and the platformization of news, this article aims to analyze the presence of technology in journalism innovations at Spanish media outlets. is reection will help pave the way to classify and conceptualize the use of technology in the media and study the social repercussion of technological advances from a non-deterministic perspective. Based on these theories, the following research questions are considered:RQ1. To what degree do the journalism innovations implemented in Spain between 2014 and 2021 depend on technology?RQ2. What years, areas of innovation and types of news organizations have been impacted the most by technology?RQ3. Who creates the technology used in these innovations?2. Methodologyis study combines quantitative and qualitative methodologies to calibrate the relationship between technology and innovation in journalism. e work is limited to the Spanish media ecosystem between 2014 and 2021, and covers journalism innovations of various origins, sizes and purposes. To answer the research questions, the innovations implemented in the industry were tracked and their relationship with technology was evaluated. Finally, the results were individually quantied to determine the preponderance of multiple variables: the media outlets in which they appeared and when, and what area they aect. is methodology was applied in two consecutive phases: a) selecting 25 of the most prominent innovative journalism projects in Spain, and b) analyzing the variables linked to technology in the innovations between 2014 and 2021.
doxa.comunicación | nº 37, pp. 453-478July-December of 2023Félix Arias-Robles, José M. Valero-Pastor and Miguel CarvajalISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978 | 4592.1. Selecting the organizationsTo select the sample of 25 journalism projects, a panel of experts (n=22) consisting of individuals from academia, the industry and other elds, such as media consulting and journalism associations, was created. e 50 experts initially proposed were selected through purposive sampling based on subject knowledge criteria, professional prole, parity and geographic diversity (Koerber and McMichael, 2008). e 22 experts who agreed to participate were interviewed between January and March 2021, and their responses were subsequently anonymized1.Table 1. Panel of expertsJob titleAreaLocationGenderAgeDirector of DesignMediaMadridMale38Editor in ChiefMediaMadridFemale40Professor of JournalismUniversityPamplonaMale50Professor of JournalismUniversitySevilleMale45Professor of JournalismUniversityMadridMale45Professor of JournalismUniversityMurciaMale45Professor of JournalismUniversityMadridFemale35Director of InnovationMediaMadridMale40Content ManagerMediaMadridMale60Audience ConsultantConsulting rmMadridMale38Audience ConsultantConsulting rmMadridMale55CEOConsulting rmMadridMale58CEOStartupMadridMale42AnalystStartupMadridFemale42
460| nº 37, pp. 453-478 July-December of 2023Technological dependence and outsourcing for innovation in journalism in Spanish media outlets (2014-2021)ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978| doxa.comunicaciónHead of CommunicationAssociationLondonMale40Head of CommunicationAssociationMadridMale35PresidentAssociationValenciaFemale35Product ManagerMediaMadridFemale44Assistant DirectorMediaMadridMale44FounderStartupBarcelonaFemale49CEOMediaMadridFemale54Innovation ManagerMediaBarcelonaMale53Source: prepared by the authorse participants were asked to mention innovative Spanish news organizations and explain their answers (P1). ey were also asked to propose noteworthy journalism innovations (P2). ese mentions were quantied and entered into a database containing 78 innovative news organizations. To choose the nal sample for the study, their weight was calibrated based on the number of mentions by experts and the number of social media followers. ese data were collected for all the media outlets on April 20, 2021.Table 2. Coding the types of expert and social relevance of the media outlets analyzedMedia outletExpert relevance (66.6%)Social relevance (33.3%)Final scoreP1 (organizations) (33.3%)P2 (innovations) (33.3%)Twitter (11.1%)Facebook (11.1%)Instagram (11.1%)El País16108,000,0005,338,8641,100,00080.39Eldiario.es17141,200,000577,447156,20069.96El Condencial1313914,2001,073,454143,50060.34RTVE10121,200,000779,439267,80052.19

