The Use of Musical Compositions as a Mechanism for Communicating
Hate Speech on Social Media: Study of a Jihadist Nasheed
El uso de composiciones musicales como mecanismo de comunicación del
discurso de odio en redes sociales: estudio de una nasheed yihadista
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nº 41, pp. 171-190
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July-December of 2025
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
How to cite this article:
Trujillo-Fernández, F.; Gallardo-Camacho, J. and Jorge Alonso, A. (2025). e Use of Musical Compositions as a Mechanism for Communicating
Hate Speech on Social Media: Study of a Jihadist Nasheed.
Doxa Comunicación
, 41, pp. 171-190.
https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n41a2250
Francisco Trujillo-Fernández.
PhD in Education and Social Communication with “
cum laude
” honours from the
University of Málaga, a Master’s in Analysis and Prevention of Terrorism from Rey Juan Carlos University, and has
completed an internship at the CNN television network (Atlanta, GA, USA). His doctoral thesis addresses the role of
so-called “sympathisers” as signicant elements in the dissemination of jihadist propaganda, subsequently developing
an academic research line that revolves around the intersection of symbolic communication and social networks, with
emphasis on the use of various internet platforms for jihadist propaganda. e author is a career civil servant and has
dedicated much of his professional career to analysing the jihadist phenomenon in Spain. Currently, he is part of the
“Communication and Power” Research Group at the Faculty of Communication Sciences of the University of Málaga
and collaborates as a researcher in the “Interaction 3.0” Project at Camilo José Cela University (Madrid).
University of Malaga, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0002-1916-991X
Jorge Gallardo-Camacho.
Associate Professor at the Universidad Camilo José Cela with two research merits (sexenios)
recognized by the CNEAI and is the Director of the Degree in Audiovisual Communication and New Media at UCJC. He
holds a PhD in Audiovisual Communication with the highest honours (
cum laude
) from the University of Málaga, an
MBA in TV Companies from the University of Salamanca, and the National First Prize in Audiovisual Communication
in Spain. He is also the Principal Investigator of the INFO 3.0 research group, focused on analysing television audiences,
new technologies, and social networks at UCJC. He has over 50 high-impact scientic publications and specialises in
social networks, audiences, and television. Gallardo also has extensive professional experience as a communicator: he
began his career at CNN covering the 9/11 attacks and later worked for Cadena SER, Radio Nacional de España, Prisa TV,
Aragón TV, and Mediaset. He is currently the director of Espejo Público on Antena 3 (Atresmedia Group). In 2016 and
2017, he was included among the 100 most inuential young people in Spain by the Choiseul Institute.
Camilo José Cela University, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0003-3790-5105
is content is published under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License. International License CC BY-NC 4.0
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1. Introduction
12
e year 2011 saw a considerable migration of jihadist propaganda to social media (Cliord & Powell, 2019), coinciding
with the outbreak of the Arab Spring. is came about as a result of the signicant success of the call for civil unrest made
1
A concept coined by the American sociologist Alvin Toer (1980) in his book “
e ird Wave
”, originally referring to economic issues, but redirected towards the
idea of a user who consumes but also produces content.
2
Concepto ideado por el sociólogo estadounidense Alvin Toer (1980) en su libro “
La tercera ola
”, originalmente referido a cuestiones económicas, pero
reconducido hacia la idea de un usuario que consume pero que también produce contenidos.
Ana Jorge Alonso.
PhD in Audiovisual Communication from the University of Malaga, she is a lecturer in the Department
of Audiovisual Communication and Advertising of the Faculty of Communication Sciences, of which she has been
director. She has coordinated the Doctorate Program in Communication and Power for 9 years, where she designed
and taught the rst ocial subject on gender at the University of Malaga. She works on a general line of research that
deals with the relations between power and communication from a critical perspective, and which focuses on Women’s
Studies with several publications specically dedicated to gender violence. Concern about awareness of the material
conditions for the exercise of the right to equality in communicative processes has broadened her research interest
towards the political economy of communication with a gender perspective, focusing especially on the Latin American
context. An important line in her publications is the gender-biased link between the production and reproduction of the
discourse that marks the relations between political economy and hegemony.
University of Malaga, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0003-2597-6491
Received: 24/03/2024 - Accepted: 01/08/2024 - Early access: 23/09/2024 - Published:
01/07/2025
Recibido: 24/03/2024 - Aceptado: 01/08/2024 - En edición: 23/09/2024 - Publicado: 01/07/2025
Abstract:
With the rise of social media during the period known as the
Arab Spring, a type of sympathiser of the jihadist cause started
to emerge, termed prosumer
1
, who consumes, but also produces
extremist audio-visual content, thereby favouring the viralisation
of hate speech on social media. A part of this propaganda is
made up of jihadist musical compositions from the genre called
nasheed, whose musical plasticity seeks to sugarcoat an ideology
that defends and promotes violence, while at the same time trying
to avoid the online content restrictions put in place by operators,
by virtue of its symbolic dimension. e multimodal analysis
performed on a piece circulated by the jihadist organisation Jabhat
al-Nusrah shows that 65% of the verses are identied as violent and
that 55% of them support martyrdom for the faith in the form of
immolation, utilising symbolic elements that make it dicult for
the algorithm to restrict content.
Keywords:
YouTube; violence; symbolism; jihad; internet.
