Journalism, gender, and television: the image of women journalists in
US series (1988-2022)
1
Periodismo, género y televisión: la imagen de las mujeres periodistas en las
series estadounidenses (1988-2022)
1
is article is the result of work carried out by the UCM Research Group entitled, “Memoria y medios de Comunicación” (Ref. 71685).
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July-December of 2024
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
How to cite this article:
Coronado Ruiz, C. (2024). Journalism, gender, and television: the image of women journalists in US series (1988-2022).
Doxa Comunicación
,
39, pp. 229-246.
https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n39a2126
Carlota Coronado Ruiz.
In addition to her role as professor at Complutense University of Madrid, her main lines
of research focus on the study of social portrayals related to gender, identity, history, and historical memory from
an interdisciplinary point of view, mainly directed at the audio-visual media of lm and television. As a result of her
research, a number of articles have been published in scientic journals of international prestige.
Complutense University of Madrid, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0001-6997-0206
is content is published under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License. International License CC BY-NC 4.0
Received: 29/10/2023 - Accepted: 12/01/2024 - Early access: 26/02/2024 - Published: 01/07/2024
Recibido: 29/10/2023 - Aceptado: 12/01/2024 - En edición 26/02/2024 - Publicado: 01/07/2024
Abstract:
Over the decades, the lm industry has perpetuated certain narrative
paradigms and stereotypes about female journalists. Some of these
have been transferred to television ction, where such portrayals
have been updated with new archetypes. e aim of this research is
to determine the way female journalists are portrayed in US ctional
series. To this end, an analysis has been carried out regarding eight
series broadcast between 1988 and 2022, which focus on journalism,
featuring women as the protagonists who work in the profession.
A diachronic perspective has been taken, which allows us to see the
evolution of these stereotypes over more than three decades. In this
way, it is possible to observe changes in archetypes as well those that
persist, and to show evidence of social progress related to the diverse
portrayals of women journalists.
Keywords:
Female journalist; television; United States; television ction;
journalism.
Resumen:
El cine ha perpetuado a lo largo de décadas unos paradigmas narrati
-
vos y estereotipos sobre las mujeres periodistas. Algunos de ellos se han
trasladado a la cción televisiva, pero ésta ha actualizado estas repre
-
sentaciones con nuevos modelos. La presente investigación trata de de
-
terminar cuál es la imagen que las series de cción estadounidenses han
proyectado sobre las profesionales del periodismo, a través del análisis
de ocho series emitidas entre 1988 y 2022, tanto centradas en el perio
-
dismo como con protagonistas femeninas que ejercen esta profesión. Se
aplica una perspectiva diacrónica que permite ver la evolución de estos
estereotipos a lo largo de más de tres décadas. De esta manera, se pue
-
den observar los cambios en los modelos, así como las continuidades, y
hacer evidente el progreso social y las diferentes representaciones de las
mujeres periodistas.
Palabras clave:
Mujeres periodistas; televisión; Estados Unidos; cción televisiva;
periodismo.
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1. Introduction
Journalism has been the subject of numerous lms since the early days of cinema. In these audio-visual stories set in press
newsrooms, or in radio or television studios, portrayals of journalists have alternated between the image of a hero in search
of the truth, while at the service of democracy, and the antithesis of the unscrupulous and unethical villain who is greedy for
power and capable of lying, bribing or distorting reality to achieve their own ends (Ehrlich, 2004; Ehrlich and Saltzman, 2015).
It is rare to nd a lm title in which journalism is approached in a way that is balanced and neutral (González, 2003: 77). From
the drunken, foul-mouthed journalist who twists the truth to create a scandal, a shift has occurred toward the myth of the self-
made journalist who ghts for justice. Moreover, as pointed out by Mera (2008: 519), “What is portrayed are aspects that are
uncommon in the profession, because features are exaggerated and nuances are reduced”.
Authors such as Laviana (1996), Langman (1998), Ghiglione and Saltzman (2005), and McNair (2010) have reected on
these stereotypical visions of journalists oered by ction and have proposed the most recurring typologies: the reporter
as a bloodhound on the hunt for news (Langman, 1998: 2); the human journalist with emotions and internal conicts; the
anonymous reporter, always in the midst of a mass of microphones and cameras; the scandalmonger, or gossip columnist; the
grumpy editor who chain-smokes, but has a nose for a good story; and the media owner, who is always looking out for their
own self-interest (Ghiglione and Saltzman, 2005: 14-21). McNair (2010) adds other categories: the journalist as a watchdog of
political power; the writer or artist as part of the mythology of journalism; the rst-hand witness to events; and the villains of
the profession.
Of all these journalistic categories, only one refers to women: the so-called
sob sisters
. is derogatory term refers to “female
news reporters who appeal to readers’ sympathy with their accounts of heart-wrenching events” (Saltzman, 2003: 2). According
to journalist Ishbel Ross, it was rst used in 1907. However, the term did not become popular until it started to appear in lms.
Related to this stereotype of the “sentimental news” journalist was the so-called
news hen
, who had to face a hostile and
uncooperative work environment, which sometimes led to her feeling forced to leave to devote herself to the family (Langman,
1998: 3).
is stereotype had already been present in
A Female Reporter
(1909), which was the rst short lm produced in Hollywood
starring a female journalist. Reecting reality, these lms showed the tearful, human, and social issues in which women were
involved.