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doxa.comunicación | nº 37, pp. 453-478July-December of 2023Félix Arias-Robles, José M. Valero-Pastor and Miguel CarvajalISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978 | 461Maldita118118,90063,00054,10041.06Newtral96189,10034,00040,70032.38El Mundo533,900,0002,656,585516,40029.29El Español103430,100735,00092,00029.13Marca205,500,0004,910,2212,600,00028.83Civio5745,20010,0002,36426.56Datadista3726,3008,28786822.61La Vanguardia411,200,0004,407,727542,00022.53Revista 5W4355,20017,33025,10015.17Kloshletter424,7741,3261,78812.62Diari ARA32534,800291,000158,70012.42Antena 3101,400,0001,943,790403,0009.04La Sexta111,000,000480,149125,1007.07Jot Down02292,000193,51742,2005.68El Orden Mundial02270,800109,33236,9005.47Matthew Bennet02119,10002754.93TV310606,100598,828270,0004.78Source: prepared by the authors
462| nº 37, pp. 453-478 July-December of 2023Technological dependence and outsourcing for innovation in journalism in Spanish media outlets (2014-2021)ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978| doxa.comunicación2.2. Identifying and analyzing innovationsTo identify the innovations of the 25 organizations selected, a qualitative analysis was performed of the content obtained from document sources (academic databases, Spanish and international portals specializing in journalism innovation, corporate blogs of projects) and the experts were interviewed. e innovations identied in this process (n=363) were listed in a spreadsheet that was then ltered using the consensus group technique to detect redundancies or inconsistencies. During the last phase of the research, the decision was made to omit four media outlets from the sample: the consulting rms Narrativa and Prodigioso Volcán, Ibai Llanos and Podium Podcast. Although they can all be found within the communication ecosystem and have a signicant inuence on the industry’s evolution, it was deemed more appropriate to exclude their innovations from this study because they veer away from the creation of strictly journalism products. e nal list contained 21 organizations and 243 innovations.e innovations then underwent a qualitative analysis to determine their link to technology. Using the methodology created to study innovation in journalism (Carvajal et al., 2015) and applied to the Innovation in Journalism Ranking (De Lara et al., 2015; García-Avilés et al., 2018), they were grouped into three categories: 1. Technological innovations. ose in which technological progress plays a fundamental role in the concept of the innovative idea, such as developing applications, programming with AI and using hardware. 2. Innovations made possible thanks to technology or based on technology. is is attributed to ideas in which technology is not essential but rather a prerequisite for development. Examples include creating niche podcasts and newsletters or hosting digital events. 3. Non-technological innovations. In this case, neither the idea nor the execution relies on technology, such as when creating newsroom teams or adopting new editorial focuses.e qualitative analysis also identies the creator of the technology used in the innovations. According to the proposal by Simon (2022) on the media’s platformization, there are three categories:1. Outsourced. ose developed exclusively by third parties. ey include everything from designs that have been outsourced to a third party (and therefore have ownership rights), to the use of products created by other entities (with or without nancial remuneration). 2. In-house. e organization uses its resources to drive the initiative from beginning to end.3. Mixed. Other actors operate as partners in developing new technological ideas. is classication was created by the research team using the double-blind method. e innovations were rst evaluated individually by two authors using separate spreadsheets to avoid bias in the analysis, and then by the rest. e innovations that garnered consensus from the researchers were approved, whereas those that raised doubts were discussed using the consensus group technique in which standardized criteria were dened for similar cases. For example, it was decided that paywalls would be viewed as innovations “made possible by technology” because the innovative aspect is the shift toward a subscription model, except in the case of paywalls in which technology plays a central role, such as algorithmic ones.