Resumen:
Con el auge de las redes sociales durante el período conocido como
Primavera Árabe, empezó a gestarse un simpatizante de la causa
yihadista, el llamado prosumidor
2
, que consume, pero que también
produce contenido audiovisual extremista, favoreciendo con su labor
la viralización del discurso de odio en las redes sociales. Parte de ese
material propagandístico lo conforman composiciones musicales
yihadistas del género nasheed, cuya plasticidad musical procura
edulcorar una ideología que deende y promueve la violencia, al mismo
tiempo que procura esquivar las medidas de restricción de contenidos
de las operadoras a través de su dimensión simbólica. El análisis
multimodal establecido sobre una pieza difundida por la organización
yihadista Jabhat al-Nusrah demuestra que el 65% de los versos son
identicados como violentos y que el 55% de ellos amparan el martirio
por la fe en forma de inmolación, utilizando elementos simbólicos que
dicultan la restricción de contenidos por parte del algoritmo.
Palabras clave:
YouTube; violencia; simbología; yihad; internet.
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by anonymous individuals (Conway, 2012), operating from inaccessible geographic locations and providing “the means
to coordinate and synchronise thousands of people, making mass meetings possible even in the absence of a formal
organisational infrastructure” (Bellin, 2012: 138). is inertia favoured a progressive decentralisation of the production of
jihadist content, within a dialectic that allowed consumers of propaganda to now interact as communicators (Weimann, 2015;
Gallardo-Camacho, et al., 2018). e famous thesis of network warfare or
netwar,
rst proposed by Johan Arquilla & David
Ronfeldt (2001), was gaining
resonance, this idea predicted a new era of cyberwars characterised by the role of small groups or
individuals carrying out “network campaigns, often without a specic central command body” (2001: 6).
is scenario would foster the advent of independent individuals, referred to as armchair jihadists (Prucha, 2012), who
live parallel lives between real life and their online activity, that is, a subject who joins “the jihadist narrative and online
iconography while remaining more or less subjugated to their individual environment and social context” (Prucha, 2012: 153).
Known also as
slacktivists
3
(Córdoba Hernández, 2017) or
jihobbyists
4
(Brachman, 2009), they assume the role of prosumers
(Toer, 1980) and
produsers
5
(Bruns, 2007), being in constant dialogue through a terrorist hate narrative that is easily viralised
through social media (Guiora, 2018).
Jihadist narratives sometimes use music as an ideological conveyor belt, while manifesting mechanisms of group cohesion,
even of identity itself, as öres eorell (2014) argues, in the face of an online scenario
which they consider to be hostile.
Psychiatrist Anthony Storr (1992: 20) expressed this view when he considered that “when a culture is under threat, music can
become even more signicant”, stressing that “music can sometimes symbolise rebellion” (1992: 21). is takes up the idea
put forward by eorell (2014: 3) in relation to other variants, arguing that “rap and heavy metal are musical genres that began
as social protest movements for young people with few social resources”. Nazi propaganda also knew how to capitalise on the
virtues of music, sometimes even “disassociated from its original content to generate an emotional experience” (Botstein,
2005: 492). us, music also functions as a mechanism for modulating moods (DeNora, 2000) to the point that “it can imprint
a certain quality on the character of the soul” (Aristotle, 1988: 469), which requires bowing down before its power as Nietzsche
himself saw it, considering that “with language one does not in any way achieve the exhaustive universal symbolism of music”
(2011: 358). anks to this symbolic potential, music takes on a crucial role in certain communities, particularly so in the case
of Algeria, where the
raï
genre became a refuge from the tensions rippling through Algerian society. As Bernabé Pons (2016)
puts it, “in the songs and the underworld that the songs make up, raí singers and their audience concentrate many of the issues
that concern and traumatize society, especially its less favoured collectives” (2016: 12), the genre being ercely persecuted
by Islamists during the Civil War (Jones, 2013; Bernabé Pons, 2016) due to its addressing issues banned by fundamentalism,
3
A concept arising from the combination of the words “
activism
” and “
slacker
”, which seeks to identify a type of user who participates very slightly, sometimes with
“
likes”
or “
dislikes”,
with certain campaigns on social media while “serving to describe a series of political activities that have no impact on real life, but serve to
increase the feeling of well-being of the citizens who carry them out” (Córdoba Hernández, 2017: 240).
4
A pun combining “
hobby
” and “
jihad
” created by Jarret M. Brachman (2009), which suggests online jihadist activity as a type of hobby.
5
A combination of the terms “
producer
” and “
user
”, which suggests the prole of a social media user who interacts and produces, without limiting themselves
exclusively to consumption.
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such as the consumption of alcohol or sex (Bernabé Pons, 2016). During that conict, raï music became a space “of essential
freedom for a population that had been abandoned by their own government” (Jones, 2013: 474).
Music is thus recongured as a place of refuge that perhaps allows for the construction of a collective identity, in the
understanding, as DeNora (2000) argues, that “music is used and functions as a means to dene social order, structure
subjectivity […] and establish a basis for collaborative action” (2000: 111). is area of activity can be taken over by jihadist
propaganda, whose strategy of spreading exclusionary messages takes advantage of an environment in which “music brings
people together through a shared experience of pleasure, and this unifying quality can be a powerful means of recruitment and
can strengthen the sense of community” (Pieslak, 2015: 37).
