104 | nº 39, pp. 103-120 |July-December of 2024Communication cabinets and media: an unequal struggle that impoverishes informationISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978doxa.comunicación1. Introduction and theoretical frameworke relationship between institutional communication cabinets and the media is constantly evolving and changing. ese changes are often driven by technological innovation but are also subject to the precarious nature of the sector, particularly in light of the 2007-2008 economic crisis. is crisis also aected news organisations due to the overall decline in advertising revenues, notably from the real estate sector, which had been injecting signicant investments into the media. In addition, the loss of advertisers from traditional print publications to online platforms and social media channels (López García, 2015). is scenario, coupled with digitalisation, led to the often unsuccessful pursuit of sustainable business models across various phases, from initial failed attempts at digital subscription models by some major media outlets to the widespread adoption of free subscriptions. More recently, since 2020, there has been a trend towards implementing various paywall strategies among the most powerful publications (Iranzo et al., 2022).According to the latest annual report on the journalistic profession (Madrid Press Association [APM], 2023), 15% of surveyed professionals identied “general job precariousness” as the main issue, followed by “poor remuneration for journalistic work”(13%), “lack of political or economic independence of the media where they work” (12%). “lack of rigour and neutrality in professional practice” (12%) and “increased workload and lack of time for information gathering” (11%). ese data contribute to our understanding of the migration of journalists from media outlets to communication cabinets and changes in young people’s preferences when choosing their university studies. In fact, the report highlights the loss of nearly 1000 enrolled students in Journalism and Information and Audiovisual Techniques and Media Communication bachelor’s and master’s degrees compared to the previous academic year.In recent years, factors such as workforce downsizing, loss of specialisation within teams and job instability, among others, combined with the imperative of immediacy in most media driven by digital evolution and competitiveness, have contributed to a growing disparity between communication oces and the media outlets, particularly the smallest ones. Communication cabinets, equipped with more tools and beneting from the need of news organisations to publish in record time, have gained an advantage over media outlets, which have fewer human resources available to verify and fact-check information. To a certain extent, some characteristics of the relationships between communication cabinets and media outlets resemble the scenario described by George Ritzer in the McDonalisation of Society (1993). Ritzer identied four features of the fast food chain-eciency, calculation, predictability and control- that echo contemporary lifestyles. Other authors have already associated this theory with the media, particularly highlighting that their abundance does not necessarily result in by journalists. is paves the way for communication oces to eectively place their messages in the public domain and achieve the desired impact. Keywords: Institutional Communication; Dircom; immediacy; press release; precariousness; working conditions.cionales se publiquen, al menos en primera instancia, sin ningún ltro o análisis detallado por parte de los periodistas, lo que allana el camino a los gabinetes de comunicación para colocar sus mensajes en el espacio público y conseguir el impacto deseado.Palabras clave: Comunicación institucional; Dircom; inmediatez; nota de prensa; precariedad; condiciones de trabajo. doxa.comunicación | nº 39, pp. 103-120 July-December of 2024Joaquín Aguar TorresISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978| 105 informational pluralism, given that “the criteria for producing information (…) continue, in the vast majority of cases, to come from the same sources and data, presented in a standardised way in the structuring of news, following the pattern established by news agencies” (López García, 2006, p. 44).In this context, by applying Ritzer’s four pillars of McDonaldisation, institutional communication cabinets have evolved into an eective tool for rapidly “feeding” the media with abundant food (information) at low cost (often free) and served immediately and predictably (ensuring certainty in reception and distributed across various required formats) and under centralised and uniform control for all media outlets. is systematic and methodical information dissemination process contrasts with the signicant challenges faced by newsrooms, where journalists grapple with the incessant ‘bombardment’ of stimuli, hindering their ability to conduct thorough and measured analyses of the received impacts.For over a decade, various academic studies have analysed the changes within the eld of journalism and the dynamics of information following the emergence of digital media platforms or the online versions of traditional print newspapers, radio broadcasts and television programmes. Indeed, several publications had forewarned years earlier about certain risks for journalism stemming from these changes: less street reporting, overreliance on institutional sources, reduced information verication or the decline in the initiative to explore new topics (López Hidalgo, 2006). Ultimately, a scenario emerged in which media outlets exhibited a growing dependence on the agenda set by information sources, especially those of greater relevance in the political, economic, social and cultural hierarchy (Vázquez Bermúdez, 2006, p. 9). ese developments have occurred against the backdrop of relevant changes and profound transformations that have reshaped work practices within newsrooms and redened the very essence of the profession. “e networked and digital world is reshaping professional relationships and practices and altering the