doxa.comunicación | nº 37, pp. 453-478July-December of 2023Félix Arias-Robles, José M. Valero-Pastor and Miguel CarvajalISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978 | 463ese two category blocks were combined with three independent variables: 1. Date. e years when the innovations were implemented (between 2014 and 2021) were logged. Dates could not be assigned to 25 innovations (9.7% out of the 259 in total) due to a lack of information.2. Areas of innovation. Based on existing research (De Lara et al., 2015; García Avilés et al., 2018), distinctions were made between a) production, b) distribution, c) organization, d) and marketing.3. Organizations. In addition to registering and analyzing each media outlet separately, the dierent types were dened according to a) the parent company (press, radio, television or native digital), b) the editorial focus (mainstream or specialized), and c) the size (large, medium/small -in line with the SME concept– or one-person).3. Resultse ndings show that technology is linked to nearly two-thirds of the innovations registered in the last eight years. is panoramic perspective also reveals that it is more common for media outlets to outsource their technological development and that they rarely partner with technology companies.3.1. Change over timeTable 3. Technology-based by yearTechnologicalTechnology-basedNon-technologicalTotalYearN%N%N%N%2014222.22%222.22%555.56%94.05%20151238.71%1238.71%722.58%3113.96%20161045.45%418.18%836.36%229.91%2017834.78%313.04%1252.17%2310.36%20181333.33%1025.64%1641.03%3917.57%2019519.23%1246.15%934.62%2611.71%20201630.19%1833.96%1935.85%5323.87%
464| nº 37, pp. 453-478 July-December of 2023Technological dependence and outsourcing for innovation in journalism in Spanish media outlets (2014-2021)ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978| doxa.comunicación2021631.58%947.37%421.05%198.56%Total7232.43%7031.53%8036.04%222100.00%Source: prepared by the authorsAlthough the change over time of purely technological innovations does not reveal a clear trend, it shows certain growth over the years. e number of non-technological innovations is lower in the last year of the sample, most likely due to the pandemic. In turn, this variable peaked in 2014 and 2017, surpassing half of the innovations registered at a time when the creation of multidisciplinary teams gained importance, as in the case of El País, El Condencial, El Mundo and El Español. 2016 was also a fruitful year in this regard, particularly due to the innovations linked to organizational aspects, such as promoting alliances between media outlets to improve the distribution and impact of products. Examples include partnerships between El Condencial and PorCausa; El Condencial and WebLogsSL; the sale of joint subscriptions between Eldiario.es, Mongolia and Carne Cruda; alliances between Eldiario.es, El Faro (Mexico) and Ballena Blanca; and participation in international consortia, as in the case of El Mundo in the “football leaks” investigation.Table 4. Creators of innovation by yearOutsourcedIn-houseMixedTotalYearN%N%N%N%2014125.00%375.00%0042.82%20151458.33%833.33%28.33%2416.90%2016642.86%321.43%535.71%149.86%2017327.27%763.64%19.09%117.75%20181147.83%1043.48%28.70%2316.20%2019529.41%847.06%423.53%1711.97%20201647.06%617.65%1235.29%3423.94%2021746.67%640.00%213.33%1510.56%Total6344.37%5135.92%2819.72%142100.00%Source: prepared by the authors

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doxa.comunicación | nº 37, pp. 453-478July-December of 2023Félix Arias-Robles, José M. Valero-Pastor and Miguel CarvajalISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978 | 465e analysis of the source of innovations over time reveals that in 2015 (by percentage) and 2020 (by absolute value), news organizations were more technologically reliant on third-party rms. is makes it possible to establish a connection with the platformization phenomenon, which is explained further on. An aspect that stands out about 2015, for example, is Telegram’s penetration in news organizations as a new vehicle for internal and external communication, in the form of a newsletter, as in the case of Eldiario.es and laSexta.In 2020, in response to the pandemic, incremental innovations based on existing technologies were introduced and gained importance due to the social context and the need to prioritize virtuality. ese include videoconferencing platforms used by media outlets at various parent companies, as well as QR codes, which became particularly popular in television networks. Additional examples are themed newsletters based on third-party technology and new channels on Twitch and TikTok, as in the case of the veriers Maldita and Newtral, respectively. Technology developed internally by news organizations reached maximum gures in 2014 and 2017, particularly with the introduction of AI tools. e cases involving El País and El Condencial stand out. However, the trend varies for the results of the “mixed” category, in which other actors serve as partners for the developments. In fact, the category does not include any innovations of this type in 2014. e maximum gures appear in 2016 and 2020. Items that stand out are data visualization (with the popularity of tools like Flourish and Datawrapper) and advances in marketing strategies with the introduction of paywalls and digital subscriptions (La Vanguardia and El País) that required hybrid partnerships.3.2. Areas of innovatione analysis of the presence of technology in various areas of innovation reects major dierences. In terms of marketing (the area with the fewest innovations registered), most of the innovations (nearly double the purely technological ones) are technology-based. Advances in paywalls, subscriptions and memberships, like the ones at El País, Eldiario.es and El Mundo, are several paradigmatic examples of this trend. Non-technological innovations hardly represent one-third of the total, along the same lines as the overall average.Table 5. Technology-based by area of innovationTechnologicalTechnology-basedNon-technologicalTotalAreaN%N%N%N%Marketing1122.92%2041.67%1735.42%4819.75%Distribution3139.74%4456.41%33.85%7832.10%Organization712.07%58.62%4679.31%5823.87%

