Female journalists’ representation in Rodrigo Sorogoyen’s
The Realm
Representación de las mujeres periodistas en El reino, de Rodrigo Sorogoyen
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| 257
July-December of 2024
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
How to cite this article:
González Sanz, F. and Figuero Espadas, J. (2024). Female journalists’ representation in Rodrigo Sorogoyen’s
e Realm
.
Doxa Comunicación
, 39,
pp. 257-277.
https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n39a2062
Felicidad González Sanz.
PhD student in Social Communication at the San Pablo CEU University. She holds a degree
in Audiovisual Communication from the Complutense University of Madrid and a Master’s Degree in Teacher Training
from the San Pablo CEU University. She combines working on her thesis and conducting research with teaching respon
-
sibilities at various institutions.
CEU San Pablo University, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID:
0009-0001-8349-9497
Javier Figuero Espadas.
Professor of Screenwriting, Filmmaking, and Video Editing at CEU San Pablo University. Au
-
thor of
Los inadaptados de Tim Burton o Guion: nociones sobre la escritura audiovisual
. He has published articles on lm
and television in journals such as Communication & Society and Fotocinema. He has worked as a screenwriter in several
television series and has directed several short lms.
CEU San Pablo University, Spain
j
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0003-2113-6903
is content is published under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License. International License CC BY-NC 4.0
Received: 09/09/2023 - Accepted: 21/11/2023 - Early access: 26/01/2024 - Published: 01/07/2024
Recibido: 09/09/2023 - Aceptado: 21/11/2023 - En edición: 26/01/2024 - Publicado: 01/07/2024
Abstract:
Cinema has incorporated the journalism profession into its narratives
because of its inherent potential for creating narratives with a high
degree of interest. In the collective imagination, journalists are
positioned as the fourth estate and bear a social responsibility. In
the early days of cinema until around the 1990s, women occupied
secondary roles compared to their male counterparts, through
stereotypical characters portrayed as cold, unyielding, ambitious
professionals ready to do whatever it took to get the news at the
expense of their personal lives. ey are depicted as masculinised
Resumen:
El cine ha incorporado en sus historias el ocio del periodismo ya que,
por la naturaleza de la profesión, permite introducir narraciones con
un alto grado de interés. En el imaginario colectivo los periodistas se
posicionan como el cuarto poder y tienen una responsabilidad social.
En los comienzos del cine y hasta los años 90, aproximadamente, las
mujeres –frente a sus compañeros masculinos– ocupaban un rol se
-
cundario, en papeles estereotipados que las mostraban como profesio
-
nales frías, implacables, dispuestas a todo para conseguir la noticia
en detrimento de su vida personal. Aparecen masculinizadas y sexua
-
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1. Introduction
When contemplating the journalistic profession, the public tends to imagine it as the fourth estate, a watchdog, and even the
safeguard of democracy. is perception has led to the mythication of this profession, attributing ethical values to its practice
when, at times, there may be a gap between this myth and reality (Rey, 2020, p. 90). In the collective imagination, journalists
are seen as defenders of citizens’ rights and the proper functioning of society. Consequently, they are often depicted on the
big screen on the side of the virtuous and the brave (San José de la Rosa
et al
., 2020, p. 317). However, in this regard, Ramonet
(1999), as cited by Bezunartea
et al
. (2011), highlights that, given the signicant power that the media have acquired, they
have transitioned from being an instrument in service to society, functioning as a means of control, to becoming a controlling
instrument in the hands of an elite. is transition has transformed democracy into “mediocracy” (p.3). Nevertheless, certain
feature lms depict internal divisions among reporters, portraying both good and bad journalists. While some journalists seek
to inform and uncover the truth, others serve the interests of power, helping to conceal what is happening from the population.
In addition, cinema has incorporated the character of the journalist into its narratives (Tosantos, 2004) almost since
its inception, as their stories appeal to scriptwriters. According to this author, part of the allure of including journalists in
narratives stems from the unique experiences they can have due to the nature of their profession, experiences to which the
rest of society does not have access. Journalists can be present at signicant events, interview relevant gures, and later inform
the rest of society. For these reasons, they can act as a counterpower, as their privileged position allows them to monitor
and confront powerful individuals (2008, pp. 507-509). McNair (2011) asserts that feature lms depicting journalists not only
acknowledge the signicance of their role in democratic societies but also serve as a source of information about how the
public perceives them and how society expects them to be (p. 367). According to Bezunartea
et al
. (2011), the most common
prole in feature lms is the sensationalist and unethical journalist, appearing in 41.5% of the analysed lms, followed by the
journalist committed to their profession, exercising control and defending the interests of citizens, constituting 28.2%. To a
lesser extent, in 13.2% of cases, lms depict reporters who merely act as witnesses to the events unfolding around them.
Although journalists have been depicted in feature lms almost since cinema’s inception, women’s representation in this
profession has been unequal, initially playing secondary roles until gaining greater visibility in the 90s (Osorio, 2009, pp. 10-
and sexualised. Using a methodological triangulation that applies
descriptive analysis techniques, lm analysis and in-depth interviews,
the feature lm e Realm, by Rodrigo Sorogoyen is studied to
determine how the gure of the female journalist is represented in it.
After studying the results, it can be concluded that present-day female
journalists do not nd an accurate representation of their profession
in e Realm or cinema in general. is discrepancy stems from the
persistent perpetuation of certain stereotypes that inuence how
women journalists' role is portrayed on the big screen.
Keywords:
Women; stereotypes; e Realm; Rodrigo Sorogoyen, journalists.
lizadas. Empleando una triangulación metodológica que aplica las
técnicas del análisis descriptivo, el análisis fílmico y la entrevista en
profundidad se estudia el largometraje El reino, de Rodrigo Sorogo
-
yen, para determinar cómo se representa la gura de la periodista en
él. Tras el estudio de los resultados se observa que las periodistas en
activo, en la actualidad, no se ven representadas por la visión de su
profesión que ofrece El reino ni el cine en general. Esto se debe a que
se siguen perpetuando ciertos estereotipos con los que se muestra en la
gran pantalla el rol de la mujer periodista.
Palabras clave:
Mujeres; estereotipos; El reino; Rodrigo Sorogoyen; periodistas.
