Electoral trends and strategies on Instagram: evolution and analysis of
political communication in the 2023 Community of Madrid elections
Tendencias y estrategias electoralistas en Instagram: evolución y análisis de la
comunicación política en las elecciones de la Comunidad de Madrid 2023
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nº 41, pp. 143-170
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July-December of 2025
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
How to cite this article:
Moreno-Díaz, J. (2025). Electoral trends and strategies on Instagram: evolution and analysis of political communication in the 2023
Community of Madrid elections.
Doxa Comunicación
, 41, pp. 143-170.
https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n41a2547
Julio Moreno-Díaz.
PhD in Audiovisual Communication from Universidad Rey Juan Carlos (URJC). Associate Professor
in the Department of Audiovisual Communication and Advertising at the Faculty of Communication Sciences of
the same university. He coordinates and teaches the course
Audiovisual Production: Television
in the Audiovisual
Communication Bachelor’s program. His professional experience includes key roles such as production coordinator and
head of production, as well as director in high-prole institutions such as the Spanish Senate and the Madrid Assembly.
His research focuses on three main areas: the audiovisual production of television content, institutional production,
and the dissemination of political communication through social media. He has been an active participant in several
nationally competitive research projects within the State Plan for Scientic and Technical Research and Innovation,
funded by the Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness. He has also collaborated with various companies and entities
in the communication sector in the development of research work and experimental projects. e publication of articles
in high-impact scientic journals, along with the presentation of papers at national and international conferences, has
earned him the recognition of a six-year research.
Universidad Rey Juan Carlos, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0002-5165-9310
is content is published under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License. International License CC BY-NC 4.0
Recibido: 22/04/2024 - Aceptado: 24/09/2024 - En edición: 22/10/2024 - Publicado: 01/07/2025
Resumen:
Esta investigación examina el empleo estratégico de Instagram como me
-
dio de comunicación electoral entre los candidatos a la presidencia de la
Comunidad de Madrid en 2023, tomando como referencia la convoca
-
toria de 2021. Para este estudio, se han considerado los perles ociales
de Isabel Díaz Ayuso (Partido Popular), Mónica García (Más Madrid),
Juan Lobato (Partido Socialista), Rocío Monasterio (Vox) y Alejandra
Jacinto (Unidas Podemos). El análisis relaciona las publicaciones de los
aspirantes con los temas abordados en los programas electorales, pro
-
porcionando una perspectiva de las dinámicas emergentes y tendencias
Received: 22/04/2024 - Accepted: 24/09/2024 - Early access: 22/10/2024 - Published: 01/07/2025
Abstract
:
is research examines the strategic use of Instagram as a means of
electoral dissemination among the candidates for the presidency of
the Community of Madrid in 2023, taking the 2021 electoral call as a
reference point. For this study, the ocial proles of Isabel Díaz Ayuso
(People’s Party), Mónica García (Más Madrid), Juan Lobato (Socialist
Party), Rocío Monasterio (Vox) and Alejandra Jacinto (Unidas
Podemos) have been considered. e analysis relates the candidates’
posts on the topics addressed in the electoral programs, providing a
perspective on the emerging dynamics and communication trends
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1. Introduction
Social media has transformed political dynamics in the digital age (Norris, 2000). Its consolidation as a communication and
mobilization tool is closely linked to its strategic action in the generation of content and user interaction (Chaves-Montero,
Gadea-Aiello y Aguadez-Gómez, 2017). Its inuence on the media agenda and on the construction of the candidate’s identity
(McCombs, 2005) redenes its propagandistic use (Orantes Rivera, 2021), making it an essential facilitator during election
campaigns. is symbiosis shapes voter practices and modies the traditional conguration of public opinion (Alonso
González, 2016) in the face of emerging challenges in a eld marked by its transformational impact (Casero-Ripollés, 2018).
Although the use of social media responds to a natural evolution as a means of communication (Abejón-Mendoza, Sastre Asensio
and Linares-Rodríguez, 2012), its participatory and mobilizing nature as a source of information (Orihuela, 2011) motivates a
proactive commitment by leaders in their approach to users (Conde del Río, Pullaguari-Zaruma and Prada-Espinel, 2019).