e link between hate speech conveyed by jihadist
nasheed
and the phenomenon of terrorism has been widely recognised by
the United Nations, particularly in Recommendation #35 of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (2013),
point 6 of which calls incitement to terrorism an extreme manifestation of hatred, and the Committee has “paid attention to
hate speech directed against persons belonging to certain ethnic groups who profess or practise a religion dierent from that
of the majority” (2013: 6). As suggested by the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance of the Council of Europe
in its General Recommendation #15 (2016: 5), “hate speech may be intended to incite others to commit acts of violence,
intimidation, hostility or discrimination against those to whom it is addressed”. In light of the ease the Internet oers for the
sharing of illicit content, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on freedom of opinion and speech himself assumed in a 2011
report the need to restrict on the Internet, among other content, “the verbal incitement to hatred” (United Nations General
Assembly, 2011: 8), while urging the rebuttal of online resources that encourage “the promotion of national, racial or religious
hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence […]” (2011: 9). at is precisely what Salast-jihadism
focuses on (Hafez, 2007; Maher, 2017), spurred on to defend an ideological project that enthrones a Manichean worldview and
that does not hesitate to apply and incite violence against the moral inuence and cultural stamp of the West, which “implies
the conviction that jihad, understood in the bellicose sense, is necessary to bring God’s message to all humanity” (Avilés Farré,
2017: 21). is violence, according to
takr
doctrine
6
would be directed not only against non-Muslims, but also against those
Muslims who have strayed from the faith, even against unjust Muslim rulers, which according to Luz Gómez García (2009: 320)
is nothing more than an update of “the classic theory of Islamic apostasy.”
1.1. State of the question
is study seeks to cast an omniscient look towards an ecosystem of multimodal productions known as the jihadisphere
7
(Antinori, 2017) or the jihadist visual lexicon (Ostovar, 2017), which according to Benjamin Ducol (2012: 52) groups together
“an online community
of militants and sympathisers united by their common adherence to a global Sala-jihadist ideology”,
the target audience often being minors, age not being an impediment to a user of over 14 years managing his or her own
6
As the Arabist Luz Gómez García (2009: 320) claries, the term “
takr
” suggests an “accusation of indelity to Islam.”
7
e concept of jihadisphere denes a powerful online ecosystem that seeks to bring together the jihadist community on the Internet under a single term.
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channel, taking advantage of the current legal vacuum in Spain “regarding the legal status of minors on the Internet” (Durán
Alonso, 2022: 11).
is collective nds in jihadist musical compositions or jihadist
nasheed
a pleasant-seeming way of spreading a message of
hate that “plays an important role in jihadist culture” (Gratrud, 2016: 1051). It is a recognizable a cappella form, as it addresses
songs constructed through choirs of voices, without musical instruments, but which in recent times can be modied through
post-production editing thanks to audio-editing software, resulting in the creation of automatic melodies or the amplication
of reverberation (Botz-Bornstein, 2017), even vocal arrangements or harmonies (Pieslak, 2015).
Nasheeds
became very popular in the 1970s and 1980s among Syrian and Egyptian jihadist groups (Said, 2012; El-Nashar
& Nayef, 2023) and were capitalised on by Al-Qaeda in the late 1980s by suggesting the acquisition of cassette tapes and
recorders with the intention of recording aural recitations of the Quran and
nasheeds
(Lahoud, 2017). e Hamburg 9/11 cell
later resorted to this musical genre as a mechanism of group cohesion, within the ritual process of preparation for martyrdom
(Seidensticker, 2006), in a plausible connection with the potential ability of music to inuence human perception, to the point
that “it can lead people to accept acts of aggression against the ‘other’ more diligently than rhetoric and talks” (El-Nashar &
Nayef, 2023: 5), even in its evident function as a catalyst in recruitment processes (Pieslak, 2015). Nasheeds have
really been
popularised in recent times by the American jihadist of Yemeni origin Anwar Al Awlaki, especially in his famous text “44 ways
to support jihad”, where he moved towards a real link between jihadist culture and
nasheeds
:
A good
nasheed
can spread so widely that it can reach an audience that cannot be reached through a lecture or a book.
Nasheeds
especiall
y
inspire the young, who are the foundation of jihad in any era.
Nasheeds
are
an important element in the creation of a
“jihadi culture.” (Al Awlaki, 2009: 19).
As Henrik Gratrud (2016: 1051) puts it, “compared to more savage jihadist content,
nasheeds
are less likely to be removed from
websites, which may help explain why they have become the most popular jihadist content online,” encouraging activity more
inclined to “appeal to the senses in ways that formal ideological texts fail to do” (Pieri & Grosholz, 2023: 2). Yet it is an “eective
tool for propaganda” (Said, 2012: 875), on a game board that clearly proles the enemy, as would have already occurred during
the colonialist period, when musical poems similar in their motivations to
nasheeds
were used
,
in particular for the “legitimate
struggle against tyrannical oppressors” (2012: 874).
Anti-terrorist activity in Spain has not been unaware of the distribution of
nasheeds
as an essential element in the consolidation
of a multimodal form of jihadist propaganda. High Court judgment 1472/2019 pointed in that direction by proving that the
defendant in that case distributed “a list of
nasheeds
(religious chants)” on dierent social media, “which provoked a mental
state necessary to commit the bloody acts that are also disseminated” (Judgment AN, 2019: 33), in a perspective similar to
that noted in the investigative phase of the foiled attack on board a alys high-speed train in 2015. According to the French
Public Prosecutor’s Oce, the perpetrator, a Moroccan named Ayoub El-Khazzani, may have generated a state of motivation
essential for the gestation of the attack by listening to jihadist songs on YouTube (omson & Robinson, 2015). e eects of
such pieces were again felt in British public opinion in 2021. at year, the UK’s public broadcasting regulator announced
a ne of £2,000 for a community radio station linked to the Pakistani Islamic community in Sheeld, after accusing it of
having broadcast a
nasheed
entitled “
Jundullah
” (‘soldiers of Allah’ in Arabic) in December 2020. According to the statement
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released by the public body (Ofcom, 2022), “the
nasheed
included an indirect call to action” (paragraph 2), while at the same
time inciting “participation in violent acts as a devout expression of religion” (paragraph 2). is idea is consistent with what
Möller & Mishler (2020) expressed when they point to jihadist musical pieces as another mechanism with which to “spread
propaganda and highlight specic ideologies” (Möller & Mishler, 2020: 291), if anything as a factor of cohesion and as an
activity to normalise violent dynamics (Möller & Mishler, 2020).