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11). Specically, according to Tello Díaz’s (2012) study, out of the 600 analysed lms in Spanish cinema, only 46% feature
female journalists. Furthermore, when examining the percentage of female characters who, as journalists, play a signicant
role in the plot, the percentage drops to 20% of the analysed lms. Similar data is highlighted by Enache (2020, p. 276), citing
an article in
Le Monde
from 2021, which gathered results from
el centro Marc-Bloch
from Berlin; out of a corpus of 3770
lms spanning from 1985 to 2019, only 34% corresponded to female roles. is gure shows a trend towards equality when
considering lms between 2014 and 2019, with female representation increasing to 45%. Nevertheless, even in this latter case,
a minority representation of female characters in cinema persists. Pachecho (2021), after analysing Spanish lms, notes that
non-image-dependent journalists appear in 35% of the studied sample; in contrast, for journalists whose profession is tied to
their image, this percentage rises to 57% of the analysed feature-length lms.
A separate mention is warranted for the stereotypes commonly attributed to female journalists in lms. Ghiglione (1990)
highlights that this representation has evolved through ve phases: initially, women were compelled to take up journalism
because they had no alternatives. In the second phase, they served as cheerleaders for male journalists, their sole objective
being to marry the man they loved. In the third phase, the feature-length lms during the 1920s and 1930s depicted them
as less capable but as tough as their male counterparts. In the fourth phase, they were portrayed as achieving success at the
expense of sacricing their personal lives and feeling incomplete. Finally, in the fth phase, women journalists are depicted as
professionally and personally independent, so their relationships with men are not a measure of their success. However, they
are still portrayed as lacking the toughness required to be a real journalist (pp. 454-457).
Good (1998) highlights that many representations of journalists reinforce gender roles traditionally perpetuated in society,
depicting female journalists as women rst and professionals in second place (p. 51). Meanwhile, Saltzman (2003) highlights
that female journalists must incorporate masculine traits in journalism, such as aggressiveness, toughness, self-suciency, and
antipathy needed to succeed while still exhibiting attributes expected of women, such as being aectionate, compassionate,
or maternal. Herman (2004) even suggests the masculinisation among female journalists in their professional conduct,
behaving like men when they attain positions of power to uphold the patriarchial tradition (p.34). is author also highlights
that, in general, female journalists receive more straightforward assignments and cover lighter stories compared to their male
counterparts. To succeed, a female reporter must, to some extent, compromise her feminity, ethics, and personal life, and,
even then, may still encounter discrimination and disrespectful treatment from colleagues (p. 37).
According to Osorio (2009), the cold and ruthless female journalist, the frivolous journalist, the homemaker journalist, the
heroine journalist in action lms, and even an updated version of a journalist who runs a sentimental advice column are among
the most common stereotypes of female journalists (pp. 418-421). In more commercial or blockbuster lms, these stereotypes
may be exaggerated, as noted by Figuero in the study of journalists in
Batman
(Time Burton, 1989), where the photojournalist
Vicki Vale, played by Kim Basinger, “is a functional character, appearing on-screen to be attacked and dominated by the Joker
and defended and rescued by Batman” (2012, p. 43). As the author points out, this character deviates signicantly from the role
of a photojournalist accustomed to capturing human tragedies.
Recently, Waddell (2021) has introduced other stereotypes aecting how the audience perceives the reality of the profession
and the professional performance of women. ese stereotypes encompass the sexualisation of female journalists, who are
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consistently represented as attractive and may leverage sex to obtain information from their sources, a perspective shared by
Cvetkovic and Oostman (2018), who also delve into the victimisation of women who are manipulated due to perceived physical
and mental weakness. Waddell (2021) also highlights other stereotypes, such as unethical professionals with misogynistic
characteristics, portrayed as weak and ineective, engaging in malpractice in their professional roles. In contrast, positive
representations of female journalists convey their commendable work ethic in comparison with their male counterparts.
Rincón and Mosquera (2021) even suggest that audiovisual narratives depict journalism as a profession that is “unethical and
an instrument of the executive and legislative power, with female journalists being easily manipulable, self-centred, ascending
the press hierarchy based on their physical appearance, rather than their preparation and intelligence” (p. 31). In this regard,
the conclusion of Bezunartea
et al
. (2008) emphasises that female reporters are usually represented as more disciplined than
males. However, in 40% of cases, this discipline is directed towards personal promotion, illustrating that, apart from being
attractive, they are also competent journalists; if they were not attractive, they would never have pursued careers as reporters
(p. 240).
Bezunartea
et al
. (2008) also highlight the underrepresentation of female journalists in cinematic works. According to their
study, they make up only 20% of reporters depicted on the big screen, meaning that only one out of every ve journalists
portrayed in lms is a woman (p. 223), a nding corroborated by Waddell (2021). Moreover, the power they wield on screen
is limited, as female journalists are frequently portrayed alongside a mentor gure who guides and instils condence in their
potential (Bezunartea
et al
., 2008, p. 240).
Other stereotypes that are also present, according to Bezunartea
et al
.’s (2010) study, are connected with age, the type of media
they work in, and the section they are associated with. According to their research, in 44% of the analysed lms, the average
age of journalists ranges from 30 to 50, with 30.6% in the training phase and only 17.3% holding positions of responsibility.
Regarding the type of media they work in, 67% are journalists working in the press as writers, reporters, or correspondents,
while 30.5% work in television. Finally, 16.5% of the journalists featured on the big screen belong to the local section, 13.1%
to the crime section, 11.6% to the international section and 11% to investigative journalism. Table 1 provides a summary of all
the detected stereotypes.
Table 1. Stereotypes in the representation of women journalists in cinema according to theme
emeStereotypeAuthor
Fourth EstateMythication of the professionRey, 2020.
Fourth EstateDefense of citizens' rightsSan José de la Rosa
et al.,
2020.
Fourth EstateExistence of factions among reporters: good and bad journalists.San José de la Rosa
et al.,
2020.
Fourth Estate
ree main proles: sensationalist and unethical, committed to their profession, and
witness to what happens arround them.
Bezunartea
et al.,
2011.
Fourth EstateInstrument of control in the hands of an elite (mediocracy).Bezunartea
et al.,
2011.
Fourth EstateExercise of the profession as a counter-power: monitoring and confronting the powerful.Mera, 2008.
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Fourth EstateAverage age of journalists: 30-50 years old.Bezunartea
et al.,
2010.