In this sense, discourse is integrated into the mediatization and
spectacularization
of political debate (Campos-Domínguez,
2017; Casero-Ripollés, Ortells-Badenes and Rosique Cedillo, 2014), becoming the central core of planned strategies. Values
such as ease in message dissemination, immediate accessibility and feedback (Maarek, 2014) encourage the presence of a
voter increasingly familiar with the communicative interaction of platforms (Ayala, 2014).
is evolution is clearly evident since, in 2023, 85% of users, in an age range between 16 and 65, actively participate on social
media (IAB España, 2023). is phenomenon, marked by generalized exponential growth, reveals that 76% of the sample
logs on every day. Specically, Instagram stands out as the network that has experienced the highest growth in recent years
(e Social Media Family, 2023), and has also strengthened its position as an inuential medium in the eld of political
marketing (Jordán-Vaca, Ballesteros-López, Guerrero-Velástegui and Zúñiga-Rodríguez, 2019). In addition, its audiovisual
capacity for the creation, editing and dissemination of its posts has signicantly transformed the use of social networks (Tirao-
García and Doménech-Fabregat, 2021). Apart from the correlation with X or Facebook, recognized as media with a strong
comunicativas en la plataforma. La metodología se fundamenta en un
enfoque cualitativo respaldado por el análisis de contenido, con una
muestra de 862 publicaciones de las cuentas públicas de los candidatos
durante la precampaña y campaña de 2021 y 2023. La representación
del líder en el contexto político y el equilibrio entre la argumentación
programática y de campaña son hallazgos signicativos. Se subraya la
adaptabilidad de las estrategias a cada candidato y su audiencia, aun
-
que esta variabilidad indica una falta de evolución desde la convoca
-
toria anterior. La investigación enfatiza la importancia de comprender
la efectividad comunicativa en el entorno digital y sugiere mejoras en la
optimización de Instagram para futuras campañas.
Palabras clave:
Instagram; redes sociales; elecciones; comunicación política; estrategia
electoral.
on the platform. e methodology is based on a qualitative approach
supported by content analysis, with a sample of 862 posts from the
candidates’ public accounts during the 2021 and 2023 pre-campaign
and electoral campaign. e representation of the leader in the political
context and the balance between programmatic and campaign
argumentation stand out as signicant ndings. e adaptability of the
strategies to each candidate and their audience is highlighted, although
this variability indicates a lack of evolution since the previous call. e
research emphasizes the importance of understanding communicative
eectiveness in the digital environment and suggests improvements in
Instagram optimization for future election campaigns.
Keywords:
Instagram; social networks; elections; political communication;
electoral strategy.
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relationship between leaders and voters (Campos-Domínguez, 2017), Instagram facilitates a dynamic exchange of audiovisual
resources whose narrative emerges as an identity tool (Selva-Ruiz and Caro-Castaño, 2017). is language, forged in a process
of mediatization where the fusion of visual and informative elements determines the relationship with the user (Slimovich,
2019), redenes connectivity and bidirectional engagement between the parties involved (Túñez López and Sixto García,
2011), which proves to be very useful in the construction of political leadership, the
celebrication
of the candidate and the
application of propaganda strategies (Quevedo-Redondo and Portalés-Oliva, 2017; Oliva, Pérez-Latorre and Besalú, 2015). In
this way, Instagram has become an object of research that has been explored in numerous analyses.
In line with other studies on the various dimensions of the social network, scientic research focused on election campaigns
has gained special importance in the last decade. e need to understand the impact of Instagram on political perception
enables detailed analysis of its narrative and the consequent propagandistic representation of candidates (Quevedo-Redondo
and Portalés-Oliva, 2017; Selva-Ruiz and Caro-Castaño, 2017; Marcos-García and Alonso-Muñoz, 2017). ese studies
highlight the importance of obtaining popular support through strategies that humanize the leader by integrating the political
framework with the private one.
In addition, these lines of research, based on previous studies on other platforms such as Facebook or Twitter (Izquierdo
Label, 2012; Piñeiro-Otero and Martínez-Rolán, 2013; Ruiz-del-Olmo and Bustos-Díaz, 2016; López-Rabadan, López-Meri
and Doménech-Fabregat, 2016) coincide with the growing demand and expansion of Instagram (Gil-Torres, Tapia-Cuesta and
San-José-de-la-Rosa, 2021). is trend, recognized by political representatives despite the initial disinterest (Selva-Ruiz and
Caro-Castaño, 2017; Pineda, Barragán-Romero and Bellido-Pérez, 2020), now places the emerging candidates as protagonists
in the analysis of the construction of their leaderships. e promotion of private aspects and their link to the party’s ideology
are the central focus of their posts (Verón Lassa and Pallarés Navarro, 2018; Sampietro and Sánchez-Castillo, 2020; Aladro Vico
and Requeijo Rey, 2020).