1.2. Objectives and hypothesis
is study aims to comprehend how jihadist propaganda uses the
nasheed
genre
to disguise its hate speech on social media,
a strategy which would allow it to avoid large operators’ content restriction policies. e study considers the need to identify
possible strategies that may be used to expand or distribute jihadist ideology on social media, an ideology known for its ability
to dehumanise its enemies and for its vocation to construct an exclusionary narrative. A hypothesis is proposed that violent
discourse can be camouaged in musical content to bypass algorithms and sustain a hate strategy over time.
2. Method
e research contained in this paper addresses the discourse analysis of a single musical piece or composition in the
nasheed
genre, contained in a sample of 234 videos previously dissected, and analyzed quantitatively and qualitatively in (Trujillo-
Fernández, 2022; Trujillo-Fernández et al., 2024), as a result of searches on YouTube for content related to the jihadist
organisation Jabhat al Nusrah.. e piece was identied as a
nasheed
based on the criteria of the Brill Encyclopaedia of Islam
(1993: 975), which denes a
nasheed
as “a piece of oratory, a song, a hymn, and a form of vocal music.” ere is no single format
for
nasheeds,
though it would seem that this type of musical composition responds to a tonal structure based on the
maqam
system, which emerged from secular Arabic music (Pieslak, 2015). e Arabic word
maqam
can be translated as ‘rank’ and,
according to Hassan Touma (1981: 29), “it prescribes a rm tonal structure that must observe a tonal hierarchy as well as a
certain tonal quality”.
Based on the above characteristics and taking into account the sample analysed in Trujillo-Fernández (2022), a
nasheed
piece
was identied, consisting of an image of a rose in GIF format, played in a loop with dewdrops. e 91-second video was
uploaded to YouTube on August 3, 2015, by a channel called “Abdullah Barhaa”, whose owner, possibly an individual user,
categorised the piece under the heading of “Science and Technology,” titling it “
Jabhat al nusra nasheed unknown title
,” which
can be translated as “
nasheed
of unknown title by Jabhat al Nusra” (Abdullah Barhaa, 2015). us, whoever uploaded the
propaganda content to the network directly referred to the piece’s link with a terrorist organization.
As was conrmed during the course of the investigation carried out on Trujillo-Fernández (2022),
the URL linked to the
nasheed
managed to stay on the network for a year without disappearing despite the best eorts of the operator’s content restriction
policies. It was deemed appropriate to establish a multimodal bifurcation between lexicon and image, in order to look more
deeply into the symbolic features of each vector, this as a part of the exercise of triangulation as a formula for methodological
approximation. is strategy enhances research to the extent that the combined use of qualitative and quantitative methodology
allows the two methodologies to consolidate each other (Ruiz Olabuénaga, 2012). It is considered more important to go deeper
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into the analysis of the piece through a double methodological dimension, which allows switching between the symbolic
aspects of the song’s lexicon and the symbolic study of the piece’s images, assuming the existence of both physical and non-
physical symbols along the lines established by Professor Jonathan Matusitz (2015). His thesis covers both the prevalence of
formulas of extralinguistic communication and linguistic symbols, considered by Matusitz (2015: 11) as “words or phrases
whose meanings symbolise particular values, norms, cultural premises and beliefs about the world.”
A multimodal observation is therefore adopted of a
nasheed
musical composition, commonly used by jihadist propaganda,
which, in the case in point, uses classical Arabic as the vehicular language, in the form of a poem, with personalised metre,
whose rhythm allows one to intuit a structure of twenty verses according to the indications provided by the Arabist Salvador
Peña Martín, author of the translation of the piece (S. Peña Martín, personal communication, April 1, 2018). To facilitate the
analysis and citations, a structure is methodologically articulated in tables that suggest the application of a personalised ad
hoc
numbering
for each verse, as shown in Table 1.
Table 1. Poem
“Fight with your sword”
NumerationVerse
1
Fight with your sword he who sold the Golan,
2
and join the procession of the Phalanxes of Faith.
3
Seek not any protection other than that of your Flag,
4
that thirsts so much for streams of blood,
5
and raise your Ensign in Great Syria, for Great Syria is
6
a land of sacrice, where the nest horsemen are found,
7
and a white minaret whose sprouting we have brought to pass,
8
and has already given its best in the thickest of the ght.
9
By Divinity the al-Nusra Front is raised,
10
Bowing not even before proof of death.
11
ey overow on their mounts towards the beautiful houris,
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12
and cover the face of the earth with shrouds.
13
ey rush to strike the lead that spurs them on:
14
echoes of an epic, sounds of lances.
15
ey are those who defend the Faith with their blood,
16
those who destroy Satan’s suggestions.
17
e spirited Bedouins of Great Syria know that their blood
18
has never run through the veins of a coward.