routines of information gathering, processing and disseminating” (Baldessar, 2007, p. 112).One of the most relevant issues amidst the profound changes within both the profession and the treatment of information is the immediacy stemming from those above digital ‘boom’, which prioritises speed over reection and interpretation, thereby compromising quality, as evidenced by the excessive presence of wire news (Sandoval Martín, 2005). Furthermore, this circumstance also exacerbates the pressure on journalists, resulting in neglecting a fundamental principle of the profession: verifying the news. is trade-o for immediacy also involves replicating other media outlets’ reports, leading to a sort of “mad race” (Ufarte Ruiz, 2012, p. 7).Many authors acknowledge the eects of digitalisation on journalistic quality. e “bombardment” of information that a writer receives today through multiple and diverse channels from various interested sources was similarly cautioned against some years ago by dierent researchers at the dawn of the digital era. “e immense ow of information that newsrooms receive is opening up an important space for the old danger of serving, not the public, but the creators of news (newsmaking): instead of controlling the established power, they prop it up (Diezhandino, 2005, p. 1). However, this ‘bombardment’ has become increasingly evident within newsrooms, particularly in a society where information overload (Cornella, 2000), or the excess of information, has become entrenched. is reection extends to the pawns within news organisations, whose attention is claimed by various channels and stakeholders –many of them communication cabinets– which makes it dicult for them to delve into the issues they cover, as various subsequent investigations have shown. According to Franco and Gértrudix (2015), in a context of information saturation, working within the parameters of immediacy and instantaneity prevalent in digital 106 | nº 39, pp. 103-120 |July-December of 2024Communication cabinets and media: an unequal struggle that impoverishes informationISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978doxa.comunicaciónmedia heightens journalists’ feelings of insecurity and overwhelm (p. 154). ese authors reect precisely on this information overload and conclude that being overwhelmed with information does not equate to power or knowledge. “is idea should permeate the fabric of journalistic companies to abandon the model of immediacy, whose priority is to saturate the front page with news 24 hours a day, regardless of whether it is a wire agency bulletin” (p. 157). is approach related to promoting so-called “slow journalism” (Greenberg, 2007), is yet to gain traction in the vast number of media outlets dedicated to daily news, at least in Spain, where professionals exhibit lower levels of reexivity regarding their journalistic practices compared to that of German and British journalists (Rivas de Roca et al., 2020).is situation is compounded by another prediction outlined in numerous studies focusing on the increasing precarity of journalists within the media sector. e adoption of cost-saving information policies, such as the removal of controls and the distribution of work outside the scope of specialisation, results, among other consequences, in an increase in news retractions stemming from inadequate verication and documentation errors (Soengas Pérez et al., 2014, pp. 112-113). In fact, it is common to observe the transformation of previously published content in digital-native publications and online editions of major media outlets. ese modications extend beyond mere expansions, encompassing data corrections, removing erroneous text segments, or even headline modications motivated by various reasons. At the same time, communication cabinets, which have experienced substantial growth since the emergence of private television in the 1990s (Almansa, 2004), have been expanding their sta and resources, along with their level of journalistic professionalism. is trend has been inuenced by the generally better salaries and working conditions oered by communication cabinets compared to those provided by media outlets. As a result, journalists frequently migrate from newsrooms to communication cabinets, as observed in most interviewees in this research. is leads to an increase in institutional knowledge, given these professionals’ experience regarding the dynamics of news production. In this “perfect storm”, communication cabinets aliated with signicant political institutions enjoy a particular advantage in disseminating messages that benet their interests, especially if they employ strategies to conceal such messages from plain sight (Aguar and López, 2021) or exploit the prevailing pressure within the media driven by the culture of immediacy and the lack of specialised journalists in newsrooms, stemming from organisational changes, which often include task diversication and a decrease in experienced professionals. us, communication cabinets have continuously rened their strategies to inuence the media, leveraging digitalisation and the pressure for immediacy that newsrooms face. However, the notion of inuencing these departments has always existed. “Communication cabinets no longer content themselves with delivering news drafted in concise terms but also introduce narratives or complete articles into the market that newspapers can purchase as such” (Bohére, 1985, p. 51). ese practices have progressively gained inuence within the productive routines of news organisations. As Ufarte Ruiz (2011) highlighted, journalists’ responsibilities extend beyond merely providing information to dierent media outlets.