In parallel, other studies exploring strategies within the regional or autonomous context are encouraged. is approach is
not only limited to election periods, but also extends to other events, such as the Catalan independence movement (López-
Rabadán and Doménech-Fabregat, 2018; Cartes Barroso, 2018), which strengthens the intrinsic connection between Instagram
and political news. is link, which consolidates the normalization of political use of the social network (López-Rabadán
and Doménech-Fabregat, 2019), transcends the need to explore the denition of a communicative style among candidates
by incorporating the search for potential audiences as an essential component of research. is is the case in the elections
for the Regional Government of Andalusia in 2018, when Vox focused all its strategies on the mobilization of younger voters
(Carrasco-Polaino, Sánchez de la-Nieta-Hernández and Treles-Villanueva, 2020). is pragmatic approach is equally evident
in Galicia, where the BNG, taking control of the digital environment characteristic of new politics, implements strategies based
on eciency and practicality to approach new voter proles (Rivas-de-Roca, 2021). In this reality, candidates for the presidency
of Castilla-León show a deliberate adaptation in the typology of their posts, expressing greater interest in the political agenda
to the detriment of the private sphere (Moreno-Cabanillas and Castilero-Ostio, 2023). ese dynamics, congured by the use
of visual resources and participation tools, also have a signicant impact on the way they are received. is is demonstrated
in the Valencian Community, where opposition supporters express greater support for content that presents more critical
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positions compared to government supporters who prefer content that highlights the success of its management (García,
Viounniko-Benet y Casero Ripollés, 2020).
Academic research has recently focused on the consolidation of political movements that exhibit traits of contemporary populism.
e incursion of the far-right Vox party and the analysis of its impact on public perception through mobilization, political attack
and delegitimization (Castro Martínez and Díaz Morilla, 2021; López-Rabadán and Doménech-Fabregat, 2021; Álvarez-Benavides
and Jiménez Aguilar, 2021; Bernárdez-Robal, Requeijo Rey and Franco, 2022) identify specic features in the use of Instagram.
e interaction implemented by the dynamism of the image (Tirado-García and Doménech-Fabregat, 2021), the avoidance of
the dissemination of programmatic proposals in favour of propaganda (Lava Santos, 2023) and a persuasive discourse that urges
immediate action against the government through insult and emotionality (Prestigiacomo, 2023) are part of their main strategies.
Along these lines, studies focusing on other leadership styles delve deeper into the narrative of humanization. ey highlight
the engagement and protection of admirers (Caro-Castaño, Marín-Dueñas and García-Osorio, 2024) and the deliberate use of
spontaneity in favour of naturalness and closeness (Plazas-Olmedo and López-Rabadán, 2023) as the current trend on social
networks.
Within this framework, the study of the elections for the presidency of the Community of Madrid, and the relationship between
the last two elections, constitute the beginning and focus of analysis of this research and, specically, the posts made by the
candidates on the social network Instagram. erefore, the ocial proles included for this analysis are as follows: Isabel Díaz
Ayuso (People’s Party), Mónica García (Más Madrid), Juan Lobato (Socialist Party), Rocío Monasterio (Vox) and Alejandra Jacinto
(Unidas Podemos). e consideration of the Madrid elections as a central scenario is justied by several distinguishing variables:
the national political confrontation, the fragmentation of leftist party brands, and the identity-driven growth of the far right. e
strong opposition of all candidates to the acting president, Isabel Díaz Ayuso, along with her confrontations with both other
parties and Pedro Sánchez, the Prime Minister, allows us to understand these elections as a prelude to the general elections
scheduled for the same year, and as part of the strategies of leaders aspiring to the Moncloa. Furthermore, the diversication of
leftist forces, striving for a
sorpasso
to lead the bloc, is in constant debate with the far right, which aims to play a decisive role in
the formation of government, thereby establishing the ideological diversity of the campaign. In this regard, Instagram is viewed
as a signicant medium for inuencing the construction and dissemination of political messages and perceptions.