19
O Great Syria! Land where Creed and dew meet!
20
Blessing of our soldiers and our homelands!
Source: created by the authors. Extracted from the multimodal piece by Abdullah Barhaa (2015)
2.1. Formula chosen for the analysis of the lexicon of musical composition
e prestigious Arabist Salvador Peña, professor at the University of Malaga and winner of the National Translation Award, was
invited to collaborate on the transcription and subsequent translation of the lyrics. Professor Peña recognised the diculties to
be overcome due to the application of an overdubbing
8
eect in the piece in combination with background noises compatible
with a scene of conict. e professor found it necessary to reduce the playback speed in order to eectively transcribe the text
of the piece (S. Peña Martín, personal communication, April 1, 2018).
2.2. ematic lters applied for a qualitative study of the lexicon
e twenty verses of the
nasheed
, hereinafter called “Fight with your sword”, were subjected to several thematic lters that
could favour contextualisation in ideological, geographical, and religious terms and concerning its position on the use of force,
as can be seen in Table 2, assigning a percentage.
8
It can be dened as “the process by which
a new sound is added to an existing recording, that is, a superimposition” (Innovasonora UCM, n.d. denition 1).
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Table 2. Subject areas considered in the lexicon
Content Type
Argument
Verses with religious content
Related to the application of the Quran
and the sunnah, however, not
necessarily linked to jihadism, although jihadist ideology can sometimes
make use of this resource to favour or endorse its own actions.
Verses with violent content
Category that allows the assessment of the degree of violence shown by the
lexicon of the
nasheed
analysed, in line with the characteristics provided by
the World Health Organization (2002: 5) in relation to the meaning of violence,
which it denes as “the deliberate use of physical force or power, whether as
a threat or real, against oneself, another person or a group or community,
that causes or has a high probability of causing injury, death, psychological
damage, developmental disorders or deprivation.”
Verses with references to Syria
Given the direct link between the
nasheed
and the propaganda apparatus of a
jihadist organisation based in Syria, it seems necessary to check whether the
geographical link of the Jabhat al Nusrah terrorist organisation also extends to
the verses of the text in the piece being analysed.
Verses that justify
religious martyrdom
is category will allow the determination of whether self-immolation is
endorsed as a representative act of jihadist activity, on the understanding that
“martyrs are a source of inspiration in Islamic culture and their images are
used in visual propaganda to inspire support for the jihad” (Brachman, et al.,
2006: 86 ).
Source: created by the authors
Evidence of whether three clearly distinctive elements of terrorist action (Table 3) are reproduced in a symbolic form was also
sought, such elements frequently being reproduced in jihadist propaganda, and are precisely the elements to which worship
is paid.
Table 3. List of symbolic grounds identied in the lexicon
Types of symbolic references
Motivation
References to combatConsidered as that violent activity that dignies the jihadist martyr.
References to blood
Blood extols terrorist activity, as it “symbolises violence, martyrdom,
sacrice, injustice, tyranny, oppression and victory in battle” (Brachman,
et al., 2006: 100).
References to deathDeath as the prelude to
djanna
or paradise.
Source: created by the authors
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2.3. Analysis of the discourse contained in the nasheed lexicon
By virtue of the multimodal vocation of this study, discourse analysis has been carried out of the poem “Fight with your sword”
(Table 1), applying what Cortés Rodríguez & Camacho Adarve (2003: 77) consider to be essential for the analyst. erefore,
“a classication that enables a taxonomy of the variations that originate in the use of pragmalinguistic mechanisms as a
consequence of social interaction” was applied. is strategy for approaching jihadist ideology opens a window to identifying
hidden keys in the symbolic construction of the message contained in a lexicon.
2.4. Symbolic analysis of the images utilised in the GIF
e piece shows a visual representation of a rose in GIF format, with dewdrops bouncing o its leaves which can be seen
thanks to the rays of light coming from the sky, within a symbolic orchestration that corresponds, according to Professor
Afshon Ostovar (2017), to the idea of an “adaptive and immersive” jihadist visual lexicon. e symbolic analysis was carried
out independently, by virtue of three symbolic elements: the rose, the rays of light and the drops of water.
Figure 1. Image capture extracted from the GIF accompanying the
nasheed
analysed
Source: A still from “Jabhat al nusra nasheed unknown title” [Video], by Abdullah Barhaa, 2015, 01m31s,
YouTube (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CUG9EOvp0Cs )
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3. Results
3.1. Dissecting the nasheed “Fight with your sword” from a lexical perspective
From a unifying vision of methodological triangulation and in application of thematic lters, the following ndings were
obtained in the lexicon of the
nasheed
“Fight with your sword” (Abdullah Barhaa, 2015).
3.2. Quantitative analysis of lexical frequencies
As shown in Figure 2, thirteen of the twenty verses of the poem (65%) contain violent content, while 55% of the verses have
religious content, in percentage terms similar to the verses that advocate martyrdom, interpreted as the immolation of the
subject for ideological reasons. In contrast, up to 30% of the verses place the narrative in the context of the Syrian War, where
the terrorist activity of the Jabhat al Nusrah organisation has been carried out from the beginning.
Figure 2. Principle thematic areas considered in the poem’s lexicon
3.2.
Quantitative analysis of lexical frequencies
As shown in Figure 2, thirteen of the twenty verses of the poem
(65%)
contain violent content,
while 55% of the verses
have
religious content, in percentage terms similar to the verses that
advocate
martyrdom, interpreted as the immolation of the subject for ideological reasons. In
contrast, up to 30% of the verses place the narrative in the context of the Syrian War, where the
terrorist activity of the Jabhat al Nusrah organi
s
ation has been carried out from the beginning.