Fourth Estate67% of the represented journalists work in print, and 30.5% on television.Bezunartea
et al.,
2010.
Fourth Estate
e most commonly represented sections are local, events, international, and investigative
journalism.
Bezunartea
et al.,
2010.
Fourth EstateUnethical profession. Instrument of executive and legislative power.Rincón y Mosquera, 2021.
Gender
Female journalist: easily manipulable, self-centred, ascends in the press hierarchy based on
her physical appearance and not her education or intelligence.
Rincón y Mosquera, 2021.
Gender
Representation in 5 phases: obligation to accept work, cheerleadaer for the male
journalist in order to marry him, less qualied but equally tough, sacrices her personal
life, independent in professional and personal matters, but lacks the toughness of a real
journalist.
Ghiglione, 1990.
Gender
Woman rst, then professional.Good, 1998.
Gender
Need to incorporate masculine traits (aggressiveness, toughness, self-suciency, anitpathy)
to succeed, while still being aectionate, compassionate, or maternal.
Saltzman, 2003.
Gender
Masculinisation of the journlaist to maintain power. Continuation of patriarchal tradition.Herman, 2004.
Gender
Assigned simpler assignments and tell easier stories than men.Herman, 2004.
Gender
Must sacrice feminitiy, ethics and personal life to succeed and will continue to face
discrimination and disrespect from men.
Herman, 2004.
Gender
Most frequent stereotypes: cold and relentless journalist, frivolous, housewife,action movie
heroine, and sentimental advice columnist.
Osorio, 2009.
Gender
Secondary role compared to male journalists.
Osorio, 2009.
Tello Díaz, 2012.
Enache, 2020.
Gender
Most women journalists depend on their image to practice the profession.Pacheco, 2021.
Gender
Sexualisation of the female journalist always represented attractively, even using sex to
obtain information.
Waddell, 2021.
Cvetkovic y Oostman, 2018.
Gender
Victimisation of women, manipulated for being physically and mentally weak.Cvetkovic y Oostman, 2018.
Gender
Unethical professionals with mysogynistic, weak and ineective charactertistics, engaging
in malpractice in their professional work.
Waddell, 2021.
Gender
Representation as more disciplined than men, focused on personal promotion.Bezunartea
et al.,
2008.
Gender
If they were not attractive, they would not have been reporters.Bezunartea
et al.,
2008.
Gender
Numerical underrepresentation of female gender journalists.
Bezunartea
et al.,
2008.
Wadell, 2021.
Gender
Accompanied by a mentor gure who teaches them and gives them condence in their
potential.
Bezunartea
et al.,
2008.
Source: created by the authors. 2023
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To analyse the portrayal of the press as the fourth estate and the stereotypes associated with female journalists, the lm
e
Realm
(Sorogoyen, 2018) was chosen for examination. is feature lm, based on true stories, revolves around a female
journalist who must take a stance regarding her role as the fourth estate by the end of the lm. Another reason for selecting
this lm lies in the numerous awards it received, including seven Goyas from the
Academia de Cine
, as well as accolades from
various festivals
(Instituto de la Cinematografía y de las Artes Audiovisuales
[I.C.A.A.], 2023) and its considerable box oce
success with 365,256 viewers (I.C.A.A., 2023). is implies that any stereotypes depicted on screen would have reached a wide
audience, perpetuating them in the collective imagination. e insights from this case study can aid in analysing the current
stereotypes surrounding the representation of female reporters in Spanish cinema and the dynamics between political power
and the press.
In
e Realm
, Rodrigo Sorogoyen portrays corruption from the perspective of a politician, Manuel López Vidal, to try to
understand him. e politician is confronted by a journalist, Amaia Marín, at the lm’s conclusion. As Sorogoyen explained
to Pastor (2019), this character embodies the role of the press and serves as an agent denouncing the corrupt ecosystem. e
journalist appears in four specic moments in the plot, representing the fourth estate, which implies a responsibility for the
journalist. is responsibility is benecial to society when exercised for the common good. However, it can also be dangerous
when driven by the informant’s interests or inuenced by individuals or entities. e nal message of the lm underscores the
complexity of the system.
Moreover, the character of Amaia Marín was created by Sorogoyen after consulting with expert journalists, including Ana
Pastor. Morales (2018) reported that the journalist’s nal confrontation with the corrupt politician was lmed on the set of
El
objetivo,
a programme then hosted by Ana Pastor and produced by Atresmedia, which also coproduced the feature lm
e
Realm.
To prepare for the role, actress Bárbara Lennie met with Ana Pastor to study how the journalist conducted herself.
Pastor acknowledges being consulted for creating the character, but Morales (2018) says, “I don’t think she is inspired by me
as much as by what we journalists do”.
For all these reasons, this research aims to analyse the role of the female journalist in the feature lm
e Realm,
addressing
the following objectives:
–
Analyse the dierences between the roles of male and female journalist characters in the lm.
–
Examine the portrayal of the female journalist in
e Realm,
mainly through lm analysis.
–
Determine the role and stereotypes embodied by the character Amaia Marín in her capacity as a journalist.
–
Verify whether the character of the female journalist, according to several professional women in the sector, aligns with reality
or presents a distorted view.
–
Describe the function of the female journalist character portrayed in the lm concerning her role as the fourth estate and
guardian of democracy.
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ese objectives aim to verify the following hypotheses.
H1. Stereotypes surrounding the role of female journalists are currently perpetuated on the big screen, portraying them
as cold and ruthless professionals, emphasising their gender over their profession, masculinising them, sexualising them,
and compelling them to sacrice their femininity, ethics and personal lives.
H2. In feature lms, the portrayal of female journalists involves assuming the role of controlling political power, while
male journalists are more likely to side with the corrupt; female journalists are represented as professionals safeguarding
society’s interests.
H3. e portrayal of female journalists in feature lms does not align with the perception of female journalists regarding
the nature and practice of the journalistic profession.
2. Methodology
Methodological triangulation will be employed using descriptive analysis, lm analysis, and in-depth interviews. e study
will focus on camera framing, shot size, angle, movement, and editing rhythm given to each narrative unit through editing.