Consequently, to understand the various ways Instagram is utilized, several key elements are examined. ese include the
format of the posts, the staging context and the role played by the candidate. In addition, the nature of the posts is assessed. In
this context, special attention is paid to the various electoral topics associated with the programme proposals, regarded as an
additional contribution to the study of this platform. e conclusions seek to expand previous research in this eld.
1.1. Objectives and hypotheses
e main objective of this study is to examine the posts of candidates for the presidency of the Community of Madrid in 2023
on the Instagram social network. At the same time, the aim is to conduct a comparative analysis, within the framework of the
previous autonomous community election, as a continuation of the previous research carried out in 2021. In this way, the aim
is not only to understand the political communication actions surrounding the party’s programme lines but also to discern the
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variations between these two electoral periods as part of the
celebrication
or media image of the leader within the context of
their political strategy.
In addition, the following complementary objectives are proposed:
a)
To examine the use of the digital platform in the election phases through the ocial proles managed by the candidates
in a specic way.
b)
To determine the structural elements of the posts with the aim of identifying the representation of the Madrid policy.
c)
To learn about the propagandistic arguments present in the posts, as well as their development and evolution within
the context of the political strategy between elections.
d)
To analyse the themes addressed in the electoral programmes and their correlation with the discourse shaping the
candidate’s posts.
As a general hypothesis, it is proposed that candidates enhance Instagram’s capacity as an eective communication channel
for disseminating their political action plans, transcending its mere function of promoting the leader’s personal image.
Consequently, this study is based on the premise that the platform strategically consolidates itself as a relevant medium within
the context of electoral processes across dierent elections.
a)
e research also proposes the following complementary hypotheses:
b)
e inclusion of the programmatic topics of the posts is a common feature across all political parties and is understood
as part of the campaign strategy.
c)
e thematic argumentative presentation of the posts requires a close connection with the candidate’s persona.
d)
Political leaders prefer to share more professional images rather than personal ones to provide a more accurate context
for their political action and management plans.
2. Methodology
e study proposes a methodology grounded in content analysis supported by a qualitative approach. erefore, references
are maintained to previous research by Quevedo-Redondo and Portalés-Oliva (2017) and Selva-Ruiz and Caro-Castaño
(2017), alongside the study of more recent works such as Pineda, Barragán-Romero and Bellido-Pérez (2020), Aladro Vico and
Requeijo Rey (2020), and López-Rabadán and Doménech-Fabregat (2021).
e dataset consists of a total of 862 Instagram feed
posts. It includes 485 recent posts, as well as 377 from the 2021 election.
is sample contains images and videos, accompanied by their respective textual explanations. is study excludes
stories
due to their ephemeral nature and more informal character, thereby focusing the research on programmatic communication
strategies within a more structured and enduring context. In addition, their omission allows the sample to be consistent. is
facilitates comparison between posts and allows for a more accurate assessment in an interaction space that remains visible
and accessible to users over time.
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Following a methodology similar to that used in the previous elections, the political leaders analysed belong to groups with
parliamentary representation in the previous legislature. erefore, this new study does not contemplate the spokesperson
for Ciudadanos, a party without seats in the Assembly. Similarly, the analysis order is established according to the number
of votes obtained. Two new candidates are also included following the replacement of Ángel Gabilondo (Socialist Party) and
Pablo Iglesias (Unidas Podemos). e political leaders analysed are as follows: Isabel Díaz Ayuso (@isabeldiazayuso) of the
People’s Party, Mónica García (@monicagrarciag_) of Más Madrid, Juan Lobato (@juanlobato_es) of the Socialist Party, Rocío
Monasterio (@rociomonateriovox) of Vox and Alejandra Jacinto (@alejandrajacintouranga) of Unidas Podemos.
With the aim of linking the use of Instagram to the dissemination of the parties’ ideological proposals, the decision was made to
select the time frame that includes the publication of electoral programmes, the pre-campaign, and the electoral campaign. is
period, which runs from 10 April to 27 May 2023, also coincides with the ocial announcement of candidates and their progressive
posts and interactions on Instagram. is election was held two years after the early election call in 2021, in accordance with
Madrid’s legislation.