“Beyond these competencies, there is the potential for these organisations to have the ‘power’ to shape the media agenda. is action diminishes the creative work of the journalist” (p. 166). In essence, institutional communication cabinets seek to dictate the issues journalists address, preventing or curtailing time available for reection, whether through press releases, the mass and constant distribution of ocial communications or tailored information that may interest specic media outlets. ese doxa.comunicación | nº 39, pp. 103-120 July-December of 2024Joaquín Aguar TorresISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978| 107 measures contribute to fueling the disparity between the reality of the newsworthy event and the perceived truth presented in the news (Lozano, 2021, p. 279).Moreover, as some researchers point out, this trend of communication cabinets actively shaping agendas has been intensifying in recent years, reaching its peak during electoral campaigns (Valera-Ordaz, 2019). “e public sphere is conceived as a space of competition among agendas, wherein each social actor strives to maximise its presence and ensure that its proposals and objectives are embraced by the media” (Valera-Ordaz, 2015, p. 117). is scenario manifests in the relationships between cabinets and media outlets, with the former intensifying their eorts to inuence the information process of the latter. Dader (2014) asserts the following: “Several decades ago, the proactive strategies of sociopolitical and economic elites began to accompany or even replace defensive approaches. An increasingly voluminous army of press cabinets, communication advisors, and public relations agencies began to occupy the eld, overwhelmingly outnumbering, in social capital and logistical resources, the light infantry –often mere guerrilla–ghters- of press ocers, even if they now adorn themselves with iPads and other state-of-the-art digital resources” (p.640).2. Methodologyis study is based on a qualitative methodology, wherein data was gathered through twelve in-depth interviews with communication professionals who have held (or currently hold) key positions in institutional cabinets. ese professionals have prior experience in media outlets; some have returned to them after working in cabinets. Selection criteria primarily targeted proles generally consistent with active journalists who have held prominent roles in cabinets of institutions governed by diverse political ideologies between 2011 and 2022. Ensuring a minimum gender balance in participant selection was a priority; some proles have been chosen from politically signicant institutions and inuence, while others work in institutions less involved in major decision-making processes. Furthermore, the diversity in proles has been ensured regarding the type of competencies and scopes of action within national, European, regional, or local institutions where the interviewees work or have worked to observe whether, in their opinion, the functioning and interaction of cabinets with the media has similarities or dierences across various contexts. Specically, the sample consists of a dozen active professionals with an average age of 45, comprising 59% men and 41% women. In all cases, the interviewees had prior experience as journalists within media outlets and later joined institutional communication cabinets, motivated by diverse reasons. Currently, 66% of them remain in these roles, while two have returned to media outlets, and two others work in dierent jobs within the journalistic eld.On average, the interviewees have seven years of experience in institutional communication cabinets. In comparison, they have an average of 15 years of experience in their careers in media outlets, resulting in a cumulative average of 22 years of professional experience. Notably, they have worked in both environments (media outlets and cabinets) over the past decade. On the one hand, the interviewees have held positions such as communication directors or press advisors within institutional oces, while in the media, they have fullled functions as –or are currently functioning as– editors, reporters, or middle 108 | nº 39, pp. 103-120 |July-December of 2024Communication cabinets and media: an unequal struggle that impoverishes informationISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978doxa.comunicaciónmanagement. Regarding the institutions, 50% of the interviewees have experience in regional institutions. e remaining 50% have worked in national and European institutions or relevant municipal bodies (provincial or major city councils).Regarding data collection, all interviews were conducted between May 2022 and April 2023. Each interview lasted between one and two hours and was recorded once permission was obtained from the interviewees following assurance of their anonymity. e recordings were subsequently transcribed for analysis. Emphasis was placed on transcription as a fundamental tool for documenting and analysing the interviewees’ discourse (Requena, 2014).Most of these encounters took place in public settings to foster a relaxed atmosphere. All professionals were contacted prior to the interviews and provided with a broad understanding of the interview’s objective. At the same time, virtually no knowledge of the specic content of the questions to be asked was conveyed. is approach aimed to ensure spontaneous responses to the greatest extent possible. Moreover, the interviews adhered to a pre-prepared thematic script, serving as a framework for the interview. However, it was a exible script that did not impose a predetermined order of questions or a specic formulation. Instead, it functioned as a comprehensive catalogue outlining topics to be addressed in each interview, as is typical in semi-structured interviews (Corbetta, 2007; Alonso, 2016).is interview format was chosen because it allows “ample freedom for both the interviewer and interviewee while ensuring that all relevant topics are discussed and necessary information is gathered” (Corbetta, 2007, p. 353). is exibility is particularly convenient when interviewees handle sensitive information, such as developing communication strategies within the cabinets of signicant political institutions, as in this study. Furthermore, as an initial step, each interviewee was asked to provide a brief self-introduction and an overview of their career. Subsequently, questions related to various thematic blocks were introduced, maintaining an atmosphere conducive to open dialogue and allowing space for the interviewee to oer insights and interpretations of reality, share anecdotes or