Relevant details of the soundtrack and music will be highlighted when applicable, relating all these expressive aspects with the
representation of the female journalist and the main stereotypes that are revealed in the analysis of the scenes.
e descriptive analysis aims to identify the scenes in
e Realm
where a female journalist is portrayed to determine the
number of scenes dedicated to this depiction, their durations, and their placement within the narrative. e signicance of
the journalistic plot becomes evident in the rst viewing of the lm; as mentioned above, the story’s closure takes place in a
television studio during an intense face-to-face encounter. is scene, which we analyse later, is lengthy and uniquely engages
the audience; as Sánchez López asserts, “Amaia’s direct appeal to the camera establishes a three-way discourse involving her,
Manuel and the audience, compelling the latter to conclude the viewing without a resolution to the conict” (2022, p. 351).
Perhaps the lm leaves this solution to the viewer, presenting them, through this ending, with an opportunity for personal
reection and introspection in the context of systematic and widespread corruption evidenced in various moments in the lm.
e representation of the female journalist in the story is also studied through various categories that will be used to determine
the visual development of the female journalist within dierent scenes. In addition to the aspects mentioned above, the
duration, weight, and disposition of the scenes in the main plot are analysed, as well as the symbolic value attributed to
objects and characters within the narrative. To this end, various qualities are considered to comprehend the model of the
journalist as depicted in the lm, as established by Sánchez-Escalonilla (2014), Seger (2000) and McKee (2003) in their studies
on audiovisual narrative from the perspective of lm scriptwriting. Due to the study’s inherent limitations, the analysis focuses
explicitly on the categorisation of the character of the female journalist based on social status, temperament, style, dialogues,
notable physical and psychological traits, and real-life inspiration. e objective is to uncover what Seger calls “the essence
of the character” and the paradoxes contributing to the complexity of the character, including distinct emotions, values and
attitudes (2000, p.34). Film analysis is also used to examine narrative characteristics in various scenes featuring the female
journalist, considering aspects such as size, angle, duration, and movement, among others.
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e study samples are scenes from
e Realm
(Sorogoyen, 2018), where the journalist plays the leading role. Specically, the
discursive representation of four scenes will be examined, including the conict at play, the context within the whole story,
characters related to the female journalist, the generic inexion of the scene, who plays the leading role, and who instigates
events.
Due to the previously mentioned study limitations, the lm analysis will focus on two of the most relevant aspects of cinematic
representation: framing, which will be analysed and described in conjunction with the content, and editing, with a specic
emphasis on how images are put together. is includes whether external editing is used, creating a particular rhythm and
overtly guiding the narrative, or if internal editing is used, capturing events without cuts or with minimal cuts, thereby allowing
greater freedom in recording continuous events. Movement- both of actors and the camera- emerges as a signicant narrative
element.
Moreover, the methodological triangulation will be juxtaposed with an additional procedure: in-depth interviews. ree female
journalists served as primary sources to compare the representations of professional women journalists in Sorogoyen’s lms,
specically in the lm
e Realm,
the subject of this research. e selection of female journalists encompassed professionals of
dierent ages working in various media- print, television, and radio journalism- to provide diverse perspectives for comparison.
3. Analysis of the scenes
In
e Realm,
the presence of journalists as a backdrop to the story can be quantied in 20 out of the 131 minutes of the lm. e
character of Amaia makes appearances on screen for just over 16 minutes. ese interventions are distributed throughout the
entire lm in brief segments, except for Amaia’s nal appearance, which also concludes the lm. Figure 1 shows the percentage
of the total durations that these appearances represent.
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Felicidad González Sanz and Javier Figuero Espadas
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Figure 1. Journalist screen time in
e Realm
and described in conjunction with the content, and editing, with a specific emphasis on
how images are put together. This includes whether external editing is used, creating a
particular rhythm and overtly guiding the narrative, or if internal editing is used, capturing
events without cuts or with minimal cuts, thereby allowing greater freedom in recording
continuous events. Movement
-
both of actors and the camera
-
emerges as a significant
narrative element.
Moreover, the methodological triangulation will be juxtaposed with an additional
procedure: in
-
depth interviews. Three female journalists served as primary sources to
compare the representations of professional women journalists in Sorogoyen’s films,
speci
fically in the film
The Realm,
the subject of this research. The selection of female
journalists encompassed professionals of different ages working in various media
-
print,
television, and radio journalism
-
to provide diverse perspectives for comparison.
3. Analysis of the scenes
In
The Realm,
the presence of journalists as a backdrop to the story can be quantified in
20 out of the 131 minutes of the film. The character of Amaia makes appearances on
screen for just over 16 minutes. These interventions are distributed throughout the entire
film in brief segments, except for Amaia’s final appearance, which also concludes the
film. Figure 1 shows the percentage of the total durations that these appearances represen
t.
Figure 1. Journalist screen time in
The Realm
Source: created by the authors. 2023
The journalist
´
s and Amaia
´
s interventions have been gathered in Table 2. As can be seen,
the represented media are print and television. There is no representation of radio
journalism in this feature film.
The
scenes that feature Amaia
were
analysed in
-depth.
"ŵĂŝĂ
Ϭ͗ϭϲ͗Ϭϲ
ϭϮ͕Ϯϱй
KƚŚĞƌ
:ŽƵƌŶĂůŝƐƚƐ
Ϭ͗Ϭϯ͗ϱϮ
Ϯ͕ϵϰй
EŽ :ŽƵƌŶĂůŝƐƚƐ
ϭ͗ϱϭ͗Ϯϱ
ϴϰ͕ϴϬй
"ŵĂŝĂ Ϭ͗ϭϲ͗Ϭϲ
KƚŚĞƌ :ŽƵƌŶĂůŝƐƚƐ Ϭ͗Ϭϯ͗ϱϮ
EŽ :ŽƵƌŶĂůŝƐƚƐ ϭ͗ϱϭ͗Ϯϱ
Source: created by the authors. 2023
e journalist´s and Amaia´s interventions have been gathered in Table 2. As can be seen, the represented media are print
and television. ere is no representation of radio journalism in this feature lm. e scenes that feature Amaia were analysed
in-depth.