Moreover, following their publication on each party’s website, the various electoral programmes are examined. is analysis
provides a comprehensive view of the dierent electoral approaches from a partisan perspective. is statement of intent is
seen as the foundational argument that guides political action and, consequently, the type of participation each leader engages
in on the social network. rough this evaluation, a more detailed understanding is gained of the total number of proposals
and their relation to specic thematic areas, grouped into dierent categories:
Social
Policy
,
Healthcare
,
Culture
,
Education
,
Economy
,
Housing
,
Justice
,
Environment
,
Administration
,
Transport
and
Democracy
. ese themes have been dened using an
inductive approach based on content analysis, inspired by the generic classication of administrative activity at the State and
Autonomous Community of Madrid levels, encompassing the relevant ministries and departments. is ensures a systematic
and comprehensible structure of the topics addressed. is organisation allows for synthesizing the observed variability
between the dierent programmes, both in terms of scope and structure, in order to simplify the thematic linkage of the posts.
In addition to contextualizing the thematic proposals and the number of
posts, this research presents the analysis of other
essential aspects that, inherently, respond to the perception of the candidate’s political representation on Instagram (Lalancette
and Raynaud, 2019). ese characteristics are evaluated using a series of variables based on the categorization proposed by
Quevedo-Redondo and Portalés-Oliva (2017) and Vico and Requeijo Rey (2020). e coding template, designed in accordance
with the guidelines established for the 2021 electoral study, encompasses multiple aspects related to the political identity of
the posts. ese variables are related to the
content typology
, distinguishing between photographs and audiovisual material, as
well as their formal characteristics, expressed either as a sequential carousel or a standard non-sequential format. In addition,
other elements are considered such as the context or
scenario of the post
(political, public or private), the
prominence of the
candidate
(individual, with leaders, etc.) and the nature of the
propagandistic messaging
. is variable is subdivided into the
party’s programmatic orientation and its relationship with the thematic categories of the electoral programme; mentions of
the political rival; and the personalistic aspect, which focuses on the candidate’s signicance beyond their image as a leader.
Additionally, in this election, a new category has been introduced related to the generic promotion of the campaign, which
encompasses the overall dissemination of the candidate and/or party in relation to the identity and brand image of the region.
is category does not focus on specic policies or programmatic thematic areas, but aims to foster a greater understanding
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and appreciation of both the Community and its population. e
Other
category related to posts that do not conform to a
specic denition within the aforementioned categories is also included. e detailed description of these variables is
presented in Table 1.
Table 1. Description of the study variables
ANALYSIS OF THE MATERIAL POSTE
D
VariablesCategories
Type of content/post
•
Photo:
o
Carousel (sequence of images).
o
Standard (non-sequential image).
•
Audiovisual material:
o
Carousel (video sequence).
o
Standard (non-sequential video).
o
Media (appearance in the media).
Scenario and context
•
Political (candidate as a politician: participation in party events, political
speeches, press conferences).
•
Public (candidate as celebrity: participation in public places, interaction
with citizens).
•
Private (candidate as person: in a family or private setting).
Prominence of the candidate
•
Exclusive/alone.
•
Candidate with leaders.
•
Candidate with citizens.
•
Candidate with leaders and citizens.
•
Candidate with sympathizers.
Propagandistic messagin
g
•
Topics of the electoral programme:
o
Social Policy
o
Healthcare
o
Culture
o
Education
o
Economy
o
Housing
o
Justice
o
Environment
o
Administration
o
Transport
o
Democracy
•
Political rival (mention or allusion to the rival).
•
Personality (character).
•
Promotion of image/campaign.
•
Other.
Source: author’s own creation
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In the context of this research, the overall number of followers of each candidate at the end of the campaign has also been
considered: Isabel Díaz Ayuso (570,126), Mónica García (195,132), Rocío Monasterio (72,445), Juan Lobato (11,104) and
Alejandra Jacinto (9,207), along with user interactions, specically quantied through
likes
. ese data aim to identify the
presumed interest that users express towards a specic propagandistic thematic line and to determine whether this interest
can inuence the eectiveness of the communication strategy employed by the candidates in their posts.
3. Findings
3.1. ematic structuring of electoral programmes
In line with the previous election, all political parties have structured their electoral programmes according to a careful
thematic organisation. ese programmes are characterized by their broad argumentative scope, as well as their carefully
curated and protected party image. Once again, it is noted that the only exception to this norm is the Vox party, which presents
a synthesis of ten generic measures. However, despite their conciseness, these measures align with the themes addressed
by the other groups, which also include summarized versions of their programmes that provide a comprehensive overview.