In order to prove their worth, many had to become “one of the boys” (Saltzman, 2003: 3), which gave rise to a process of
masculinisation that the big screen highlighted in the 1930s and 40s with characters such as Hildy Johnson in
New Moon
(Howard Hawks, 1940), who was an intelligent and ambitious journalist, capable of speaking on equal terms with her male
colleagues, and characterised by her masculine dress and strong personality.
Alongside these two stereotypes, in late 20th century American cinema, other categories of women journalists can be
observed: the ambitious, cold, and implacable woman who moves in a male environment and whose professional practices
are unorthodox; the frivolous and seductive journalist, supercial and fame-hungry, with no scruples whatsoever; the
updated sob sister who feels like an outsider in a man’s world to which she has to adapt; the housewife journalist whose main
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motivation is not work, but love; the action lm heroine, incorporated into the male professional world for the development
of the romantic plot (Osorio, 2009); the clumsy young woman with few journalistic skills; the female editor-in-chief who keeps
the inexperienced women reporters at bay and is portrayed as embittered and tyrannical; and nally, the myth of the columnist
with an unrealistic lifestyle, writing one piece a month with hundreds of fans.
Television ction from the late 20th to the rst part of the 21st century has not abandoned these portrayals: although more
than half of the students in journalism schools are female, and the majority of the people working is the profession are women,
female journalists in ction continue to navigate through a man’s world trying not to be seen as sex objects, nor use their
femininity to achieve success. Television has perpetuated clichés about women journalists for decades, but some positive
images have been oered as well. In fact, as pointed out by Saltzman (2003), the two most positive references to journalists in
popular culture are women: Mary Richards (Mary Tyler Moore) in
e Mary Tyler Moore Show
(CBS, 1970-1977), and Murphy
Brown (Candice Bergen) in
Murphy Brown
(CBS, 1988-1998).
Television series have become one of the most popular cultural phenomena of the 21st century. From the 1990s to the present
day, there has been a greater presence of women in television ction, not only quantitatively, but qualitatively as well. e
hegemonic androcentrism of Hollywood has given way to new narratives in which female characters have more inuence, or
in which the problems experienced by women are highlighted. Social changes and the so-called Fourth Wave of feminism have
permeated television narratives.
e evolution in the portrayal of women in US television series is closely linked to series about professionals (Marek, 1997)
and, in particular, about journalists. e evolution of the female journalist in American series from the 1980s until well into
the 2000s is quintessential. Some of the key series that have led to changes in the female archetypes have focused on women
journalists (Press, 2018). From
Murphy Brown
in the 1980s, to
Sex and the City
in the 1990s, and
Good Girls Revolt
in the new
millennium.
e aim of the present study is to determine whether stereotypes present in lm depictions of women journalists have been
perpetuated in American television series over the last three decades. Are there new narrative paradigms in the portrayal of
these characters, and has there been an evolution in the dierent archetypes of women journalists over the last thirty years?
To answer these questions, and in order to give as complete a picture as possible of how US television ction has portrayed
women journalists, an analysis was carried out of eight American series broadcast between 1988 and 2022, all of which focus
on journalism with female journalists as the main characters in the profession.
e study is limited to the USA for several reasons. e rst has to do with a methodological issue with regard to quantitatively
dening the corpus under analysis, as the object of study is not only limited in time (1988-2022), but also geographically.
Naturally, there are television productions from other countries that focus on journalism within this time frame as well, such
as the Spanish series
Periodistas
(Telecinco, 1998-2002); the British series
e Hour
(BBC, 2011)
Press
(BBC, 2018); the Danish
series
Borgen
(DR and Netix, 2010-2022); Sweden’s
Blinded
(Misolm, 2019); and South Korea’s
Argon
(TVN, 2017), among
others. However, the decision was made to focus the research on the US television industry because if other countries had been
included, the research would have been unmanageable. e second reason for delimiting the study was to see the evolution of
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female characters over several decades, rather than conducting a comparative study with other countries. Moreover, the focus
was placed on the United States due to its status as the benchmark of international television.
e lm portrayal of journalism has been the subject of numerous research articles and books from the 1970s to the present
day, including those of the following authors: Barris (1976); Good (1985 and 1998), Ehrlich (2006); Laviana (1996); Ness (1997);
Bezunartea et al. (2007); Requeijo (2013); and Bunyol, (2017). Nevertheless, neither television ction nor the portrayal of
women journalists have been recurring themes in these studies. In the Anglo-Saxon world, among the rst works on journalism
and television, the book by Douglass K. Daniel (1996) stands out, which focuses on the series
Lou Grant
. e author also
devotes a chapter to journalistic drama as a genre of television, in which he makes a historical review of series produced
between 1947 and 1977.
In the decades that followed, there was an increase in the number of series that focused on the work environment of journalism,
yet this interest by television networks, and later by platforms, has not generated much academic interest. Over the last decade,
however, which coincides with the ird Golden Age of American television ction (Cascajosa Virino, 2009: 12-13; Wayne,
2016: 41), research on series has multiplied, yet there are still few studies that analyse the image depicted of this profession,
especially in Spain. Most of them focus on case studies, such as the work by Gómez Morales (2014), who examines the portrayal
of journalists in prime time animated comedy series, or Novoa Jaso (2017), who tries to identify the stereotypes of journalists
in current television ction by analysing the series known as
e Newsroom
(HBO, 2012) and
Argon
(TVN, 2017). In the Anglo-
Saxon world, the comparative work by McNair (2014) on the transfer of old stereotypes of the journalist from lm to television
stands out.