Table 2. Scenes featuring journalists and Amaia in
e Realm
Characters
Initial timeFinal timeTotal Time
Description
Amaia0:10:070:12:340:02:27
Waiting to go on air
Amaia0:13:390:13:540:00:15
News about a politician being brought to court
Other journa
-
lists
0:14:510:16:140:01:23
Background television with journalists delivering
the news
Other journa
-
lists
0:24:390:25:300:00:51
Tip-o: journalist leaks news
Other journa
-
lists
0:27:070:27:520:00:45
Manuel visits the newspaper to prevent publication
Amaia0:30:050:31:080:01:03
Amaia reports news about Manuel’s recording
Other journa
-
lists
0:42:330:42:440:00:11
Background TV
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Other journa
-
lists
0:46:400:47:140:00:34
Yacht video leak
Amaia
1:04:381:07:30
0:02:52
Meeting at the hotel between Amaia and Manuel
Other journa
-
lists
1:12:251:12:330:00:08
Journalists covering the court exit
Amaia1:59:002:08:290:09:29
Interview on late-night programme
No journalists
N/AN/A1:51:25
Total2:11:2311
Source: created by the authors. 2023
3.1. Classroom scene
e journalist Amaia Marín is played by the actress Bárbara Lennie in the lm. Rodrigo Sorogoyen opts for a young woman
yet mature enough to inspire condence in her experience; the actress was 34 years old when the lm was produced in 2018.
Lennie is a widely acclaimed actress in numerous reviews. She is the director’s choice to play a prestigious journalist who does
not allow herself to be overwhelmed and uses her talent, skills and competence to bravely confront the prevailing corruption
in society, particularly within the political class.
e rst time we see the journalist, she is working alone in a room where several journalists await an interview with a well-known
gure. Amaia is seated, writing with a pen, focused on her work, while two other journalists are working independently, one
with a mobile phone and the other with a laptop. Amaia is represented as an analogical woman, in contrast to her counterparts.
Manuel López Vidal is sitting at a distance from her, and a dialogue indicates that Amaia does not have a favourable opinion
of him.
From the audiovisual narrative, the scene comprises ten shots, all featuring camera movement, in most cases with a slight
and gradual approach to the characters. is movement reects their mutual feelings, her disdain for him, and his respect,
admiration and eagerness to approach her.
Both characters appear in the frame only at the beginning of the scene and later, when Manuel gestures for Amaia to proceed
with the interview so she will not miss a train back to Madrid. In all the cases, the shots are very wide, emphasising the
considerable distance between them and portraying them through extensive frames. However, as the scene progresses, they
are shown separately in distinct shots, especially in closer frames. e only close-up featuring both characters is in continuity:
rst, focusing on Amaia, followed by a pan, after which the camera remains on Manuel. In other words, in close-up shots,
they
appear separately- a device that symbolises the gap between them through panning.
Amaia Marín is depicted as an independent, ecient, hardworking, solitary, incorruptible woman, and somewhat unfriendly
in the face of corruption personied by the politician Manuel López Vidal, who portrays himself as amiable. e female
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journalist shows no interest in the politician, whom she can barely stand and from whom she wants no favours. Despite this,
the politician seems to wield greater power and control over the situation in this initial encounter, as he manages to approach
her, appear friendly, engage in a tense conversation, and do the journalist a favour by letting her interview rst so she does not
miss her train.
3.2 Two scenes in the news programme
As it becomes clear at the beginning of the story, Amaia works as a journalist on a morning television programme. In the lm,
we can see the journalist on this programme in two specic moments. In both instances, she is framed within the television
screen as part of the programme being watched by the family.
At rst, her appearance is very brief. On this occasion, Amaia appears after the news video to explain how the party’s vice
president has been brought before the court.
is intervention is presented with six shots edited through cuts. Narratively, it can be interpreted as a clash of perspectives
between the family and the information provided by Amaia on the programme. e shots show the family watching the
television and Amaia delivering the news as part of the programme, creating a shot reverse-shot dynamic. Although these
are static shots, the camera maintains a slight movement, reminiscent of a handheld camera, conveying the internal tension
of the situation and character dynamics. While the director shifts focus to the family’s reactions to the information provided
by Amaia via the television, the viewer remains aware of Amaia’s presence through her voice, providing details regarding the
arrest o-screen.
In the initial intervention, Amaia is centred in a medium shot alongside two other journalists: a woman on the left and a man
on the right. roughout her interventions, the language adopts the audiovisual code used in television, portraying Amaia as
a self-assured professional familiar with the codes of journalism.
Her second appearance follows the same pattern as the rst but with a longer duration: one minute and three seconds. In this
segment, she presents news about Manuel López Vidal and the incriminating recording revealing the politician’s corruption.
is appearance comprises eight shots edited through cuts. e scene depicts Manuel López Vidal, his wife and daughter
watching television in the morning. ey are aware that controversial recordings have been leaked, in which the politician is
implicated in illegal practices abusing power.
Amaia initially appears as an o-camera voice before being seen in the picture. is voice-over is sustained until the end of
the scene, over the shot of the family watching television until they decide to turn it o. Similar to the previous intervention,
Amaia rst appears in a medium-wide shot, centred, and, in this case, anked by two male reporters. e language used by the
director to narrate the scene is distinct. Although most of the shots are static, incorporating slight movements of the handheld
camera to convey the tension at the time, there are three slow zoom-ins on this occasion. Two of these movements are made
towards the television in which Amaia appears framed, rst with the other journalists and later alone in a medium shot looking
at the camera. e third zoom movement is produced in the reverse shot
in which Manuel is listening to the news. ese slow
zoom-ins denote the gravity of the matter and focus on the two critical sides, again confronting each other on-screen, the
journalist delivering the news and Manuel reacting, heightening the tension.
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Concerning the stereotypes, these scenes depict the journalist as a cold and relentless professional, in line with what Osorio
(2009) pointed out. She is also portrayed as attractive, aligned with Waddell’s (2021) assessment and dependent on her image
(Pacheco, 2021).
In her role as the fourth estate, Amaia serves as a source of information for the audience (McNair, 2011). She embodies a
journalist committed to her profession, exercising control over political power, highlighting their shortcomings, and defending
citizens (McNair, 2011).
3.3. Hotel scene
is short scene, lasting only three minutes, narrates a brief encounter between the journalist and the politician in a hotel
room.
e Realm
shifts between several genres, incorporating various audiovisual resources typical of thrillers or intrigue. In
these genres, the psychology and motivations of the characters play a crucial role (Sánchez Noriega, 2002, p. 158), as is evident
in this particular scene.
e haunting music and the alternating montage between the journalist walking down the hotel hallway towards the room
and the politician savouring a drink in front of the mirror in his room create an atmosphere suggesting an intimate encounter
between the characters and, in a way, it is. e 23 handheld shots in this scene convey the tension and instability between the
two characters.