Nevertheless, this does not exempt them from a detailed analysis of their proposals and institutional identity.
e thematic axes are presented in Chart 1, which illustrates the percentages of each argumentative line in relation to the total
set of proposals put forward. is chart shows 12 key axes that have been meticulously organized and categorized following the
appropriate comparative analysis. In this electoral call, a more detailed subdivision of these axes is observed, incorporating
new appendices such as
International Solidarity
,
Democratic Memory
,
Loneliness
and
Work-life Balance
, among others. is
distinction is particularly noticeable in leftist parties and those that have presented a greater number of electoral promises.
Within this context, the terminology and subdivisions used have once again been consolidated to maintain thematic coherence.
For example, the area of
Social Policy
encompasses a set of measures based on shared conceptual foundations, such as Equality,
Immigration and Interculturality, Coexistence, Family, Feminism, LGTBI, Childhood, Youth, Ageing and Disability.
Housing
covers issues related to Urban Planning, Land Planning, Urban Agenda and Rural Environment. Similarly, the
Economy
area
refers to aspects related to Employment and Consumer Aairs, and
Culture
relates to Tourism and Sports. In the context of
the
Environment
, topics related to Biodiversity, Agriculture, Sustainability and Ecological and Energy Transition, as well as
Climate Emergency, are grouped together. Additionally, the category of
Democracy
has been assigned in response to the
related interest in Democratic Memory and National Sovereignty.
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Chart 1. Topics discussed in the dierent electoral programmes in 2021 and 2023
Source: author’s own creation based on data from the political parties
e data once again reveal that
Social Policy
(29%) and
Healthcare
(19%) are the two thematic axes that receive the most
attention in the 2023 electoral programmes, similar to the trends observed in the previous elections. In third place,
Education
(10%) holds a prominent position, just as the
Environment
(13%) did in 2021. On the other hand,
Administration
(2%) and
Democracy
(2%) occupy the last positions, receiving less focus from the parties. e other topics are grouped into a range of 8
to 3%. Moreover, the prominence of social measures, linked to the diversity of topics and their collective nature, continues to
shape the central strategy for both electoral calls. Similarly,
Healthcare
, in second place, also has a community-oriented aspect
that complements the social focus of the overall political ideals.
In terms of the number of specic proposals per electoral programme, the Más Madrid group leads the list, followed by the
Socialist Party, thereby displacing Unidas Podemos, which held this position in the 2021 elections, to third place. Subsequently,
the People’s Party and Vox hold their positions. According to the data, all parties focus their interest on
Social Policy
, except
United Podemos, with a preference for the
Environment
. is was not the case in 2021 when the People’s Party and Vox
prioritized
Education and Housing
rather than
Social Policy
, which was preferred by the other parties.
Regarding the second thematic axis of 2023, Más Madrid and the People’s Party align on
Healthcare
, although it is noteworthy
that the party led by Mónica García presents nearly ve times the number of proposals compared to those of Isabel Díaz Ayuso.
Meanwhile, the Socialist Party has chosen to prioritize the
Economy
this time, as has Vox. For Unidas Podemos, their second
focus is on measures related to
Social Policy.
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Democracy
, which was a key focus for Unidas Podemos in 2021 and held a prominent place in both the electoral programmes
and the campaign, has been largely overlooked by the other parties. In 2023, it remains of little interest to the People’s Party
and Vox, although the Socialist Party has included a greater number of proposals compared to the previous electoral call.
Nevertheless,
Democracy
, along with
Administration
and
Justice
, are the three axes that receive the least attention overall,
with
Madrid
being mentioned without any specic details. Additionally, the absence of initiatives in
Mobility
,
Culture
, and
Education
from Vox is also noted.
Chart 2. ematic axes of the electoral programs by party in 2023
Source: author’s own creation based on data from the political parties
In terms of ideological orientation, the data obtained reveal a signicant change compared to the previous elections. While
in 2021 there was a clear distinction between the thematic axes of the left- and right-wing parties, in 2023 there is a notable
alignment between Más Madrid and the People’s Party, which are seen as representatives of the two main ideological trends
in the Madrid Assembly, both enjoying substantial public support. Consequently,
Social Policy
,
Healthcare
, and
Culture
are
their three priority areas, regardless of the total number of proposals presented. e other topics show a similar classication
between both parties.