Research on the image of female journalists in series is also scarce. Saltzman (2003) was one of the rst authors to address
this issue, pointing out the constant repetition of the archetype that popular culture has conveyed of female journalists. Other
studies have examined series about journalism with female protagonists, including the following:
Good Girls Revolt
(Painter
and Ferrucci, 2019); characters who work in journalism in series such as
How I Met Your Mother
(Rizwan, 2013); and case
studies to identify the portrayal that a given series oers of female journalists (Painter and Ferrucci, 2012 and 2015; De Wulf
Helskens et al, 2023). One of the most deeply explored series is
House of Cards
(Cvetkovic and Oostman, 2018; Painter and
Ferrucci, 2017), especially regarding the sexualisation and lack of professionalism of women journalists portrayed in the series.
e present research agrees with the idea that the image of female journalists oered by 21st century series are still simplistic
and stereotypical: from the “dumb blonde” to the “bitter boss”, and to the masculine female journalist who is successful but has
sacriced her personal life for professional success. ese ideas come from various case studies that allow us to make a specic
in-depth analysis of a series produced at a given moment. However, it is useful to take a diachronic perspective, which enables
the evolution of these stereotypes to be observed by associating the image oered by each series to the production context. In
this regard, the present study tries to cover a broad timeframe (1988-2022) in order to identify changes in archetypes, as well
as the continuing stereotypes, and to reveal not only social progress, but the dierent portrayals of women journalists as well.
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2. Methodology
e rst methodological issue was to establish a chronological framework, which was crucial for the design and size of
the sample. e aim of providing a broad overview of the image of women journalists in US television series required the
selection of a broad time period. Firstly, the idea of focusing on the ird Golden Age of Television, which would have covered
ction produced from the late 1990s to the present day was considered. is chronological framework left out the pioneer of
journalistic series and a benchmark in the portrayal of women journalists,
Murphy Brown
(CBS, 1988-1998), which is why the
time period was extended to the last 34 years (1988-2022).
Such a broad period of analysis meant working with an excessively large corpus of documents, so the sample was further
delimited by taking dierent issues into account. Firstly, the authors dened the type of series that would comprise part of
the study. e rise of the so-called
workplace TV series
, or professional series, whose main feature is “an approach to reality
both in the issues and in the characters’ construction” (Galán, 2007: 41), led to the inclusion of professional series focused
on journalism as part of the sample, which reects the work dynamics of a newsroom, as well as the processes of coverage,
creation and news dissemination. However, not all of them were of interest due to the under-representation of women or the
limited narrative weight of the women journalists
2
. erefore, it was reduced to professional series with female protagonists.
e selection of a specic genre, such as professional series about journalism, left out other categories such as sitcoms, as well
as comedy or drama series with a female journalist as the main character. erefore, the criterion of narrative weight within
the story that was used to select the sample was the following: series with female protagonists
3
in the journalistic profession.
In order to dene a sample of analysis with the maximum possible representation, the channels or platforms on which the
selected series were broadcast were taken into account. During this period, cable television developed greatly in the United
States, which led to a proliferation of channels and television oerings. Although this variety has been addressed in the sample,
as the number of series had to be limited, the decision was made to use the following sources: two major networks (CBS and
NBC); the platforms with the largest number of subscribers (Netix and Amazon); and the cable television channel that had
changed the US television scene (HBO), which became “the standard-bearer of quality television” (Cascajosa, 2006: 25).
Another important consideration when compiling the sample was authorship. As pointed out by Saltzman (2003: 4), male
scriptwriters have safeguarded a patriarchal paradigm in their portrayal of the
sob sisters
by avoiding their depiction as overly
independent and feisty, and ensuring that these women ultimately gave in to love. In the ird Golden Age, American television
has maintained a cultural, androcentric attitude that is hegemonic; as highlighted by Press (2018: 98), this type of series had
always been led by men.
2
Series focused on the professional eld of journalism with an under-representation of women have been excluded from the corpus of analysis, but this low
narrative weight in itself becomes a way of representing women journalists.
3
In order to determine the degree of prominence of a character and to include the series in the sample, two issues were taken into account: rstly, a quantitative
factor was considered, or in other words, the character had to be present in more than one season and a qualitative one, that the character had the functions of
the main roles, that is, that it guided the narrative, focused the action, and had individual objectives.
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Women were secondary gures in these male psychodramas, and female directors wishing to create less sexist dramas were faced
with nearly impossible obstacles. Almost by denition, ‘serious’ television oered few opportunities for women both in front of and
behind the camera (Press, 2018: 98).
However, the rise of women showrunners in American series since 2000, such as Amy Sherman-Palladino, Shonda Rhimes,
and Jenji Kohan has meant the introduction of new topics and a greater role for women.
In this regard, the inclusion of series created by women has been taken into account when drawing up the analysis sample,
which has allowed a comparison between the male gaze of some series and the more feminist perspective found especially
in series written and directed by women. us, the nal documentary corpus consists of the following series:
Murphy Brown
(CBS, 1988-1998),
Sex and the City
(HBO, 1998-2004),
e West Wing
(NBC, 1999-2006);
How I Met Your Mother
(CBS, 2005-
2013),
e Newsroom
(HBO, 2012-2014),
Good Girls Revolt
(Amazon, 2016);
House of Cards
(Netix, 2013-2018) and
Inventing
Anna
(Netix, 2022). Overall, these eight series cover the time period analysed, three of which have a female showrunner, and
all with at least one female protagonist who is involved in journalism. Yet they also oer a diversity of characters, dierent
types of journalism (television, political, quality magazines, etc.) and in dierent periods (from the 1970s to the present day).