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466| nº 37, pp. 453-478 July-December of 2023Technological dependence and outsourcing for innovation in journalism in Spanish media outlets (2014-2021)ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978| doxa.comunicaciónProduction2847.46%915.25%2237.29%5924.28%Total7731.69%7832.10%8836.21%243100.00%Source: prepared by the authorsIn the case of innovations related to content distribution, more than half are made possible thanks to technology. e use of social media and other distribution platforms, such as podcasts and newsletters, are some of the most common examples. Non-technological innovations are virtually inexistent in this category, except for alliances with big tech rms like Amazon. However, in the area of organization, nearly all of the innovations are developed without technology. Building teams, introducing work dynamics and participating in training programs are some of the most common examples. Of the purely technological innovations, the creation of content management systems (CMS), such as the one at Diari Ara, and the use of AI to improve workows, like the one linked to the documentation at La Sexta, are usually at the top of the list. For those that are technology-based, with a weight similar to the previous category, partnerships with third parties stand out, such as the example between Newtral and Facebook.On the other hand, in the area of production, technological development prevails, representing nearly half of the total. An aspect that stands out is the creation of in-house tools, such as those used to automate content processing through AI, like the ones developed by Newtral. Also worth noting is the acquisition of technological material, usually by television networks, to harness phenomena such as augmented reality.Table 6. Creators of initiatives by area of innovationOutsourcedIn-houseMixedTotalAreaN%N%N%N%Marketing1238.71%825.81%1135.48%3120.00%Distribution3850.67%2432.00%1317.33%7548.39%Organization758.33%433.33%18.33%127.74%Production1232.43%1951.35%616.22%3723.87%Total6944.52%5535.48%3120.00%155100.00%Source: prepared by the authors
doxa.comunicación | nº 37, pp. 453-478July-December of 2023Félix Arias-Robles, José M. Valero-Pastor and Miguel CarvajalISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978 | 467When these variables are cross-referenced with the creators of technology-based innovations, signicant variations appear throughout the areas. e low weight of in-house development in marketing stands out and is primarily limited to detecting adblockers at El Condencial and La Vanguardia, and promoting subscriber participation at Diari ARA and El Español. In turn, joint technology development between media outlets and third parties for improving paywalls at newspapers with traditional print versions, like El País, El Mundo and, once again, La Vanguardia, is noteworthy. In the area of distribution, the presence of third-party technology stands out. Reliance on social media or text, audio and video distribution platforms is the main explanation, although the aforementioned use of QR by television networks must also be highlighted. ird-party technology plays an even bigger role in the area of organization due to the rise of remote work following the pandemic. is trend is inverted in the area of production, which has the lowest use of third-party technology and its weight stands out. e casuistry varies signicantly and is usually in the form of specic products for creating dierentiated content for data visualization.3.3. News organizationse analysis of the presence of technology in innovation at each organization reveals several paradigmatic cases. Eminently technological advances surpass more than half of the total at Antena 3, La Sexta and TV3, but they represent less than one-fourth of the total at El Español, Eldiario.es, Maldita and RTVE. In-house technology is not present in organizations such as El Orden Mundial and Jot Down.Table 7. Technology-based by media outletTechnologicalTechnology-basedNon-technologicalTotalMedia outletN%N%N%N%Antena 3777.78%222.22%093.70%Civio440.00%330.00%330.00%104.12%Datadista337.50%450.00%112.50%83.29%Diari ARA240.00%120.00%240.00%52.06%El Condencial932.14%621.43%1346.43%2811.52%El Español525.00%945.00%630.00%208.23%El Mundo736.84%736.84%526.32%197.82%El Orden Mundial00133.33%266.67%31.23%