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| 153
3.2. Exposure and practice on Instagram
e third chart shows that the candidate who uses the social network most is Juan Lobato, the Socialist Party representative.
He is followed in this trend by Unidas Podemos, with Alejandra Jacinto. ese gures are similar to the 2021 election, when
Ángel Gabilondo and Pablo Iglesias were aspiring to the presidency (respectively). Overall, the candidates’ activity in 2023 is
consistent, although a substantial increase is noticeable during the pre-campaign period.
Chart 3. Candidate activity on Instagram in 2023
Consequently,
Social Policy
,
Healthcare
, and
Culture
are their three priority areas,
regardless of the total number of proposals presented. The other topics show a similar
classification between both parties.
3.2.
Exposure and practice on Instagram
The third chart shows that the candidate who uses the social network most is Juan Lobato,
the Socialist Party representative. He is followed in this trend by Unidas Podemos, with
Alejandra Jacinto. These figures are similar to the 2021 election, when Ángel Gabilondo
and Pablo Iglesias were aspiring to the presidency (respectively). Overall, the candidates'
activity in 2023 is consistent, although a substantial increase is noticeable during the pre
-
campaign period.
Chart 3. Candidate activity on Instagram in 2023
Source: author's own creation based on data from Instagram
In terms of ideological affiliation, left
-
wing parties have increased their activity compared
to the previous electoral call. Meanwhile, right
-
wing parties either maintain or even
reduce their engagement, as is the case with Díaz Ayuso from the People's Party, who
made few posts throughout the campaign.
Figure 1. Instagram post on the profile of Díaz Ayuso (PP)
Source: Instagram (@isabeldiazayuso / People's Party)
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ϮϬ
ϰϬ
ϲϬ
ϴϬ
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ϭϲϬ
ϭϴϬ
/͘ &1$) $zh^K
;WWͿ
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;D%^ D$&Z/&Ϳ
:͘ >K!$dK
;W^K(Ϳ
Z͘ DKE$^d(Z/K
;sKyͿ
$͘ :$"/EdK
;hE/&$^
WK&(DK^Ϳ
"$E&/&$d( ;W$ZdzͿ
Source: author’s own creation based on data from Instagram
In terms of ideological aliation, left-wing parties have increased their activity compared to the previous electoral call.
Meanwhile, right-wing parties either maintain or even reduce their engagement, as is the case with Díaz Ayuso from the
People’s Party, who made few posts throughout the campaign.
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Figure 1. Instagram post on the prole of Díaz Ayuso (PP)
Gráfico
3. Actividad de los candidatos en Instagram en 2023
Fuente: elaboración propia según datos de Instagram
E
n cuanto a afiliación
ideológica
, los partidos de izquierda incrementan su actividad en
comparación con la convocatoria
anterior
.
Mientras
, los partidos de derecha mantienen
o,
incluso,
disminuyen
su interés, como es el caso de Díaz Ayuso del Partido Popular
,
con
escasas
publicaciones
durante
toda
la campaña.
Figura 1. Publicación en el perfil de Díaz Ayuso (PP) en Instagram
Fuente: Instagram (@isabeldiazayuso / Partido Popular)
En lo
referente
al análisis integral de todos los candidatos, el tipo de contenido que
prevalece es el
vídeo estándar
,
que representa un 39% del total. Este formato, que
ocupaba la tercera posición en 2021, ha experimentado un aumento significativo. Le sigue
en importancia la secuencia de
fotografías en carrusel
, con un 36%, y las
fotografías
estándar no secuenciales
, con un 19%. Los vídeos de candidatos
en medios de
comunicación
constituyen un 6% de la totalidad, mientras que los
vídeos en formato
carrusel
no obtienen ningún resultado.
En contraste con la convocatoria electoral anterior, se
advierte
una tendencia hacia la
equiparación entre la fotografía, que representa un 55%, y el vídeo, que abarca un 45%
del contenido total. Este cambio refleja un creciente interés por parte de los candidatos en
Ϭ
ϮϬ
ϰϬ
ϲϬ
ϴϬ
ϭϬϬ
ϭϮϬ
ϭϰϬ
ϭϲϬ
ϭϴϬ
/͘ &1$) $zh^K
;WWͿ
D͘ '$Z"1$
;D%^ D$&Z/&Ϳ
:͘ >K!$dK
;W^K(Ϳ
Z͘ DKE$^d(Z/K
;sKyͿ
$͘ :$"/EdK
;hE/&$^
WK&(DK^Ϳ
"$E&/&$dK ;W$Zd/&KͿ
Source: Instagram (@isabeldiazayuso / People’s Party)
In the comprehensive analysis of all candidates, the predominant type of content is
standard video
, which accounts for 39%
of the total. is format, which ranked third in 2021, has seen a signicant increase. Following closely in importance is the
sequence of
carousel photos
, accounting for 36%, and
standard non-sequential photos
, which make up 19%. Candidate videos
in the
media
constitute 6% of the total, while
carousel videos
yield no results.