Although the sample was narrowed down so that it was not too large, the documentary corpus is broad, so the methodology
applied to work with the television ction was qualitative analysis focused on the female characters and the issues dealt with
in each series. By viewing all the seasons, it was possible to see the evolution and narrative trajectory of the female characters
over the life of each series and to establish the plots to which they were related. However, an in-depth content and character
analysis of each episode was unfeasible given the number of hours that would have been necessary.
For an in-depth analysis of the main characters, a selection of seasons was made, including the rst season in all cases, which
is the key to presenting characters, plots and environments. In this regard, the rst and last seasons of some of the longest-
running series with the largest number of episodes (
Murphy Brown
,
Sex and the City
,
e West Wing,
and
How I Met Our Mother
)
have been selected for analysis. In the case of
House of Cards
, the analysis focused on the rst two seasons, where journalism
is given more weight in the plot.
e Newsroom
,
Good Girls Revolt
and
Inventing Anna
have been analysed completely, as they
have fewer episodes.
Special attention has been paid to the analysis of the main characters, taking into account the following dierent points of
view: narrative, roles played, relationships with other characters, physical and psychological characteristics, and behaviour.
e categories established in previous studies (Galán, 2006) have also been taken into account, based on the theoretical
foundations of audio-visual narratives, analysing the female characters from a three-dimensional perspective, including
narrative, psychological, and relational. e portrayal of female characters has also been addressed from the viewpoint of
gender studies, as well as criticism and theory of feminist lms. In this way, variables have been applied that connect the
theories of narratology with those of gender, relating aspects such as the situation and position of women compared to that of
men, the roles of the characters in terms of the domestic/public dichotomy, the presence or absence of “normative femininity”,
relations of rivalry or friendships between women, and others (Menéndez and Zurián, 2014: 65). e bibliography on these
series has also been used to complete the analysis. In this way, it has been possible to determine the female archetypes that
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are most often portrayed, in which contexts they tend to appear, and their narrative weight in each of the series throughout the
various decades.
3. Results
3.1. Series that led the way: from Murphy Brown to e West Wing
e chronological journey through the selected series, which allows us to see the evolution of the stereotypes associated
with women journalists in US television ction in recent decades, begins with a pioneering series that was a benchmark for
later television portrayals of journalism. e series referred to is
Murphy Brown
(CBS, 1988-1998), a sitcom created by Diane
English. e series focuses on the life of a successful journalist who is a news magazine anchorwoman, and the strategies she
uses to prove herself and her journalistic skills on a daily basis. As previously mentioned, according to Joe Saltzman (2003),
the character of
Murphy Brown
is one of the two most positive images of journalism in popular culture, and the other is the
character of Mary Richards on
e Mary Tyler Moore Show
(CBS, 1970-1977).
As the direct and up-to-date heir to the
Mary Tyler Moore
show,
Murphy
Brown
represents a woman of the late twentieth
century. She is a serious, strong, and independent journalist; far from the stereotype of a sob sister, and closer to that of the
journalist who drinks a lot and always has a cigarette in his mouth. One of the most striking aspects of the protagonist of the
series created by Diane English is her age. As opposed to the demand for youth and attractiveness, which is characteristic of US
television anchors,
Murphy Brown
reects the seriousness and professionalism of a journalist in her forties. As pointed out by
Fung (1988), by the 1980s it was already obvious that TV broadcasting positions were going to young women and experienced
men. is trend has become widespread in most countries, and continues to this day
4
. In the United States, the traditional pair
of an older anchorman and younger female journalist has traditionally been maintained. He represents seniority, seriousness,
professionalism, and credibility, while she reects beauty, attractiveness, and a lack of experience.
However, the character of Murphy Brown is no longer the young and attractive “TV girl”, but instead is a TV woman. A woman
who no longer asks permission, but gives permission. She is “an adult woman, a recognised professional, brilliant, and
admired; but also a polydrug addict, irascible, and single” (Güimil, 2017). She is a character with many shades of meaning who
grows throughout the various seasons, both personally and professionally, addressing current social and political issues, as
well as questions that entered the national debate when the character became a single mother. Brown became the rst female
journalist in US ction who was able to balance career and family without having to sacrice either.
Murphy Brown
entered the living rooms of American homes on a weekly basis, as if she were a real journalist, conducting
interviews with actual public gures such as politicians, and even journalistic luminaries Walter Cronkite and Katie Couric,
and many others.
4
In Spain, for example, in 2023 there were four generalist television news anchors over the age of 60, and no female anchors. e average age of female news
anchors in Spain is 41, while the average age of male news anchors is 54 (Vázquez-Miraz, 2019).
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is parade of media professionals, whom Murphy greeted as her peers, blurred the line between fact and ction. e
character of
Murphy Brown
took on a life of her own as a successful and professional journalist who become a role model for
the following generations. e character created by Diane English paved the way for the great female characters who lled the
television screen in later years.
e next series to break the mould in terms of the depiction of female roles was
Sex and the City
(HBO, 1998-2004). However,
it was more disruptive in terms of taboos surrounding female sexuality than for the stereotypes of the female journalist. e
main character is Carrie Bradshaw, who is the alter ego of Candance Bushnell. e latter is the author of the book by the same
name that inspired the series created by Darren Star. Bradshaw works as a freelance columnist for the ctional newspaper,
e
New York Star
. e character, played by Sarah Jessica Parker, is both the narrator and central gure in the series. Each episode
revolves around the articles in Carrie’s column regarding her experiences, hobbies, and sex life. rough this narrative, the
series makes signicant commentaries on the moralistic discourse of female sexuality and lifestyle choices (McHugh, 2001:
195-196).