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468| nº 37, pp. 453-478 July-December of 2023Technological dependence and outsourcing for innovation in journalism in Spanish media outlets (2014-2021)ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978| doxa.comunicaciónEl País1134.38%618.75%1546.88%3213.17%eldiario.es421.05%631.58%947.37%197.82%Jot Down00150.00%150.00%20.82%Kloshletter00250.00%250.00%41.65%La Sexta00111.11%222.22%93.70%La Vanguardia646.15%538.46%215.38%135.35%Maldita314.29%733.33%1152.38%218.64%Marca337.50%337.50%225.00%83.29%Matthew Bennet003100.00%31.23%Newtral00654.55%436.36%114.53%Revista 5W00133.33%266.67%31.23%RTVE112.50%337.50%450.00%83.29%TV300112.50%225.00%83.29%Total7731.69%7832.10%8836.21%243100.00%Source: prepared by the authorsTechnology-based innovations barely represent one-fourth of the total at Antena 3, El Condencial, El País, La Sexta and TV3. In turn, half of the innovations at Datadista, Jot Down, Kloshletter and Newtral, as well as all of Mathew Bennet’s innovations, are made possible by technology.Non-technological advances, primarily for editorial matters and work dynamics, comprise half or more at El Orden Mundial, Maldita, Revista 5W, Jot Down, Kloshletter and RTVE. On the other hand, they barely represent one-fourth of the total at Datadista, La Sexta, La Vanguardia, Marca and TV3, and have not been identied at Antena 3 or Mathew Bennet.ese data allow us to make a preliminary analysis based on the features of the organizations studied. Upon taking into consideration the parent company of each organization, technological innovation can be seen in the television networks,

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doxa.comunicación | nº 37, pp. 453-478July-December of 2023Félix Arias-Robles, José M. Valero-Pastor and Miguel CarvajalISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978 | 469except for RTVE, whose innovations are less technological than the rest. In turn, it has a much smaller impact on the innovative initiatives of native digital media outlets and newspapers with traditional print versions A comparison of the editorial models for the organizations studied reveals a slightly homogeneous trend in mainstream media outlets that is clearer among specialized publications. Innovations for projects centered on data journalism and fact-checking have a more technological nature, but with nuances: Civio, for example, is focused on technological development, but Datadista and Newtral are technology-based. ose centered on a subject matter niche, oftentimes with long-form content (El Orden Mundial, Jot Down and Revista 5W), share a common pattern: most of the innovations are not technological or are merely technology-based. Marca veers from this trend due to its special features and larger size. is last variable (the number of workers for each project) brings to light that one-person projects do not include purely technological innovations, but rather that most are only made possible by technology.Table 8. Creators of innovation by media outletOutsourcedIn-houseMixedTotalMedia outletN%N%N%N%Antena 3777.78%222.22%0096.34%Civio125.00%250.00%125.00%42.82%Datadista342.86%228.57%228.57%74.93%Diari ARA002100.00%0021.41%El Condencial213.33%1066.67%320.00%1510.56%El Español750.00%428.57%321.43%149.86%El Mundo550.00%330.00%220.00%107.04%El Orden Mundial001100.00%0010.70%El País635.29%317.65%847.06%1711.97%eldiario.es440.00%330.00%330.00%107.04%Jot Down1100.00%000010.70%Kloshletter2100.00%000021.41%La Sexta457.14%342.86%0074.93%

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470| nº 37, pp. 453-478 July-December of 2023Technological dependence and outsourcing for innovation in journalism in Spanish media outlets (2014-2021)ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978| doxa.comunicaciónLa Vanguardia550.00%330.00%220.00%107.04%Maldita550.00%440.00%110.00%107.04%Marca125.00%375.00%0042.82%Matthew Bennet1100.00%000010.70%Newtral457.14%342.86%0074.93%Revista 5W1100.00%000010.70%RTVE375.00%00125.00%42.82%TV3116.67%350.00%233.33%64.23%Total6344.37%5135.92%2819.72%142100.00%Source: prepared by the authorsMajor dierences also exist between the news organizations studied in terms of the creators behind the technology in the innovations. All of the technological innovations at Jot Down, Kloshletter, Matthew Bennet and Revista 5W are outsourced. is type of third-party development also represents at least three-fourths at Antena 3 and RTVE. In turn, it barely reaches one-fourth at Civio, El Condencial and Marca, and is not present at Diari ARA and El Orden Mundial.In-house development can be found in all the technological innovations at Diari ARA and is present in at least two-thirds at El Condencial and Marca. On the other hand, it represents one-third or less at Antena 3, Datadista, El Español, El País and La Vanguardia, and does not exist in six cases. e combination of in-house development and outsourcing does not exist in twelve cases, although it can be found in at least one-fourth at Civio, Datadista, Eldiario.es and RTVE. e most important case here is that of El País, where nearly half of the creators are marked as “both.” In this instance, aside from the innovations linked to subscribers, data visualization and AI, partnerships with Google for developing AMPs (accelerated mobile pages) and with Facebook for distributing news in Messenger via bots also stand out.ese individualized ndings are combined with the analysis by type of organization. When the parent company is taken into consideration, it is noted that television networks rely primarily on third-party technology to innovate. is is usually done by acquiring materials manufactured by technology companies, except for TV3, where in-house technology is more prevalent. Newspapers with traditional print versions also tend to use third-party developments, although with certain exceptions, such as the aforementioned El País. In turn, native digital media outlets tend to rely more on in-house developments, except for El Español. e patterns are less clear for the combination of in-house and outsourced developments, although they tend to be more common at native digital media outlets.