introduce other topics that might diverge from the predetermined script. is approach aligns with the model of “informal open interview” where “questions, their sequence and wording are not established and closed beforehand” (Alonso, 2016, pp. 391-392), aiming to ensure contextual relevance for each situation, integrating them into the conversation so that they could be answered easily. e conclusions drawn in this study pertain to the thematic block of the script, referring to the evolution, in recent years, of communication channels used by communication cabinets to convey their messages to the media and the eectiveness of new technological tools within this complex relationship between communication directors and the media.3. Resultsis study aims to gain insight into how journalists conceptualise and interpret recent transformations between institutional cabinets and the media, how these transformations impact industry professionals and the quality of information reaching the public. Specically, the research aims to investigate how institutional cabinets often intend- and usually succeed- in ‘selling’ the institutions’ positive messages without passing through the necessary lters of journalistic quality, how this occurs, and the challenges media newsrooms face in preventing it. Consequently, the selected sample prioritises proles of professionals doxa.comunicación | nº 39, pp. 103-120 July-December of 2024Joaquín Aguar TorresISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978| 109 who have occupied roles in both positions (cabinets and media), aiming to analyse their impressions on the evolution and transformation in the relationships between these professional cohorts, which, in their opinion, have been taking place in recent years.In this context, one of the primary overarching impressions conveyed by the interviewees is that both technological innovation and precariousness in the media industry result in an unequal struggle between institutional communication cabinets and professionals within newsrooms. e required immediacy in a digital society, coupled with the lack of adequate human resources, allows cabinets to propagate “their truth” without often undergoing a thorough analysis of ocial communications by the media, thereby heightening the risk of fueling disinformation or biased information. Simultaneously, the temptation for media professionals to migrate to cabinets, generally better paid and often with enhanced work-life balance, increases, weakening the strength of journalistic enterprises in overseeing the management of public institutions as they contend with smaller and less experienced sta with worse economic and working conditions. ese aspects are broadly shared among the interviewed professionals, who also oer various insights into understanding the current state of aairs in the relationship between cabinets and the media, especially regarding integrating institutional messages into the operational practices of news organisations.us, various institutional communication directors who have previous experience in the media or have subsequently returned to it acknowledge that they currently nd it easier, at least, to initially ‘place’ the desired message. Several of them concede that press releases are occasionally crafted with the unequivocal intention of impeding media verication or thorough analysis, exploiting the imperative for immediacy prioritised in newsrooms, which facilitates the dissemination of the intended positive perspective. Additionally, they underscore the precariousness- a sta shortage- and a lack of specialisation often favours their interests. 3.1. Less verication in ocial informationRegarding the capacity of newsrooms to critically assess information in recent years compared to the present, several interviewees highlighted the prevailing circumstances: “ere used to be more journalists in the media. ey were far more informed, and the information was more thorough. It wasn’t as easy for them to buy into the message” (Woman, 47 years old).In this vein, another professional stresses what he refers to as “accommodation to the ocial discourse”. “Nowadays, the advantage of the press release is that, due to lack of resources, it is often reproduced verbatim in all media outlets; there is no ltering. It has gone from being a complement to being a dogma of faith, someone’s dogma of faith who has an interest in selling you reality in a certain way. And this is not veried” (Man, 54 years old), who adds a caveat, however, that this occurs less “in larger media outlets”. “ere are countless small media outlets that end up reproducing that press release exactly as it is. Politicians like that”, he asserts, concluding: “It is a battle that politicians are winning against the media, spreading their dogma of faith to the public without any ltering carried out by professionals”. 110 | nº 39, pp. 103-120 |July-December of 2024Communication cabinets and media: an unequal struggle that impoverishes informationISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978doxa.comunicación3.2. Lack of Human Resources in NewsroomsAnother interviewee vividly illustrates this issue, indicating how the reduction in newsroom sta has changed their approach to information from communication cabinets in just a few years. “e media have completely accommodated themselves to institutional sources. When I was at the newspaper, we never used the headline from the press release” (Woman, 41 years old). Along these lines, she explains how strategies have changed, using an example from when she began to work in cabinets in 2016. “I always said never to include the headline we wanted to be published in the press release. Put the idea we want to get out in the subheader. Never in the headline”, she explained. is decision stems from her experience that journalists did not want to copy the press release’s headline and preferred to search for other, more interesting information in the ocial statement. us, by providing the desired news in the subheader, she believed there were more chances that the media would use the desired message as the headline. “You give the journalist the idea