As the journalist enters the room, the music stops. Silent glances are exchanged as she enters, somewhat bewildered, into
the room. Once in the room, the large bed takes centre stage during an extensive wide and overhead shot while he pours the
drinks. Her perplexed glances and the surroundings initially hint at a potential sexual encounter until the dialogue- but not the
shot- signicantly alters the narrative code, indicating a dierent purpose for their meeting.
e politician has something to oer her that she wants to hear. e storytelling takes a turn, transitioning from medium shots
to reverse shots during the preliminaries of the proposal. e dialogue reintroduces personal tension but delves into the heart
of the matter when the director employs close and overhead shots in the scene’s climax.
It becomes evident that the discussion revolves around business. e politician, like a mentor (Bezunartea
et al
., 2008), asserts,
“You love your job. Too much. But it’s okay because you are very good. Really good, intelligent, hardworking, with a touch of
sass. But you still lack something for them to take you seriously”. “A penis?” she asks. e closed and overhead framing, as
mentioned above, highly contrasted lighting- more pronounced on him than on her- and the more noticeable movement due
to the size of the shot, with him elevated and looking down at her. Her looking up shows a moment of intimacy between the
journalist and the politician, which, although ambiguous, does not seem to relate to anything sexual but instead explores the
characters’ deep psychology and true motivations, characteristic of the genre.
Ultimately, the politician oers the journalist a promising story, but she has to wait. Claiming to be terrible at waiting, a
moment of silence ensues. And then, raising his glass, he proposes a toast “to patience”, which she accepts through cheers—
followed by a sip from both of them, silently looking at each other, which seals the deal.
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Undoubtedly, the scene plays with the sexualisation of the woman journalist (glances, smiles, bed), overt masculinisation
(“You lack something for them to take you seriously” “A penis?”), power dynamics (the politician imposes the terms of the
agreement), and journalistic ethics (making a pact with the enemy in exchange for a good story, a personal and clandestine
nocturnal encounter in a hotel room).
3.4. TV set scene
Amaia’s nal appearance in the lm spans over 9 minutes. In this scene, Manuel attends the late-night show hosted by Amaia
with notebooks containing information that compromises his party.
is scene has two distinct parts: the rst depicts the encounter between Manuel and Amaia in the make-up room before
entering the set. e characters seem close to each other and almost conspirational. Amaia is kind and friendly to the politician,
asking him if he is well and saying goodbye to him, assuring him that everything will go well. Long-duration shots and a pan
from the notebooks to a close-up of Manuel’s face reected in the mirror, and then a close-up prole shot of Amaia’s face are
employed. Although the conversation between the politician and Amaia is friendly, the director’s choices underscore the
gravity of the situation. Furthermore, the camera adopts a more stable stance on a tripod, abandoning its subtle movements
and incorporating panning. When Manuel nishes makeup and walks down the television station’s corridors towards the set,
Amaia’s voiceover accompanies him as a prelude to the politician’s impending presence on the programme.
e second part of this scene shows Manuel’s participation in Amaia’s late-night programme. It commences with a wide
general shot of them seated face-to-face across a large table, featuring a video wall in the background. e director’s approach
employs television-like techniques such as zooms and shot-reverse-shot techniques. From this wide general shot, there is a
slow zoom with crane movement to a medium shot of both and then to a shot-reverse-shot production of the two, rst framed
in a medium shot and later in a close-up. Despite being centred in the frame, neither Amaia nor Manuel look directly at the
camera but instead at each other.
In contrast to the makeup room encounter, Amaia seems distant, cold, abrupt, and almost aggressive towards Manuel. He
notices her seriousness and that the interview is not going as he would like: he wants the contents of the notebooks to be
revealed, but Amaia does not show them and opts for a commercial break. During this interval, Sorogoyen breaks the axis to
provide the viewer with a glimpse into the television programme. Amaia and Manuel are still facing each other, separated by
a large table, but in the contrary position they had previously occupied. e video wall is no longer the backdrop; instead, the
cameras and the set sta, stage manager, and camera operators are. Manuel attempts to approach Amaia, but she is awaiting
instructions given by a male voice, presumably the director, through the intercom. To a certain extent, the programme’s
director assumes a mentoring role, oering guidance and boosting Amaia’s condence, emphasising what she is doing well,
aligning with observations made by Bezunartea
et al. (
2008).
Following the commercial break, Sorogoyen maintains a television-like production, employing shot-reverse-shot editing,
starting with wider shots and transitioning to close-ups. e verbal confrontation takes precedence, with few listening shots.
e same shot values are repeated for questions and answers, incorporating fairly agile and quick editing. In this verbal
confrontation, Manuel tells Amaia that it is true that “power protects power”, to which Amaia, encouraged to stop him over the
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intercom, responds “Do you want us to give you an award?”. e confrontation between them continues to escalate until, at one
point, Amaia is instructed to go on a commercial break. Manuel replies that he will take his notebooks and leave if they go on a
commercial break. e control room leaves the decision in Amaia’s hands, who chooses not to interrupt the broadcast. Manuel
lashes out at her, discussing journalists’ attitudes, ignorance, or hypocrisy. Manuel also delves into the connections between
power and the so-called fourth estate or journalism, mentioning the interests and ties between the media and politicians.
As Amaia halts Manuel again, inquiring if he regrets his actions, she is congratulated again by the control room via intercom.
Undeterred, Amaia decides to remove the intercom and proceeds to criticise Manuel, explaining that she is not looking for
repentance but analysis and reection to prevent further instances of corruption, emphasising that there are many corrupt
politicians.
Amaia poses her nal question to Manuel in a close-up shot. But unlike previous frames, she directs her gaze not at him but
straight at the camera. She asks him if he has stopped to think about what he is doing. After this shot, the focus shifts to Manuel,
in a close-up, as a shot-reverse-shot of Amaia, who also looks directly at the camera. Manuel remains silent. In the nal shot
of this scene and the entire lm, Sorogoyen returns to the close-up of Amaia, who also looks at the camera in silence. is
intentional framing puts the ball in the viewer’s court, making them a participant in the problem but also, in a sense, part of the
solution to the questions raised throughout the lm and articulated by Amaia in her interview with Manuel.