Figure 2.
Principle
thematic areas considered in the poem's lexicon
Source: created by the authors
Figure 2 allows
a
deeper consideration of
the
poem’s
violent profile, as we later show in Figure
3, such that 61.54% of the thirteen verses
containing
explicit violence refer to acts of combat,
with evident allusions to blood as a symbolic
element
compatible with violent acts, with 30.77%
of the verses referring to that aspect. Finally, and in
a
similar proportion, 30.77% of the verses
mention death.
55%
65%
30%
55%
Verses with religious
content
Verses with violent
content
Verses with
references to Syria
Verses that justify
martyrdom
Source: created by the authors
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Figure 2 allows a deeper consideration of the poem’s violent prole, as we later show in Figure 3, such that 61.54% of the
thirteen verses containing explicit violence refer to acts of combat, with evident allusions to blood as a symbolic element
compatible with violent acts, with 30.77% of the verses referring to that aspect. Finally, and in a similar proportion, 30.77% of
the verses mention death.
Figure 3. Study of symbolic references in verses with violent content
Figure 3. Study of symbolic references in verses with violent content
Source: created by the authors
3.3.
Symbolic interpretation of the transcription of the verses
As shall be shown
below, the discourse contained in the poem “Fight with your sword”
complements the results obtained from the quantitative view of the piece analy
s
ed, brandishing
hate speech that extends throughout the entire text.
T
he initial verse (number 1) adopts the
sword as a physical concept compatible with violent act
s
, an element that, without being directly
cited in the
Quran
, is u
tili
sed to refer to
the
At-Tauba
surah
or the
Surah
of Repentance, where
it is quoted verbatim: “kill
the
pagan
s
wherever you find them” (The
Quran
, 2005, sura
h
9:5),
in a clear allusion to i
dolater
s, that is, to anyone who
strays
from the faith
or
worships other
deities foreign to Islamic monotheism and the idea of the oneness of God, a capital vector in
the Islamic religion.
T
he concept of the sword is mentioned on numerous occasions in the
Sunnah
9
,
even
relat
ed to the perception of bladed weapons as a formula for accessing the
yearned-for
paradise: “Certainly the gates of
Heaven
are under the shadow of swords” (Muslim,
2006,
hadith
4681).
The narrative of hate is again conceived indirectly in the musical composition with the recourse
to the “
Phalanx
es
of Faith” (verse 2), understood as a synonym for
a
battalion and in the form
of a messianic safe
-
conduct granted to the Jabhat al Nusrah organi
s
ation; even in an openly
hostile way in verse 4, conceptuali
s
ing the thirst for “streams of blood” that
adorns the flag of
the community of believers (verse 3), in a confrontational pos
ture
against non
-
Muslim
communities. Blood is thus clearly
ti
ed to martyrdom, as the jihadist fighter
’s commitment
to
the faith, he who does not bow
down
“even before
proof
of death
” (verse 10), even as an
eschatological
prelude to a new life, accessible after death, towards which the jihadist fighters
9
This is the “set of precepts attributed to Muhammad and the first four orthodox caliphs” (Royal Spanish Academy, n.d., definition 1).
61,54%
30,77%30,77%
0,00%
10,00%
20,00%
30,00%
40,00%
50,00%
60,00%
70,00%
References to combatReferences to bloodReferences to death
Source: created by the authors
3.3. Symbolic interpretation of the transcription of the verses
As shall be shown below, the discourse contained in the poem “Fight with your sword” complements the results obtained
from the quantitative view of the piece analysed, brandishing hate speech that extends throughout the entire text. e initial
verse (number 1) adopts the sword as a physical concept compatible with violent acts, an element that, without being directly
cited in the Quran, is utilised to refer to the
At-Tauba surah
or the
Surah
of Repentance, where it is quoted verbatim: “kill the
pagans wherever you nd them” (e Quran, 2005, surah 9:5), in a clear allusion to idolaters, that is, to anyone who strays from
the faith or worships other deities foreign to Islamic monotheism and the idea of the oneness of God, a capital vector in the
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Islamic religion. e concept of the sword is mentioned on numerous occasions in the Sunnah
9
,
even related to the perception
of bladed weapons as a formula for accessing the yearned-for paradise: “Certainly the gates of Heaven are under the shadow
of swords” (Muslim, 2006, hadith 4681).
e narrative of hate is again conceived indirectly in the musical composition with the recourse to the “Phalanxes of Faith”
(verse 2), understood as a synonym for a battalion and in the form of a messianic safe-conduct granted to the Jabhat al Nusrah
organisation; even in an openly hostile way in verse 4, conceptualising the thirst for “streams of blood” that adorns the ag
of the community of believers (verse 3), in a confrontational posture against non-Muslim communities. Blood is thus clearly
tied to martyrdom, as the jihadist ghter’s commitment to the faith, he who does not bow down “even before proof of death”
(verse 10), even as an eschatological prelude to a new life, accessible after death, towards which the jihadist ghters stride
who “overow on their mounts towards the beautiful houris”, in tune with the presence in the
djanna
10
of “virgins of paradise
promised to the believers” (Castillo, 1986: 7-8). e houris are mentioned on several occasions in the Quran, as “large-eyed
houris, like hidden pearls” (e Quran, 2005, surah 56:22-24), considered as “those of modest gaze, untouched till then by man
or genie” (e Quran 2005, surah 55:56).