Bradshaw is an independent and nancially stable woman with career aspirations, who does not allow her life be inuenced
by the desires or needs of men. Unlike other female characters who portrayed the stereotypical sob sisters, and who ultimately
chose love over career, for Carrie and her friends, marriage and motherhood are not the goal of every woman, nor are they the
epitome of happiness. In fact, the series presents work as a source of personal fullment and not as a place of conict.
Despite the fact that the series breaches social gender roles, the image of these young, white, attractive, and professionally
successful women is unrealistic. As pointed out by journalist Simon Paget (2013), in a blog post entitled “Carrie Bradshaw vs.
Reality”, a freelance journalist needs to write various articles every week in order to pay the bills.
e exact opposite of light journalism is the political communication professional portrayed in
e West Wing
(NBC, 1999-
2006). After depicting the work of sports journalists in Sport Night (1998-2000), the creator of
e West Wing
, Aaron Sorkin,
displays his interest in journalism through the character of C.J. Cregg, who is the ctional reection of Dee Myers, the rst
woman to hold the position of Press Secretary for the US government. Having the advice of the person who held this position
for the nal two years of the Clinton administration surely gave the character more realism, as well as depth. Although an
impeccable professional, highly valued by the president and her colleagues, she has to confront sexism in numerous situations.
In expressing his admiration for C.J., ctional US President Bartlet refers to her as “a 1950s movie star, capable, loving, and
energetic” (Sorkin, 1999) which, as pointed out by Garret (2005: 87), makes her seem more like a “cuddly pet” rather than a
political journalist.
is female character, who rises to positions of power, rst as press secretary and later as chief of sta, not only faces the
diculties of her job and position, but other issues related to her gender as well, such as doubts regarding her capabilities and
decision-making competence. At times, it is clear that she suers unfair treatment, such as when her opinion is not given much
consideration. Nevertheless, Sorkin’s depiction of the character conveys an image of seriousness and professionalism. C.J.
Cregg’s sexuality is not explored, not even in the way she dresses, which is austere, yet not masculine. She is a woman who has
come to power and lives in an environment where she is sometimes made to feel like a sh out of water, yet she clearly shows
that a woman does not have to act like a man to reach a position of power, but that it is necessary to prove one’s worth and let
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one’s work speak for itself. is multifaceted character contrasts with others employed by Sorkin to generate sexual tension,
which limits their depth. As pointed out by Garrett (2005: 189-190), women in the series such as C.J. Cregg, or rst lady Abbey
Bartlet, are strong and capable, while others come across as “neurotic or naive”. Even so, Dee Myers’ impact on the series is
evident, as her advice for the scripts highlights the sexism faced by women who work in the White House.
3.2. Journalists of the new century: from How I Met Your Mother to Inventing Anna
At the beginning of the 21st century, US television ction reached a high level of quality. e thematic diversity, the originality,
and the technical quality of premium pay channels such as HBO, Showtime, and later Netix launched the phenomenon
of television series at the international level, and consolidated what has subsequently been called the ird Golden Age of
American television. During this period of thematic and formal renewal, the sitcom
How I Met Your Mother
appeared (CBS,
2005-2014). Created by Carter Bays and Craig omas, the series features Robin Scherbatsky as a reporter for
Metro News 1
,
who is tired of being labelled as a young, attractive journalist only dedicated to trivial and cheesy stories. She is ambitious
and wants to be taken seriously as a professional, so she must continually prove her skills. Even so, Robin does not portray a
stereotypical sob sister, because she struggles to avoid being labelled a “naive journalist”, and she hates the kind of news she
covers. However, her desire to succeed does not make her an avid reporter who steals stories or sabotages the careers of her
colleagues. She is energetic, but not opportunistic or aggressive, so she is far from the stereotype of the masculinised female
journalist who pursues success by being aggressive, self-reliant, and arrogant. As noted by Rizwan (2013: 16), Robin has the
ability to balance the qualities traditionally associated with masculinity and femininity, making her a unique character within
the portrayal of female journalists in popular culture.
Robin’s character also does not use her sexuality or physical appearance to advance her career. She aspires to become the new
Katie Couric or Barbara Walters, yet the tyranny of beauty weighs upon her, as it does on most female news anchors. According
to Chambers et al. (2004), the physical appearance of female hosts continues to be the target of audience comments. Robin
Scherbatski experiences this reality, as well as other diculties faced by US television reporters today, creating a realistic
picture of the modern journalist who is both strong and vulnerable at the same time. It breaches the traditional image of the
ruthless anchorwoman or journalist who has achieved fame, but feels the bitterness of having no romantic life, as Robin does
not sacrice personal relationships or professional ethics to achieve success.
In 2012, screenwriter Aaron Sorkin returned to journalistic television ction with
e Newsroom
(HBO), with plots located
in the frenetic newsroom of a breaking news programme that explores issues of the profession such as superciality in news
coverage, the battle for audience share, journalistic ethics, and the importance of verifying sources.
When the series premiered, television critic Alberto Rey (2012) wrote the following:
What oense have women committed against Mr. Aaron to deserve having all the female characters of
e New
sroom portrayed
as basically hysterical, incompetent girls? And yet, without them, there would be nothing, because their cognitive and sentimental
inoperativeness hides a genius that in fact doesn’t make much sense. Isn’t that the ultimate male chauvinism, to say that “the one in
charge at home is my wife, who on the other hand is an idiot”? Isn’t it the degrading epithet, and the most extreme ridicule? Why are
Mackenzie McHale, Maggie Jordan and Sloan Sabbith so unhinged? Is it necessary? Does it provide any insight?