In the concluding scene, the journalist begins as a woman before being a female journalist (Good, 1998), portraying attributes
commonly associated with the female gender, such as warmth, compassion, and even a maternalistic nature, subsequently
adopting masculine attributes (Saltzman, 2003) during the verbal confrontation on set. Amaia is masculinised in the exercise
of her profession (Herman, 2004) while visually appearing attractive and sexualised (Cvetkovic and Oostman, 2018; Pacheco,
2018 and Waddell, 2021) wearing a tight red dress and make-up accentuating her feminine features.
4. Interviews
Upon completing the analysis, in-depth interviews were conducted with currently practising journalists to gain insights into
their perspectives on the character of Amaia Marín. In addition, we sought to discern the roles and stereotypes they observed
in the cinematic representation of the female journalist. Table 3 provides the essential information from the female journalists
that were interviewed.
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Table 3. Interviewed journalists’ information
NameAge
Current Work Medium
Position
Other Media Experience
Cristina López
Schlichting
58Radio
Director of “
El n de semana
” at
COPE
TV, Print Media
Pepa Blanes
38Radio
Head of Culture at
CadenaSER,
Director of “
El Cine en SER”
Print Media
Maite Sáez
60
Digital PressChief Editor at
Anuncios
Print Media
Source: created by the authors. 2023
All the interviewees universally praised
e Realm.
Sáez highlights that she detects a portrayal of journalists in lms
characterised by a ruthless and cold professional in pursuit of news. She also observes a specic intermediary role between
power and society, often too close to power, whether political or economic. Sáez also notes the presence of naivety as a
stereotype in lms featuring women as journalists and that these characters often play a secondary role, as exemplied by
Amaia in
e Realm.
Blanes expresses a similar sentiment, underscoring the tendency to pigeonhole journalists into cliched
roles of the “glamourous, alcoholic, workaholic and overly epic” journalist. When it comes to representing women journalists,
Blanes points out that these female characters “are like men, predatory, highly ambitious, and do not have a family because
they are too busy working”. At the same time, on other occasions, “they are the students, interns, or newcomers being mentored
by a star journalist, often with a considerable amount of paternalism and sexualisation”.
All the interviewees agree that there has been an evolution in the representation of women journalists. Blanes attributes this
shift to the Me Too movement, impacting representations of male and female journalists. López notes that the role of women
in journalism is changing. erefore, as journalism and women change, the social role of women changes. Sáez highlights that
female reporters have transitioned from mere anecdotes in newsrooms to integral members of editorial teams. In her opinion,
female journalists rarely have leadership roles when they appear on screen. When they do, they are often portrayed as harsh.
On the other hand, Blane qualies that cinema represents the division in newsrooms, reecting, rather than transforming
reality since “there are many women, but not in positions of responsibility”, indicating lower visibility in the workplace.
Regarding the nal scene in
e Realm,
Amaia’s interview with Manuel, Sáez highlights that it is quite disconcerting yet
enlightening in a society where corruption runs rampant and permeates everything. is scene makes viewers confront
themselves, rst, with disbelief that the journalist will continue protecting the “others” and placing all the blame on the
interviewee. Later, when she discovers that she is involved in the plot, it leaves the viewer quite vulnerable. Furthermore, in
her opinion, it represents the corruption that also pervades journalism, which is prevalent in certain professions and media,
although it does not represent the entire profession. Blanes claries that Amaia’s character aligns with the style of the journalist
on whom the role is based, but “not all female journalists work the same way”; therefore, it does not represent all of them.
e three interviewees express a positive view of lms addressing the role of women journalists in cinema because, according
to López, it contributes to social evolution realistically portrayed, rst helping to comprehend the situation and then educating
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our children about it. Sáez, on the other hand, notes that it is necessary to reect the current reality of women journalists,
with many women covering all types of roles, from political analysis to the coverage of conicts worldwide. Blanes points
out that more lms with dierent portrayals of women journalists are needed to address issues such as “work-life balance,
precariousness, the sexism in newsrooms, the lack of credibility, and issues many female journalists face regarding their
image”, which are currently not represented on screen.
When asked about the values that should be conveyed on the big screen regarding the work of women journalists, López
underscores the importance of discussing the glass ceiling, sexism, and how women in inuential positions or executive roles
tend to adopt more masculine traits to occupy those positions, as well as motherhood, career, and their compatibility. Sáez
highlights the pursuit of truth, humanity in conict coverage and dealing with those who suer them, integrity, the contribution
of new narratives, camaraderie, and the desolation in the aftermath of atrocities as values to emphasise. Blanes adds that it is
also essential for feature lms to provide a “reection on work and responsibility”.
Furthermore, Sáez emphasises that there are usually more women journalists than men in newsrooms, but this numerical
representation is not reected in feature lms. erefore, she does not feel represented by the cinema’s portrayal of women
journalists, which neither she nor López usually discusses with colleagues. As López claries in the interview, “I have never
worried about how cinema reects [on] our profession. What worries me is the space power leaves for me”. In contrast,
Blanes, who also disagrees with cinema’s portrayal of women journalists and does not feel represented by it, has discussed
the representation of her profession in cinema with other journalists specialising in the seventh art. In these conversations,
they often criticise the image “of the total winner in a neoliberal world who has given up everything as a woman to reach that
position, and still may not even achieve this. Also, the sexism with which we are represented”. Pepa points out that, curiously,
these conversations also highlight “the purchasing power given to female journalists, who have big houses that are impossible
to aord on a reporter’s salary”.
5. Discussion
As indicated by the ndings, the character of Amaia is portrayed as an opposing force to the corrupt politician Manuel in
the lm. is can be observed from a lmmaking perspective, in which numerous shots and counter-shots underscore
the contrasting dynamics and her relationship with him throughout the lm. e journalist not only acts as a government
watchdog, exposing criminal actions of those in power but also aligns herself with the side of the virtuous, defending societal
rights, in line with what San José de la Rosa
et al.
(2020) highlighted. Amaia goes beyond mere exposure: she proposes a
solution to prevent further societal corruption cases, which involves analysis and deliberation, leaving the audience to take
action and achieve tangible results. As shown in the lm, the role of the journalistic profession as a government watchdog
is not always clear or possible due to the intricate web of relationships and interests, often economic or otherwise, between
journalists and politicians.