Allusions to religious martyrdom are frequent throughout the poem, moving towards an apologia for killing, as emphasized in
verse number 12 when referring to “and cover the face of the earth with shrouds.” Shrouds form part of Islamic funerary rites
and are justied by the Sunnah, which establishes the need to shroud the deceased “with three cloths of white cotton […]”
(Muslim, 2006, hadith 2052), however, in an exercise of appropriation, the terrorist act is linked to religious motivation, in a
transmutation that seeks false refuge in Islam, but which in reality works in tune with the idea of strategic camouage, that is,
searching for plot lines in the Quran and the Sunnah to justify violent acts. is exercise of distorting reality is nothing new; in
fact, Abdallah Azzam, founding member of the Al Qaeda terrorist organisation, related the idea of the martyr and the use of
white shrouds in his work “Morals and Jurisprudence of the Jihad” when stating that “Muslim leaders washed Omar’s body and
formulated the prayer to the dead. He was therefore a martyr, but he achieved martyrdom without combat” (2008: 134-135).
e symbolism of certain words lowers the level of violence without avoiding it, an evident clue in verse number 19: “O Great
Syria! Land where Creed and dew meet!” e dew intentionally alludes to the purity of water, which is inextricably linked to
Heaven itself (Castillo, 2013). e notion of dew appears in a veried apocalyptic-type hadith, in which a detailed description
of the arrival of
Dajjal
(the devil or antichrist) is favoured, since “Allah will send [make descend] a rain, which will be like dew
or shadow, and will make the bodies of the people rise up (from the earth like plants)” (Muslim, 2006, hadith 7023).
e territorial issue that the poem resolves does not derive from a strictly geographical factor, as the spiritual plane must
necessarily be present. is reasoning appears well focused in verse number 5 when mentioning “Great Syria,” understood as
a historical-cultural space known as Bilad al Sham that would encompass the territories of Palestine, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria
and Israel; however, the term
Sham
in this poem designates a religious vision, imbued with the desire to form a single Islamic
9
is is the “set of precepts attributed to Muhammad and the first four orthodox caliphs” (Royal Spanish Academy, n.d., definition 1).
10
As Luz Gómez García (2009) points out,
djanna
or
yanna
is one of the names given in the Quran
for paradise, a term that, according to this Arabist, can be
translated as garden. Paradise, as the same author puts it, is “the place where the souls of true believers must rest after the Day of Judgement” (2009: 263).
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nation under the idea of
ummah
11
or community of believers. e Sunnah compresses this idea of land in the following way:
“Ibn ‘Umar tells us that the Prophet (PBUH) said: Oh God! Bless us in Shâm (the ‘Great Syria’) and in Yemen” (Al-Bukhari, 2003,
hadith 559). ese are undoubtedly terms that coincide with the desire expressed by Al Qaeda to form an Islamic Caliphate
in the region that would have Al Quds (Jerusalem) as the capital of the entire territory, never forgetting that Masjid Al Aqsa,
the so-called “Farthest Mosque”, is to be found there. is was evident in 2012, with a statement disseminated in the name
of the deceased terrorist leader Ayman Al Zawahiri, who proclaimed the need to recover Al Quds as a medium- and long-
term strategy to impose the Caliphate throughout the Middle East (Al-Zawahiri, 2012). is would include the recovery of the
Golan Heights, occupied by Israel and expressly mentioned in Al-Zawahiri’s statement (2012)
12
, but also in the rst verse of
the musical composition examined herein, so that the consumer of this kind of content is directly exhorted to the practice,
promotion or dissemination of violent action against the representatives of the Syrian regime, who are accused of having
lost the Golan to the Israelis. Neither is it a coincidence that the founder of Jabhat al Nusrah, Abu Mohammed Al Jowlani,
apparently came from that region, as his own alias suggests.
Such targeting of the Syrian dictatorship does not avoid another truth intrinsically linked to jihadist ideology: the Assad regime
belongs to a minority and esoteric branch of Shiism called the Alawite sect, although they are also known as
Nusayris
. Being a
sect, Sunni fundamentalism, especially the
takr
current, considers that they must be fought (Rolland, 2003) in the same way
that the need to raise the ag of vengeance of the community of believers “that thirsts so much for streams of blood” (verse 4)
is given form in the poem’s discourse. is idea of territorial cohesion faces o against the onslaught of non-Muslims, relegated
to forced conversion, in a form of a squaring of a narrative of hate that seeks to endorse violent acts, under the premise of
theological authorization, not only against non-Muslims, but also against Muslims who have strayed from the path marked by
the Quran and the Sunnah.
e text of the composition does not uncouple its propagandistic vocation from terrorist action, attributing responsibility
to the Jabhat al Nusrah jihadist organisation for moving towards the will of God:
“
By Divinity the al-Nusra front is raised
”
(verse 9). An al-Nusra front that ends up being anointed with a form of theological authorization, a license to act that works
in harmony with the sunnah, as is clearly highlighted in verse 7: “and a white minaret whose sprouting we have brought to
pass.” is white minaret refers directly to the defunct media apparatus of the Jabhat al Nusrah terrorist organisation, an entity
known at the time as Al Manarah al Bayda -which translates as white minaret-, which in turn coincides with an apocalyptic
hadith which cites the east minaret of the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus, known, not by chance, as the “Minaret of Jesus”
(Zelin, 2012). at hadith states that “Allah will send the Messiah, son of Mary, who will descend on the white minaret to the
east of Damascus” (Muslim, 2006, hadith 7015).