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doxa.comunicación | nº 37, pp. 453-478July-December of 2023Félix Arias-Robles, José M. Valero-Pastor and Miguel CarvajalISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978 | 471e dierences are less clear when the editorial model of the media outlets studied is taken into consideration. In turn, the size of an organization plays a major role. Organizations with a smaller workforce tend to rely more on third-party technology. Only large media outlets, primarily newspapers with traditional print versions, partner with others for the technological development of their innovations. e main exception is Civio, which despite its small team (10 people), participates in the development of three of its four technological innovations.4. Discussion and conclusionse results obtained in this research oer a comprehensive view of the intersection between technology and innovation in journalism: two out of every three advances are technology-based, accentuated over time, and most are developed outside of the media industry. ese ndings also make it possible to delve into realities such as the weight of technology in the distribution of content and in media outlets such as television. ese data pave the way for a deeper reection on the correlation between technological innovation, the social context and the reliance on big tech. ey also reveal the need to further study the nature of this relationship and introduce categories that allow their in-depth analysis.Innovation in journalism depends a great deal on technology (RQ1). is coincides with the idea that technology is consubstantial with journalism (López-García and Vizoso, 2021) and innovation (Moreira Flores, 2017). If technology is decisive in two-thirds of journalism innovations, then the problem of “technomyopia” (Fidler, 1997: 11) may lie in the lack of a long-term vision or critical reection. Perhaps a reality of great magnitude is not being exaggerated, but rather that better lenses are needed to analyze it in-depth and with perspective. Fidler (1997) describes a process in which the benets of a technology are inated in the beginning, and when expectations are not subsequently met, its impact is underestimated. is could be associated with the classic theory developed by Rogers (1962), in which a technology’s adoption is not linear, but rather depends on multiple phases and the attitude of recipients. e results of this research show that existing technologies—such as videoconferencing tools and QR codes—are being used, but their adoption has increased due to circumstantial reasons. However, regardless of when technological advances become popular, they should go through the same stages of launch, diusion and cross into the mainstream. erefore, when technology is developed and adopted, it is advisable to dierentiate between actual changes in news creation and ephemeral modications that have a low impact on society (Küng, 2017).e comparison with change over time, areas of innovation and types of media outlets oers additional nuances (RQ2). Non-technological innovations tend to fall as the years go by, reaching a minimum level in 2021. e strong presence of users in channels like TikTok and Twitch has driven the demand-pull strategies of media outlets, thereby conrming that technological advances address existing needs but then create new demand (Smith, 1983: 291).2020, a year dened by health measures in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, is the period with the most innovations (also technological) but the fewest in-house developments. e link between technology and the social context (McQuail, 2010: 39) became evident, along with its lack of neutrality (Díaz Noci, 2001: 1) and the ongoing correlation between the main elements of communication (Scolari, 2012: 218). It became clear that technological evolution is triggered by supply, scientic progress and demand, particularly in exceptional situations, like the COVID-19 pandemic. However, the results make it possible to conclude
472| nº 37, pp. 453-478 July-December of 2023Technological dependence and outsourcing for innovation in journalism in Spanish media outlets (2014-2021)ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978| doxa.comunicaciónthat in recent years, technology-push theories have gained ground (Dosi, 1982: 148-149) because improvements to digital tools have allowed media outlets to create more technology-based innovations (Peters et al., 2012).e comparison between the areas of innovation is also revealing. e fact that technology is present in most of the advances registered for content distribution, and that more than half are third-party developments, is proof of platformization in journalism. It is important to note that innovations in an organization rarely depend on technology, but when they do, they almost always originate from third-party rms. e widespread use of apps like Google Meet, Zoom and Microsoft Teams during the remote work