It is suggested, therefore, that there are journalists who denounce, like Amaia, and who align themselves with political power
and corruption, consistent with San José de la Rosa et al.’s (2020) assertions. us, while Amaia emerges as a defender of truth,
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in the rst quarter of the lm, a male journalist aligns himself with the corrupt, warning Manuel about an impending news
story exposing him as a corrupt politician.
Despite Amaia’s signicant role in the lm as Manuel’s adversary, her role remains secondary, given the number of minutes
she appears on screen, just over 16 minutes, representing 12.25% of the lm’s total duration. is gure corroborates the
conclusions drawn from the studies by Osorio (2009), Tello Díaz (2012), Enache (2020) and Waddell (2021), highlighting that
female journalists on screen continue to be relegated to secondary roles and are numerically under-represented.
Amaia’s character in the lm also conforms to the stereotypes that Osorio (2009) mentioned since, after the analysis, she is
characterised as a cold and relentless professional. In this sense, if, as Bezunartea
et al
. assert regarding lms about journalists,
the seventh art, like literature, exaggerates character traits to add greater “interest to the narrative” (2010, p. 149), the dramatic
weight in the lm’s opening scene presenting the female journalist lies in the tension and antipathy she displays towards
the corrupt politician. is portrayal also aligns with typical stereotypes of female journalists, as Bezunartea
et al.
(2010)
pointed out. Amaia, who is around 38 years old, works in television, focusing on local crime reporting, and eventually hosts
her investigative journalism late-night programme.
Amaia serves as a source of information for the public (McNair, 2011), positioning herself as a dedicated professional exercising
control over political power and advocating for citizens (Bezunartea
et al
., 2011). Initially, she seems to have limited power
(Bezunartea
et al
., 2008) on her programme, subject to directives from a director via intercom. She could be perceived as a
weak (Cvetkovic and Oostman, 2018), manipulable journalist, a mere instrument of political power (Rincón and Mosquera,
2021) reluctant to confront the corrupt character to protect the upper echelons of the network. However, Amaia ultimately
asserts her journalistic independence (Ghiglione, 1990) by removing the intercom and refusing to comply with the director’s
orders. While she does not propose a denitive solution, she does prompt viewers to reect on preventing future corruption
cases.
Despite the masculinisation of Amaia’s professional role (Herman, 2004), she continues to behave with attributes associated
with the female gender, being understanding (Saltzman, 2003) with the politician before the interview. She is occasionally
sexualised, as she is portrayed attractively on television (Waddell, 2021).
ese stereotypes identied in the lm analysis were substantiated during in-depth interviews with active professionals. It was
highlighted that women working as journalists tend to be portrayed with a somewhat ruthless and cold professional prole in
their pursuit of news, characterised by work addition and ambition.
None of the three interviewed professionals feel represented by the portrayal of women in the professional context of
journalism in lms. Among the reasons for this is the discrepancy in the numerical representation of active professionals, as
well as the depiction of women journalists, which some interviewees describe as sexist, portraying the professionals as total
winners who sacrice everything as women. Another aspect underscored as a contributing factor to not feeling represented
is the purchasing power depicted in feature lms, which does not correspond to the actual level of remuneration received by
professionals in reality.
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6. Conclusions
is research puts forward three hypotheses concerning prevailing stereotypes in the audiovisual representation of women
journalists. Following a theoretical study on these cliches, the analysis focused on the portrayal of stereotyped journalistic
professionals, specically female reporters, in cinematic representations. To this end, an examination was conducted on
a recent and relevant lm,
e Realm
by Rodrigo Sorogoyen, focusing on the character of journalist Amaia Marín. Several
recurring patterns have been identied, arming the continued perpetuation of prevalent stereotypes regarding the role of
women journalists on the big screen. In particular, they are portrayed as cold, relentless, and frivolous. eir gender often
overshadows their professional endeavours, sometimes subjecting the character to sexualisation and underscoring their need
to appear attractive on television. Within their profession, they must adopt masculine traits, displaying more aggressiveness,
toughness, self-suciency and antipathy as prerequisites for achieving success.
Furthermore, it is concluded that the character of Amaia Marín wields inuence over political power in the story. Nevertheless,
the interviewed professionals within the eld do not feel represented by her or her portrayal of their profession in cinema,
particularly in the lm
e Realm
. is sentiment is partly attributed to the perpetuation of specic stereotypes in depicting
women journalists on the big screen, characterising them as cold, ambitious and relentless.
In order for women journalists to feel represented in lms today, two conditions must be met. Firstly, the proportion of women
and men in newsrooms must be shown more accurately. Secondly, and perhaps more fundamentally, feature lms would
need to diverge from prevailing stereotypes that currently shape the depiction of female journalists and instead address
underexplored issues. ese issues include sexism, the existence of glass ceilings, motherhood, achieving work-life balance,
job insecurity, or the masculinisation of women within the workplace.
Another conclusion drawn from this research is the contrasting portrayal of the fourth estate in the feature lm
e Realm
.
Male journalists are predominately associated with antagonists and corrupt politicians. Conversely, the female reporter is
depicted as a corruption reporting agent, aligning herself on the side of the righteous, safeguarding societal well-being and
proposing a solution.
In future lines of research, it is recommended that the same methodology be applied to a more extensive corpus to gain a
comprehensive view of the portrayal of women journalists in contemporary Spanish cinema. Furthermore, another potential
research direction involves extending the analysis to encompass other professions, determining whether, for instance, female
football players are accurately represented on the big screen.
7. Acknowledgements
is article has been translated into English by Sophie Phillips to whom we are grateful for her work.
is study is part of the ongoing research conducted by the recognized research group INCIRTV.
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8. Specic contributions of each author
Name and Surname
Conception and design of the workFelicidad González Sanz
Methodology
Javier Figuero Espadas
Data collection and analysisFelicidad González Sanz and Javier Figuero Espadas
Discussion and conclusionsFelicidad González Sanz
Drafting, formatting, version review and approvalFelicidad González Sanz and Javier Figuero Espadas
9. Conict of interest
e authors declare that there is no conict of interest contained in this article.
10. Bibliographic references
Bezunartea Valencia, O., Cantalapiedra González, M. J., Coca García, C., Genaut Arratibel, A., Peña Fernández, S., y Pérez
Dasilva, J. Á. (2008). ... So What? She’s A Newspaperman and She’s Pretty. Women Journalists in the Cinema.
Zer: Revista De
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