11
e umma denes the entire Muslim collective or community of believers, reinforcing the concept of a single Islamic nation, although, as Luz Gómez García
(2009: 336) says, “the umma was also a legal reality from very early on,” which shows, according to this author, that “it is a concept with multiple nuances” (2009:
336).
12
e available link has been removed due to the type of content that promotes violent acts.
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3.4. Symbolic analysis of a GIF linked to the nasheed “Fight with your sword”
As can be seen in Figure 1, there are three visual elements that dene the symbolic construction of the dynamic GIF utilised in
the composing of the multimedia piece, namely: a rose, rays of light and drops of water.
3.4.1. The rose
e rose, as a visual motif, has been used suggestively in jihadist propaganda as a synonym for martyrdom (El Difraoui, 2013),
brandishing this gure as a depiction of the sacrice of Muslim ghters in defence of religion (Brachman, et al., 2006). In
Muslim eschatology, the concept of sacrice is coupled with the longed-for ascension into paradise, with the rose, as part of
the ora, helping to complement the Islamic gardens, the existence of which is often equated to Eden in the Quran (Castillo,
2013), although this symbolic resource comes from literary uses of the pre-Islamic period (El Difraoui, 2013), readapted for the
construction of a discourse that arms violent acts in defence of a religious grouping.
3.4.2. Rays of light
Light embodies divinity, as the Holy Book itself states: “It is He who made of the sun brightness and of the moon light […]” (e
Quran, 2005, surah 10:5). e beams of light personify the presence of God as the creator of natural settings: “God is the light of
the heavens and of the earth. His light is like an alcove with a burning wick in it” (e Quran, 2005, surah 24:35). e recourse
to the divine allows for the granting of a supposed halo of divine legitimacy to the actions themselves, acts structured through
propaganda, in a visual magnetism that symbolises the conuence between the need to perform violence and the virtue of
obtaining divine blessing.
3.4.3. Drops of water
e water drops are visually identied as pure water, or as a form of
mutlaq
or condensed water vapor, taking water as
something synonymous with purity and life: “God has sent down water from the heavens, giving life to the earth after its death.
Verily, there is here a sign for those who would listen” (e Quran, 2005, surah 16: 65), corresponding to the presence of water
in heaven itself. e purity of the water hints at the idea of the mission entrusted being part of the designs of Allah, and in
some way the ascending sense of water droplets as dew draws a vivid synchronicity with the light emanating from heaven. It is
conceived as a spiritual syncretism that aims to transport the consumer of the musical composition to a state of divine grace,
but symbolically it exercises a function of apologia for terrorist activity, overlapping the perception of paradise with the value
of the reward received.
4. Discussion
is formula could instrumentalise what Pieri & Grosholz (2023) underline as music’s intrinsic ability to appeal to the senses
in a far more decisive way than a mere ideological text, deepening, unlike other types of propaganda, the formal serenity of
its multimodal formulations. ese latter would have allowed this type of content, as Henrik Gratrud (2016) argues, to survive
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over time on social media, even becoming a very popular product, as Gratrud himself insists (2016). is nuance would act as
an escape valve that would act as a formula for ideological camouage using the vector of religion.
e piece analysed made intensive use of violent symbolic elements, with numerous references to blood, combat or death, and
yet the amiable image of a rose managed to prevent the ltering algorithm applied by YouTube from performing its function of
restricting content, allowing it, as was veried in the URL analysed, to remain on the platform for over a year, as shown in the
research by Anonymised
.
is
proposal coincides with the approach of Brachman, et al. (2006) concerning the construction of
a propagandistic discourse employing religious and gurative elements, which in this case serve as camouage to help evade
the operator’s restrictions. Although the piece analysed was eventually blocked by the operator’s algorithm, it is no less true
that it showed an easily-transited path for other
produsers
not necessarily related to jihadist ideology.
5. Conclusions
e research contained in this paper conrms that jihadist propaganda can turn to the
nasheed
subgenre relatively eectively
to disguise hate speech, since, as has been shown, it is possible to use music to mask certain content that promotes exclusionary
narratives, without the algorithm necessarily detecting the multimodal synchrony of the content of the poem embedded in the
nasheed
and the dynamic image that accompanies the audio.
In short, hate speech nds a relatively easy channel to counteract an operator’s bespoke restrictive policies for avoiding violent
content. us, this article sheds light on how certain musical content ascribed to any extremist ideology –not necessarily to
jihadism– can secretly spew hate speech on social media.
6. Acknowledgements
e authors wish to thank Brian O’Halloran for the English translation of this paper.
Funding sources: this publication has been made possible thanks to the nancial support of the VI Call for research grants
from Camilo José Cela University, within the framework of the INTERACTION 3.0 Project, for the period 2022 - 2024.
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7. Specic contributions of each author
Name and surname
Conception and design of the work
Francisco Trujillo-Fernández, Jorge Gallardo-Camacho and
Ana Jorge Alonso
Methodology
Francisco Trujillo-Fernández, Jorge Gallardo-Camacho and
Ana Jorge Alonso
Data collection and analysisFrancisco Trujillo-Fernández
Discussion and conclusions
Francisco Trujillo-Fernández, Jorge Gallardo-Camacho and
Ana Jorge Alonso
Drafting, formatting, version review and approvalFrancisco Trujillo-Fernández and Jorge Gallardo-Camacho
8. Conict of interest
e authors declare that there is no conict of interest contained in this article.
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