era, for example, inuences how numerous news organizations work. Although technological development is prevalent in production, this is the only area in which innovations at media outlets are primarily driven in-house. In the area of marketing, partnerships with third parties for technological development stand out. In terms of business, the hybridization between news organizations and tech rms is clear (Carlson and Usher, 2016). ese ndings also coincide with recent research on podcast production and marketing strategies (Pérez-Alaejos et al., 2022; Carvajal et al., 2022). Finally, comparing the results between media outlets provides key information for understanding the industry’s evolution. According to this research, in the ve most innovative cases (El País, Eldiario.es, El Condencial, RTVE and Maldita), approximately half of the innovations are non-technological. ese results reveal the limitations of technological determinism (Almirón and Jarque, 2008) and conrm the error of tying any novelty on the market to technology (Franciscato, 2010). It is likely that in companies with a stronger innovative tradition, most of their actions fall within a corporate strategy that is more dened and less reliant on the latest technological advances (Küng, 2015). is applies to newspapers with traditional print versions, as suspected, but also to most native digital media outlets, particularly those specialized by subject matter and with a predilection for long-form journalism.On the other hand, technology has considerable weight in media outlets specializing in data and fact-checking. ese types of entities could probably be classied as startups or NTBFs, in which technology is one of the distinctive features (Arantes et al., 2019: 49). Television networks are also worth noting because technology tends to have more weight in their innovations. eir need to work with complex technical equipment and the size of their newsrooms are most likely determining factors.is analysis is completed through a comparison of the creators behind the technology used in the innovations identied (RQ3). e data obtained show that third-party developments peaked in 2015 and 2020, most likely due to technological dependence during the pandemic in light of limitations on in-person work and mobility, as well as the short reaction time. During this period, media outlets increased their reliance on free digital tools like WhatsApp, Telegram, Slack, Google Drive, Wetransfer and Dropbox, with a higher application rate in the production phase (Bernal-Triviño, 2021).In-house developments grew between 2017 and 2018, with the earliest advances in AI as the main focus. Most partnerships between media outlets and technology rms, oftentimes to improve marketing systems in response to the rise of paywalls, took place in 2016. ese results corroborate the platformization of journalism because they conrm the growing dependence of media outlets on third-party agents for the implementation of technological innovations (Simon, 2022; Steensen and Westlund, 2020; Nieborg and Poell, 2019). is practice, which allows media outlets to connect more directly with technological advances and audience consumption habits, could potentially be dangerous for their long-term aspirations because it has been veried

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doxa.comunicación | nº 37, pp. 453-478July-December of 2023Félix Arias-Robles, José M. Valero-Pastor and Miguel CarvajalISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978 | 473on multiple occasions that the revenue streams and reach of organizations have been engulfed by big tech rms (Marcos Recio et. al, 2014; Whittaker, 2019; CNMC, 2021). Although the causes and eects of this phenomenon cannot be deduced in this paper, it has been noted that organizations require third-party tools, particularly for content distribution, in which companies like Apple, Google and Meta operate (Nieborg and Poell, 2019), and for selling their services, in which case partnerships with business intelligence rms are frequently selected. An example of this trend is the growing relationship between Spanish media outlets and Piano Media, a Slovakian company and market leader in Europe specializing in news content monetization solutions (Ormaetxea, 2015) and that currently develops articial intelligence technologies to optimize media outlets’ revenue streams. e analysis of the relationship between the creators of these technological innovations and media outlets’ resources (human and material) also provides key nuances. Although it may seem counterintuitive, this link is less obvious than other variables, such as media outlets’ philosophies. For example, an analysis of the top three mainstream native digital media outlets (El Condencial, El Español and Eldiario.es) shows that the rst develops twice as many in-house technologies as the rest. is connection becomes even clearer when considering one-person initiatives or those with very small teams, in which