in the subheader and ensure it gets published. Because if it’s in the headline, the journalist and the newspaper you want won’t pick it up”, she says, explaining her approach at that time. “All that’s gone now, it has disappeared”, the interviewee concludes, noting how more press releases appear in the media with the original headline. Several interviewees also acknowledge this gap in the media’s rst-line lter, attributing it to factors such as the lack of human resources and specialisation in newsrooms. “ere are not enough people in the newsrooms” (Woman, 41 years old). “e media “swallow” (publish) many things because they come ready-made from cabinets and because newsrooms have increasingly fewer resources” (Man, 59 years old), a sentiment echoed by another interviewed professional: “Cabinets have more resources than the media, and nd it is easier to ‘score’ goals” (Man, 41 years old). “e newsrooms have much fewer personnel and journalists with much less experience” (Man, 47 years old). ese responses allude to publishing institutional information without undergoing thorough analysis or reection by the media. “ere are journalists who, out of routine, prefer to publish rather than verify. Many journalists publish without being edited by anyone: in the past, that was unheard of” (Man, 49 years old).e repeated comparison between the “before” and “now” is a recurring theme among the interviewees. eir observations consistently highlight factors such as journalists’ heightened knowledge and specialisation or the role of gures in the newsroom who acted as lters in previous stages but either no longer exist or have assumed dierent roles in contemporary journalism. Collectively, these testimonies allow us to establish a “narrative conguration” (Conde del Álamo, 2009) that demonstrates how the immediacy brought about by digitalisation, coupled with the precarity in newsrooms, has led to the sidelining of specic fundamental tasks of journalistic practice, such as thoroughly verifying or analysing information, even when sourced from institutional channels. is circumstance raises questions about the nature of journalistic work within the public sphere, as diminished rigour in this process jeopardises the quality of journalistic information and, by extension, the public service that journalists theoretically provide. doxa.comunicación | nº 39, pp. 103-120 July-December of 2024Joaquín Aguar TorresISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978| 111 3.3 .e Constant Pressure of Mandatory ImmediacyIf the downsizing of newsrooms and the decreased number of specialised professionals are two causes of this phenomenon, no less important is, according to the interviewed professionals, the hegemony of the immediacy in today’s journalism and the excess of informational stimuli to which journalists in media outlets are subjected, intensifying competition and aecting the quality of information. “Nowadays, immediacy compels you to use whatever is available so that a digital platform or whoever doesn’t beat you to it” (Woman, 47 years old). “If you don’t have time to ask questions or think critically about what they’re sending you… suppose they send you a bunch of press releases over a summer weekend. In that case, you need the website to be constantly updated, and they’re giving you that material for free… that material goes forward without lters” (Woman, 39 years old), describing the current operation in her newsroom. is illustrates how information arrives at media outlets around the clock, conveniently drafted and in various formats, facilitating the journalist’s work who, “due to lack of time, job insecurity, or simply for convenience, limit themselves to copying or ‘plagiarising’ the content of press releases verbatim” (Aira, 2012, p. 92). As another interviewee points out, all of this leads to “competitiveness among media outlets to see who can disseminate the message rst, leading to an absolutely irrational race” (Man, 47 years old).In this context, other interviewed professionals further emphasise the lack of time resulting from immediacy when explaining why many press releases from institutional cabinets are published without alterations. “It’s due to the lack of time journalists have and the need to quickly feed everything digitally. So, you kill two birds with one stone. You feed your website and Twitter with the information you’re releasing, and you also feed the person’s ego” (Woman, 41 years old). is reection not only accentuates the mandatory immediacy journalists in the media face but also underscores the signicance of these publications for institutional leaders. Indeed, it is not uncommon, especially in instances of substantial international or national impact, for leaders to choose to personally disseminate news through their social media accounts rather than through a media outlet. Sometimes, this becomes a continuous strategy, as seen with the team of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, who, instead of focusing their communication on the war with Russia through press releases and media briengs, decided to provide information equally to both the media and citizens through social media platforms (Olivares et al., 2022).3.4. e “bombardment” of journalists, another factor that aects the quality of informationIn this context, the element of immediacy, along with what some interviewees describe as a “bombardment” on journalists- many press releases, communications or information received through various channels-intersects with the previously mentioned variables to create a “perfect storm”- (Man, 47 years old). is convergence contributes to the media’s publication of institutional information without verication. e message traverses from its original sender to the audience, devoid of any ltering or questioning by the journalist. “e excess of information is another major problem. More information is being produced than ever, and there are fewer mediators than ever” (Man, 49). He uses a metaphor to describe the situation: “We produce more rubbish when there are fewer rubbish trucks. e function of journalism is to mediate and try to provide a certain depth