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ese issues highlight the controversy regarding female characters of the renowned US screenwriter, who has been accused
of having problems in designing female characters who “are not all from the same mould of the mist, primordial, and mad
woman” (Rey, 2012). In
e Newsroom
, only Sloan Sabbith’s character is portrayed as a woman who is professional and
educated, yet with poor social skills. On the contrary, Mackenzie McHale, producer of
News Night
in the series, and Margaret
Jordan, associate producer, are portrayed as compulsively melodramatic, and who focus strongly on personal issues. Although
McHale is a determined, experienced and professional woman who was in the Afghanistan and Iraq wars covering the news,
she suers from repeated panic attacks, and her character is permanently intertwined with the protagonist, who is the news
anchor and her ex-boyfriend as well. Margaret Jordan is a mix between the stereotype of a rookie journalist and a sob sister:
her continual clumsiness leads her to make mistakes, which sometimes allows her to obtain an exclusive merely by chance.
roughout the series she gains experience and condence as a journalist, yet her character has more narrative impact in the
sentimental plots than on the professional ones.
Despite the stereotypical female portrayal in both cases, it is worth noting that Mackenzie McHale’s character depicts the
pursuit of truth by promoting rigorous journalism. She makes this clear in the rst episode of the series when she declares her
goals as the new executive producer of
News Night
:
Defend the fourth estate. Reclaim journalism as an honourable profession. A nightly news programme that delivers a debate worthy
of a great nation. Civic-mindedness, respect, and a return to what is important. e death of vulgarity, gossip, and voyeurism. Tell the
truth, even to the fools (Sorkin, 2012).
e opposite of these values associated with journalism can be found in the series
House of Cards
(Netix, 2013-2018), through
the character of the ambitious Zoe Barnes. She portrays a professional who is without ethics, easily manipulated, self-centred,
and eager to climb the career ladder using any weapon at her disposal, including sex. As opposed to political journalism based
on documentation, cross-checking of sources, and contextualisation of data, the journalism that Zoe Barnes epitomises has no
ethical guidelines (Painter and Ferrucci, 2017). Moreover, she uses irtation and sexual advances to obtain information. is
only serves to consolidate a negative stereotype of the female journalist as someone without professional merit whose success
depends on who she sleeps with.
As pointed out by Cvetkovic and Oostman (2018), women’s sexuality as part of the journalistic routine in the series is quietly
accepted in the profession. is is specically stated by the character of Janine Skorsky, the White House correspondent
for the ctional newspaper,
e Washington Herald
, when she confesses that she, like other journalists, “sucked, wanked,
and fucked for a good story” (Cleveland and Willimon, 2013). Both Skorsky and the rest of the editorial sta assume that the
important information obtained by Zoe Barnes is not the result of an exhaustive and substantiated investigation, but rather
due to an information leak obtained through the use of her body. e consequence is a lack of professional consideration for
women journalists. Because once the word got out, Skorsky explains in a dialogue, “It was like I hit a wall, and no one took me
seriously” (Cleveland and Willimon, 2013).
Nevertheless, Zoe Barnes represents not only the journalist who takes the easy way out, but also the ambitious young woman
who breaks the rules and routines of a newsroom in order to achieve fame. She dees the conventional model of journalism
by representing the millennial journalist who places more emphasis on the impact of the rumour than on the veracity of the
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information. e contrast can be seen between the values of the veteran editor of
e
Washington Herald
, who is a bastion of
rigorous, quality journalism, and those of Barnes who, along with Carly, her young editor-in-chief at the new online media
outlet
Slugline
, are more interested in the audience and viralising the news than in accuracy.
is dierence highlights the seriousness and quality of the information of the former, and the superciality and lack of
social responsibility of the latter. Barnes, moreover, represents a model of journalism closely linked to the generation of social
networks, where impact and followers are sought, regardless of the quality and rigour of the information.
e diculties encountered by women journalists and the lack of consideration for their work is a common feature in most
of the series analysed. In the case of
Good Girls Revolt
(2016), created by Dana Calvo for Amazon and inspired by real events,
the show recreates the struggle carried out in 1969 by the so-called researchers (fact-checkers) at
Newsweek
magazine which,
in the series, is known as
News of the Week
. On the editorial sta of
Newsweek
, women were not allowed to write stories. ey
could only be secretaries, assistants, or research clerks, but they could not sign their names to articles. “We were told very
explicitly, ‘If you want to write, go somewhere else’. Women don’t write for
Newsweek
,” recalled Povich, author of the book on
which the series is based, and one of the women who sued the magazine in the 1970s (Sottile, 2016).
e three main characters of the series rebel against the magazine’s mandate, which prevented women from moving up the
career ladder. Led by an activist and lawyer of the
American Civil Liberties Union
(ACLU), Eleanor Holmes Norton, a real-life
gure, they mobilised the women workers to take joint action against the magazine for discrimination in the workplace
5
. e
series reects these women’s awareness of the daily discrimination that takes place at the magazine, as well as the sexual and
sexist harassment they experienced in the oce.
e series allows for presentism to be interpreted in the story it tells, as the setting is a place where many professionals in
the media and the world of entertainment were starting to publicly denounce sexist behaviour, as well as situations of sexual
harassment, which later gave rise to the #
MeToo
movement in 2017. Also, the obstacles faced by women journalists in this
ctional series, such as the lack of visibility, the wage gap, and restricted access to certain jobs are perceived in the 21st century
as problems that still have not been resolved (Robertson et al., 2021).
erefore, in
Good Girls Revolt
, the feminist perspective is evident in the approach to the workplace and personal situation
of the protagonists, as well as in the intention to create female archetypes who achieve empowerment within journalism,
as in the case of Nora Ephron (Grace Gummer in the show). In the series, this character becomes the catalyst of the protest
after resigning from her job, which resulted from her being prohibited from publishing an article that she had written
6
. e
women’s solidarity and the absence of rivalry between them also highlights the feminist perspective from which the series is
approached, not to mention the choice of a theme that puts women’s struggle for their labour rights in the spotlight: after the
5
In 1964, the Civil Rights Act was passed, prohibiting discrimination on the basis of race or gender.