in-house development is virtually inexistent, with exceptions like Civio. However, it is most evident in partnerships between media outlets and technology companies. Large media companies are the only ones that can aord these joint developments. is conrms the socioeconomic context’s impact on technological innovation and the interconnection between media outlets and their surroundings (Landow, 2006). ese ndings only make sense when they are contextualized and harnessed to make progress in classifying and conceptualizing the use of technology in the media. It is more necessary than ever to perform a conceptual reection on technology and innovation to prevent from falling into the trap of determinism (García-Avilés, 2021) and to leverage technological development as an opportunity to research its transformative power (Kyriakidou and Garcia-Blanco, 2021: 723). Although the containment proposed by Barnhurst (2012: 210) may seem impossible due to its usefulness and inability to adapt, it is advisable to consider the importance of understanding the social factor of technological innovation (Bruns, 2014; Khajeheian and Tadayoni, 2016; Storsul and Krumsvik, 2013). In reality, it is “journalism that gives technology purpose, shape, perspective, meaning and signicance, not the other way around” (Zelizer, 2019).is research is not exempt from limitations, primarily because it falls within a project that is in the midst of growth, consolidation and distribution. e innovation measurements are obtained from secondary sources and interviews that probably fail to reect the full reality. e interview results and literature review could be triangulated using other methodologies such as a panel of experts and observations of media outlets that have applied the innovations being studied. e sample size could also be expanded in future research to extract more general conclusions about the factors that determine the adoption of technology in journalism. Additionally, some of the non-technological innovations registered in the study could be, even supercially, conditioned by technology due to the leitmotif behind their idea and development. is would be the case of innovations such as the creation of specic data journalism teams, initiatives for training the entire workforce on aspects such as SEO (search engine optimization), and the introduction of new proles specializing in user analysis.

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474| nº 37, pp. 453-478 July-December of 2023Technological dependence and outsourcing for innovation in journalism in Spanish media outlets (2014-2021)ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978| doxa.comunicaciónIn this sense, one of the biggest challenges of this work was due to the limited theory on technology in journalism. Although a certain degree exists in elds such as the economy and startups, the majority focuses on describing cases, but with minimal theoretical development. erefore, it is necessary to delve further into this topic from a critical perspective. Future lines of research could also include in-depth research on the link between editors and technicians at news organizations (Kosterich, 2019) or a wider analysis of the friction between subcultures in newsrooms.5. Acknowledgments is article was translated into English by Almudena Grau, whom we would like to thank for her work.is work is backed by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG, German Research Foundation) within the framework of the research project “Journalism innovation in democratic societies: Index, inuence and prerequisites in international comparison (JoIn-DemoS)” (Project-ID 438677067).6. Specic contributions from each authorName and SurnameConception and design of the workFélix Arias-RoblesMethodologyFélix Arias-Robles, José María Valero-Pastor and Miguel CarvajalData collection and analysisJosé María Valero-Pastor and Félix Arias-RoblesDiscussion and conclusionsMiguel Carvajal and Félix Arias-RoblesDrafting, formatting, version review and approvalFélix Arias-Robles, José María Valero-Pastor and Miguel Carvajal7. Bibliographic referencesAlmirón, N., y Jarque, J.M. (2008). El mito digital. Discursos hegemónicos sobre Internet y periodismo. Barcelona, Anthropos.Anderson, C.W., Emily Bell, y Shirky, C. (2015). Post-Industrial Journalism: Adapting to the Present. Geopolitics, History, and International Relations, 7(2), 32-123.Arantes, F.P.; Caetano, M.; Angélica, V.; Paula, F.; Salete, M.; Freitag, B. (2019). New independent technology-based rms: dierences from other NTBFs and future research agenda for technology innovation management. International Journal of Entrepreneurship and Innovation Management, 23(1), 46-71.Barnhurst, K.G. (2012). “‘Trust me, I’m an innovative journalist,’ and other ctions”. In: Broersma, M.; Peters, C. (eds.). Rethinking journalism: trust and participation in a transforming media landscape. London: Routledge, 210-220.
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