to things, but now there is more information and fewer people in the newsrooms having to contend with a thousand press releases, a thousand inquiries, etc.” 112 | nº 39, pp. 103-120 |July-December of 2024Communication cabinets and media: an unequal struggle that impoverishes informationISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978doxa.comunicaciónRegarding this, most of the interviewees employed in notable institutions prioritise communication with journalists from the media by leveraging social media platforms such as WhatsApp or Telegram, either for personalised individual messages or via groups or broadcast lists created for this purpose. One of the interviewees, currently working in a media outlet, criticises this practice, considering that it hinders digital disconnection. “ey have overloaded us so much with WhatsApp broadcast lists that I, for example, muted them” (Woman, 39 years old). She assures that if something relevant were to happen and it was notied through that channel, she possibly would not know about it. “I wouldn’t nd out because they send me so much rubbish daily; I have it muted because otherwise, my phone would buzz every day: Saturdays, Sundays…” is illustrates one of the risks associated with technological overuse, as warned by Jiménez-Marín (2019), who pointed out the danger of workers automating their work as they may disengage from their tasks or what they are being communicated (p. 190).Most interviewees working in an institutional cabinet are familiar with this situation. Indeed, some highlight that not too long ago, there was considerable debate surrounding this issue within their eld of action. “Four years ago, many journalists said that this was an invasion, using WhatsApp, my personal mobile… and now I think it’s the best thing, and nobody questions it; you create a list, and everyone joins because it’s the most convenient” (Woman, 41 years old). is interviewee admits, however, the potential risk of becoming “spam” for professionals. Nevertheless, there is a consensus among the interviewees regarding the usefulness of these tools. “ey greatly facilitate journalists’ tasks, as they convey to us” (Woman, 40 years old). At the same time, there is a shared acknowledgement among the interviewees regarding the saturation it represents for media professionals: “e tools used are also much more invasive” (Woman, 34 years old years old).Undoubtedly, regardless of the appropriateness of this method used by communication cabinets to engage with media journalists, what is undeniable is the eectiveness of these tools for institutional communication departments. ese tools serve not only for informing and disseminating ocial messages but even as mechanisms for inuencing the agenda: “With the WhatsApp group that I have of a hundred journalists, I communicate things that I know will immediately be circulating in all newsrooms and will be seen by all editors”, (Man, 47 years old). He also describes how he obtains conrmation through these channels of which media outlets will attend their events or press conferences, allowing him to anticipate and better prepare the institutional representative for possible eventualities. 3.5. Strategies for Ocial Press Releases to be Published Intact in the MediaBeyond the previously discussed channels and circumstances, there are also active strategies employed by institutional cabinets to ensure that the media disseminate their message in a manner closely resembling how it was crafted within the institution without going under the “microscope” of the media outlet. is is elucidated by another professional, who acknowledges that one of the objectives achieved “often” by their cabinet is to have the media publish their information with a desired institutional focus. “Your press release can come out ‘clean’, unchanged, with the same headline- in a news wire and on the radio because they are the most immediate, and then the next day, in print or digital media, they may be turned around,” (Woman, 40 years old). On this matter, the same interviewee emphasises the importance of promptly sending out the press release to be ‘bounced’ by agencies since, from her perspective, it increases the likelihood of it being initially disseminated in the same manner by the media. “at’s why it’s so important for us to quickly send out press releases. To try… to minimise the time for reection”. Consequently, the initial positive impact on the institution, mainly if it originates from a prestigious media doxa.comunicación | nº 39, pp. 103-120 July-December of 2024Joaquín Aguar TorresISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978| 113 outlet, is often leveraged by cabinets for dissemination on social media. “Of course, you have the URL there to distribute it through your channels with the headline you wanted” (Man, 41 years old).Another interviewee echoes this strategy, considering it a priority to ensure that the news agency uses the press release to create the wire service. “For me, the press release only makes sense if you manage to send it before it comes out on the wire service” (Woman, 34 years old). An objective is to have the media “use the headline of the press release”, which is also shared by other professionals in this study. “at’s the ticket” (Man, 47 years old). As indicated by another interviewee, this goal is easier to achieve if the ocial communication is disseminated before the wire service is released, either because the wire services rely on the press release sent by the cabinet or because a journalist from a media outlet uses it. In any case, the ultimate goal of all these actions is always the same: to have the media publish the headline or focus crafted by the institutional communication department.In this line, another typical action carried out by institutional cabinets nowadays, as mentioned by several interviewees, is to ask the media to publish one of their press releases even if it is not featured on the front page of the respective digital newspaper: “I ask a media outlet. ‘Please, publish this for me’. en the media outlet tells me, “I will publish it, but it won’t be on the front page. But