6
Ephron worked at
Newsweek
in the 1960s, but left to join
e New York Post
. In the series she appears to be the spark that ignites the protest, but in fact, the
awareness-raising that led to the mobilisation were the meetings of women workers in which they shared their personal and work-related problems, a strategy
that was widely used in the feminist movement of those years.
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lawsuit against
Newsweek
in 1970, this was followed by similar lawsuits against employment discrimination at other magazines
such as
Life
and
Time
, among others.
Also inspired by real events and characters,
Inventing Anna
(Netix, 2022) portrays the journalistic work carried out by Jessica
Pressler
7
(Vivian Kent in the show) related to the case of Anna Delvey (Anna Sorokin in the series), a young woman who
scammed hotels, companies and New York high society by posing as a wealthy German heiress in order to maintain her
luxurious lifestyle.
e series’ creator, successful showrunner and producer Shonda Rhimes, enlisted Pressler’s help in adapting the story, which
allowed for a portrayal of the journalist from the point of view of a professional reporter. is brings not only humanity to the
character, but reality as well. e hard work of documentation, fact-checking, interviews and, above all, the eort to convince
the magazine’s editor that the story was worthwhile, is perfectly reected in the series. Other details drawn from the life of the
real journalist include the fact that she was pregnant and gave birth shortly after publishing the story, and the controversy in
which she was involved when she wrote a report about a young man who gave false testimony.
e character Vivian Kent is a tireless professional, nearly obsessed with cross-checking data in order to avoid the mistakes
of the past that have lowered her credibility and inuence inside and outside the newsroom. She carries out meticulous
investigative work in order to gain the trust of her editor, and to demonstrate that sound journalism and good stories require
data to be studied, along with verication of sources. Compared to other archetypes of ctional journalists, such as some of
those mentioned above, Vivian does not break the rules, does not resort to illegal or unethical means to obtain information,
respects her sources, and shows that the facts are what count.
4. Discussion
Over the years, lms have perpetuated narrative paradigms and stereotypes about women journalists. One of the questions
this research has attempted to answer is whether these portrayals of the work of women journalists have changed, and to what
extent new archetypes exist. By analysing eight selected television series, an attempt has been made to answer these questions.
Firstly, similar to lms, we also nd in series the dilemma that women journalists have to face, which is the incorporation of
masculine traits into their behaviour as something indispensable for success. To prove their worth, sometimes they have to be
arrogant, self-reliant, and aggressive, but without forgetting what society demands of them as women, or in other words, to be
caring, compassionate and empathetic (Saltzman, 2003, 1-3).
is dichotomy reects a reality experienced by women journalists who, as pointed out by Chambers et al. (2004: 104), face
a dilemma: If they do not want to be seen as “too soft” or “feminine”, they are forced to “beat the boys at their own game” by
being more assertive and aggressive, but never overly arrogant nor “excessively masculine”.
7
e article about Anna Sorokin’s story entitled “
How Anna Delvey Tricked New York’s Party People
”, was published in 2018 in
New York Magazine
.
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In the case of women journalists, ambition is perceived as something negative, either because it leads them to pursue promotion
at any cost, even if it means engaging in unethical behaviour, or because ambition forces them adopt negative stereotypical
male traits such as aggressiveness, individualism, and competitiveness (Lacalle and Hidalgo: 2017, 477). According to Osorio
(2009), these characters are cold and implacable women who reject conventional female roles.
In general, the professionals portrayed in the series analysed are women who are constantly proving their worth as journalists,
and therefore have to ght against the social surroundings, sexist attitudes, and invisible barriers such as gender stereotypes
and prejudice. In their day-to-day work, they have to face situations in which their skills or leadership abilities are called into
question. In this sense, the portrayal coincides with the diculties many journalists encounter in the real world.
In contrast to the authenticity of some characters, especially those of series created by female scriptwriters, there are traditional
stereotypes that link female journalists to the emotional and personal domains. ese women are the ones who struggle
between family and work life, and even in some series, their presence is narratively justied in order to generate romantic
interest or sexual tension between them and the male protagonists. Many of them, as pointed out by Painter and Ferrucci
(2015), are portrayed according to the female stereotype that identies women with the emotional realm, and sometimes with
a lack of professionalism, or inexperienced and clumsy.
ere are also negative portrayals that cause the public to associate women journalists with unethical practices such as using
sex to get information and advance their careers, or to become famous. ese are usually young, ambitious women who break
the rules in order to achieve success quickly. In this regard, female ambition has a negative connotation and often leads the
character to a traumatic end. e archetype of the ambitious young woman is placed on the screen next to that of the clumsy
and inexperienced young female, the latter of whom continuously makes mistakes, yet she is essential from a narrative point
of view in order to create romantic plots. Nevertheless, she sometimes overcomes this awkwardness and proves to be a good
professional.