here’s the link. So, I pass it on to my boss, who is already happy: his message has been published, and he tweets it. It’s good for the journalist because, hey, the more visits, the better. And my boss’ ego is satised. So everyone’s happy” (Woman, 41 years old).At this stage, another strategy mentioned by one of the professionals is to send the press release during or immediately after a critical speech or intervention by an institutional leader: “e media’s tendency will be to copy and paste until they have time to digest what the institutional leader has said and interpret or modify it. During that time, with my press release and my headline, I take charge” (Man, 54 years old). In addition, he acknowledges other strategies such as “recycling” information during weekends and public holidays. is involves reformatting institutional announcements with data that went unnoticed initially. Another interviewee also acknowledges this practice, noting that they do not resend a press release in such cases. Instead, they focus on trying to persuade specic media outlets to cover the information by informing them that it was previously published by institutional resources but received little attention, “I’m selling it to you, and I’m telling you, ‘Look, this has already come out’, but I’m warning you because otherwise, I’m risking my credibility with that” (Woman, 41 years old). erefore, from the interviews, a scenario emerges in which cabinets, favoured by various factors, seek to capitalise on the weakened state of many media outlets. “In part, we work intending to bypass the lters. e greatest triumph is that they don’t even touch a comma, and journalists can even sign o on a communication in which they haven’t written even one word or asked anything. at’s the ultimate triumph, because sometimes you even laugh about it, you know? and discuss it with the politician: ‘Look at how we’ve pulled it o, we’ve pulled it o completely!”. ey put their name on something that wasn’t theirs and gave it the same headline without changing anything. And that journalist knows perfectly well that twenty or thirty other media outlets have the same information, and they’re putting their name to something that hasn’t gone through any lter. e information isn’t necessarily false but reects our perspective, and sometimes it’s not very high quality” (Man, 47 years old). 114 | nº 39, pp. 103-120 |July-December of 2024Communication cabinets and media: an unequal struggle that impoverishes informationISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978doxa.comunicación3.6. Doubts about the Eectiveness of these PracticesAnother interviewee agrees that they do not manage to get many press releases published in various media outlets. Still, she reects on the real impact of these publications. “Our bosses are happy about that; for example, a communication agency can sell to its clients: “Look, it’s been featured in 10 places, right? And you sell them the links. But what eectiveness does that actually have? Does it reach the public more? Honestly, I don’t think so” (Woman, 41 years old). However, the same professional acknowledges the positive impact of this on institutional cabinets. “Seeing it in the media gives your information more credibility, and I can sell it better, especially to my audience, so they can share it on social media”.At this point, several interviewees working for the institutions criticise news organisations concerning the multifaceted factors underpinning this unequal battle between cabinets and the media. “ere is indeed this unequal battle, but I don’t think it is our fault. I do my job; they are the ones who should do theirs” (Woman, 34 years old).Not all aspects favour the communication cabinet, as several interviewees emphasised. Several professionals consulted lament the absence of suitable interlocutors- either due to time constraints or a lack of specialisation- to ‘sell’ information they consider to be of quality, “ere are days when you feel like you’re getting the message across, and others when you encounter frustration because there’s no one who knows… and you say, “Damn it, no one bought it, and this topic is very good’. Both things happen. Sometimes there’s a lack of skill to interpret things with the ‘bad attitude’ that a seasoned journalist would have” (Man, 59 years old).Another interviewee also emphasises this aspect, pointing out that the media situation and the unequal battle between cabinets and newsrooms sometimes negatively aect them. “We suer from it sometimes. e media have got used to just publishing the press release, and that’s it. ere’s very little interpretation and analysis now” (Woman, 41 years old). is lament is expressed considering that, at times, their institution could benet from more comprehensive coverage of some issues by journalists compared to the arguments presented by the opposition. 4. Discussion and conclusionsIn the early 2000s, several academic investigations underscored some of the challenges confronting journalism due to the expansion of the internet and its repercussions on new organisation’s operational practices. e acceleration of the ow of news, the emergence of digital newsrooms, the diversication of professionals themselves, and the subsequent downsizing of personnel triggered by the economic crisis of 2007-2008, which severely impacted advertising revenues, have resulted in a weakening of major journalistic centres and also a fragmentation of the media landscape (López García, 2015).Hence, the predictions of those studies, which in some cases already indicated the preeminence of wire services information and the diminishing emphasis on in-depth news elaboration or analysis, have materialised in recent years. is trend has been exacerbated by the emergence of social media, which has further complicated factors like immediacy, greatly hindering media outlets’ capacity to provide broader perspectives and in-depth coverage in their reporting. An uneven battle emerges between communication cabinets and media outlets in terms of producing information in this global context. e interviews undertaken demonstrate the recognition of this struggle by institutional players and the doxa.comunicación | nº 39, pp. 103-120 July-December of 2024Joaquín Aguar TorresISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978| 115 vulnerability of the majority of news agencies, especially smaller and local ones, in light of the convergence of three concurrent factors: a.) fewer human resources within newsrooms, b.) lack or scarcity of journalists’ specialisation and c.) the imperative of immediacy driven by erce competition in the digital landscape. e precarious situation of journalists in media outlets contrasts not only with the more signicant resources of communication cabinets but also with an increase in their professionalisation and a heightened understanding of productive routines in news production, often attributed to the incorporation of journalists from media backgrounds. is phenomenon, as evidenced in several examples, even leads to ‘negotiation’ regarding the publication of content and approaches between the editor and the communications director, entailing systems of reciprocal benets or rewards between both parties, which can alienate the journalist from their original work and result in a deterioration in information quality. On the other hand, it is also noted in the interviewees’ discourse that communication professionals encounter their own pressures from leaders or institutions to leverage their knowledge and expertise to maximise the dissemination of their messages or bolster their presence in media and social networks.Based on the ndings in this study, it is evident that an increasing volume of information reaches the public without the historical mediators, namely journalists, fullling their role as lters and veriers regarding the publication of content. Consequently, these unveried publications fuel “the collateral model” characterised “by the prevalence of political parallelism” (Casero, 2008, p. 115), whereby journalists act as “spokespersons for viewpoints similar to those held by political parties and institutions”, thereby championing ideas and positions advocated by actors within the political system. Although, in this case, the media serves to amplify messages, the eect of this mechanism is a decline in informational quality, either due to bias or lack of critical interpretation of the reality depicted by institutional communication cabinets. erefore, cabinets successfully convey a specic narrative about reality to the public space that serves the interests of the institution they represent. Furthermore, this situation leads to a departure from the verication process, which journalists are tasked with applying “without cutting corners or deciencies” as it is the “most distinctive” aspect of their tasks (Dader, 2012, p. 40).erefore, all interviewees agree that there is a notable increase in the number of press releases published by various media outlets featuring the desired idea, focus, or headline from the communication cabinet, often without the critical perspective of the media. In the best-case scenario for the information receiver, the media may develop more in-depth content or perspectives hours or days after the ocial press release is published. However, unless in exceptional cases, this subsequent coverage will have less impact than the initial message issued by the institution, as it will have already been disseminated unchanged by a more signicant number of media outlets and amplied through various channels and social media platforms aliated with the institution, institutional leaders (political parties, supporters, sympathisers etc.) and even by the media themselves from their ocial accounts. us, we observe that institutional communication cabinets exploit the weakened state of media outlets, with varying degrees of subtlety, particularly to benet from the aforementioned initial wave of publications (news wires, digital newspapers, print newspapers’ websites, radio, or television). is ensures the desired initial media impact, making it dicult for journalists to conduct thorough fact-checking once a news story has been published by themselves and other media outlets. Similarly, even if journalists pause to analyse the ocial press release or wire service from agencies and identify another angle closer to reality 116 | nº 39, pp. 103-120 |July-December of 2024Communication cabinets and media: an unequal struggle that impoverishes informationISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978doxa.comunicaciónor more attractive to the reader, they are faced with the dilemma of either modifying the already published article- thus risking credibility- or publishing it afterwards with a dierent perspective. In the worst-case scenario for the communication cabinets, their desired focus will have already been initially disseminated and amplied. Consequently, their goal of achieving better positioning in online search engines will have been accomplished in most cases. Clearly, one of the primary objectives of institutional communication cabinets is to circulate their messages with the desired focus. To achieve this, it is crucial that signicant newspapers publish their press releases, or at the very least, that news agencies do so, as the media can then pick up their coverage. is allows the institutions themselves to amplify their message through social media under the credibility umbrella provided, a priori, by a reputable news company. Institutional leaders also leverage publishing their message by media outlets to repost it on social networks, often resulting in further amplication by the institution’s ocial accounts. e digital course of action demonstrates “the eagerness to make the actions of certain political gures in the government of the entity visible through retweets from the institution, or posts aimed more at other administrations rather than citizens” (Vázquez Sande 2016, p. 502). is approach underscores how “unidirectional persuasive communication logics prevail, closer to the eld of political communication rather than institutional communication”. Consequently, public administrations “use and leverage their communication resources to project dierent brands associated