e image of women journalists portrayed in series is capable of distorting the reality of this profession and normalising
certain unethical behaviour, which could have a negative impact on society’s perception of journalism in general, and on
female reporters in particular. According to Ehrlich and Saltzman (2015), depictions of journalists in popular culture shape
public perceptions of journalism as a profession.
ese portrayals of certain groups or professions in television ction can trigger culturally shared racial and gender stereotypes,
which have a negative inuence on these groups, as they start to perceive themselves in a way that is inuenced by the bias
created in the media (Murphy 1998). ese cultural restraints aect women’s career choices (Honer, Levine and Toohey
2008), and may be related to the low number of women in high positions (Painter and Ferrucci, 2016: 11-12).
e way women journalists are portrayed on screen inuences society’s perception of them. Without rst-hand knowledge of
media work routines or newsrooms, the audience develops its idea of journalism through what it sees in these types of ctional
shows. is can perpetuate stereotypes such as that of the drunken, chain-smoking journalist, or the seductive journalist who
will sleep with sources for a good story. It is interesting to note that these gender stereotypes are not interchangeable: it is rare
to see a female journalist addicted to alcohol and tobacco, just like seeing a male character use his body to get an exclusive is
also anomalous, and it is also nearly non-existent for a man to have to choose between family life and work. e loneliness and
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bitterness with which some women are portrayed, especially if they are female executives who have sacriced their personal
lives for the professional realm, is not seen in the same types of characters when they are men.
Despite the variety of female journalistic archetypes in the series analysed, there is one consistent aspect: these professionals
are portrayed as white women, mostly young, with standard bodies, and heterosexual. Although some, such as
Murphy Brown
,
break the dress codes of female news anchors, most comply with certain standards in terms of beauty, size, age and sexual
orientation. Unfortunately, there is a lack of diversity that could allow for the visibility and normalisation of characters from
racial minorities, or from other groups such as LGTBIQ+, within the journalism profession.
5. Conclusions
One of the leading female journalists in television ction is
Murphy Brown
, a character created by Diane English, the latter of
whom was one of the rst female showrunners in American television. When English met with
CBS
executives to present her
project, they suggested changes to the script, including having a leading lady who was 30-something rather than a woman in
her 40s, and who was attractive, or in other words, “30-ish and hot”. Nevertheless, the showrunner ended up imposing her
criteria because she knew that Brown’s character was complex and required an older actress to play her in order to show her
experience as a journalist. In the end, the strategy succeeded, but it was due to the creator’s determination to maintain her
concept of the character.
In this regard, one of the questions posed by this study is whether there are notable dierences in the way female journalists
have been portrayed depending on the gender of the scriptwriter. Although the sample is not large enough to draw general
conclusions, the three series created by female showrunners present the most positive and empowering archetypes.
Murphy
Brown
(Diane English),
Good Girls Revolt
(Dana Calvo), and
Inventing Anna
(Shonda Rhimes), move away from the most
common stereotypes about women journalists in the audio-visual sector. ere are no clumsy young women nor seductive
journalists, but professionals who try to perform quality journalism in a way that is ethical, and who defend their rights. A
feminist perspective permeates the scripts and the construction of the characters, especially in the two 21st century series.
is contrasts sharply with the images of female journalists designed by creators such as Aaron Sorkin (
e West Wing
and
e
Newsroom
) and Beau Willimon (
House of Cards
), as the women are portrayed as hysterical, unprofessional, sexualised, and
overly ambitious.
With this situation in mind, a new question must be asked: Are women scriptwriters and female producers of series helping
to change gender stereotypes and portrayals? ere is no established line of research that combines the study of the television
industry with content analysis to determine whether there is a relationship between the gender of scriptwriters and the
portrayals of gender in their series. Until now, most research has focused on gender stereotypes in case studies, yet it might be
benecial to carry out comparative analyses between dierent television series by taking into account these gender variables,
as well as other factors related to the social, political, and cultural contexts of the countries where the productions take place.
In this study, although the gures are not overly representative (8 series, of which 5 were created by men, and 3 by women),
dierences can be seen, as previously pointed out. In addition to a higher degree of sexualisation, series created by male
showrunners tend to use more conservative stereotypes and associate women more with emotional aspects. In the case of
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female creators, new archetypes can be seen, as well as stronger solidarity among the women characters, and less rivalry
between them on romantic issues. eir characters also break down more barriers, and even social taboos: the main character
of
Murphy Brown
is a single mother in her 40s; the female reporters of the
Good Girls Revolt
join together to ght for their
rights; and Vivian Kent of
Inventing Anna
is shown as a tireless and thorough professional.
As such, it can be concluded that the female creators of the series analysed tend to reduce the androcentric approach with a
more respectful and realistic approach to female characters. erefore, the participation of women in the creation of television
series implies the emergence of new trends in audio-visual culture, as they are capable of becoming a driving force for change
regarding social portrayals in audio-visual media by giving greater prominence, complexity, and dramatic richness to female
characters.
6. Acknowledgements
is article has been translated into English by Charles E. Arthur to whom we are grateful for his meticulous work.
Funding sources: e UCM Research Group entitled, “
Memoria y medios de Comunicación
” (Ref. 71685).
7. Conict of interest
e author declares that there is no conict of interest regarding any of the content in this article.
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246 |
nº 39, pp. 229-246
|
July-December of 2024
Journalism, gender, and television: the image of women journalists in US series (1988-2022)
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
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