In contrast to the previous electoral call, there is a noticeable trend towards equalizing the use of photography, which accounts
for 55%, and video, which comprises 45% of the total content. is shift reects an increasing interest among candidates in
creating and disseminating audiovisual content. Mónica García (MM) and Juan Lobato (PSOE) are the candidates with the
highest number of video posts.
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| 155
Figure 2. Photo by Mónica García (MM) on Instagram
la creación y difusión de contenido audiovisual. Mónica
García
(MM) y Juan Lobato
(PSOE) son quienes
sustentan
la mayor cantidad de publicaciones en formato vídeo.
Figura 2. Fotografía de Mónica García
(MM
) en Instagram
Fuente: Instagram (@monicagarciag_ / Más Madrid)
En relación con la variable vinculada al espacio escénico o de actuación, se observa una
perceptible
diferencia entre el
ámbito político
(53%) y el
espacio público
(40%), en
oposición
a
la casi paridad de datos registrada en 2021. A excepción de Monasterio (V
ox
),
cuya preferencia recae en el
ámbito público
, los demás candidatos dan prioridad al
político
. Una vez más, el representante del Partido Socialista es quien lleva a cabo la
mayoría de este tipo de publicaciones. Esta
predilección
refleja una mayor inclinación
hacia un escenario específico, a diferencia de la armonía entre categorías observado en la
convocatoria electoral previa. Además, en esta ocasión, el
escenario privado
(7%)
también es representado principalmente por Lobato (PSOE).
Figura 3. Captura de una fotografía publicada por el candidato socialista
Fuente: Instagram (@juanlobato_es / Partido Socialista)
Source: Instagram (@monicagarciag_ / Más Madrid)
Regarding the variable linked to the performance space, a noticeable dierence is observed between the
political sphere
(53%)
and the
public space
(40%), contrasting with the nearly equal data recorded for these settings in 2021. With the exception
of Monasterio (Vox), who prefers the
public space
, the other candidates prioritize the
political sphere
. Once again, it is the
representative of the Socialist Party who makes the majority of this type of posts. is preference reects a greater inclination
towards a specic setting, in contrast to the balance between categories seen in the previous electoral call. Additionally, in this
instance, the
private space
(7%) is mainly represented by Lobato (PSOE).
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Figure 3. Screen capture of a photograph posted by the Socialist candidate
la creación y difusión de contenido audiovisual. Mónica
García
(MM) y Juan Lobato
(PSOE) son quienes
sustentan
la mayor cantidad de publicaciones en formato vídeo.
Figura 2. Fotografía de Mónica García
(MM
) en Instagram
Fuente: Instagram (@monicagarciag_ / Más Madrid)
En relación con la variable vinculada al espacio escénico o de actuación, se observa una
perceptible
diferencia entre el
ámbito político
(53%) y el
espacio público
(40%), en
oposición
a
la casi paridad de datos registrada en 2021. A excepción de Monasterio (V
ox
),
cuya preferencia recae en el
ámbito público
, los demás candidatos dan prioridad al
político
. Una vez más, el representante del Partido Socialista es quien lleva a cabo la
mayoría de este tipo de publicaciones. Esta
predilección
refleja una mayor inclinación
hacia un escenario específico, a diferencia de la armonía entre categorías observado en la
convocatoria electoral previa. Además, en esta ocasión, el
escenario privado
(7%)
también es representado principalmente por Lobato (PSOE).
Figura 3. Captura de una fotografía publicada por el candidato socialista
Fuente: Instagram (@juanlobato_es / Partido Socialista)
Source: Instagram (@juanlobato_es / Socialist Party)
In terms of candidate prominence, it is notable that this time there are more balanced results compared to 2021, at least in the
overall tally. e
candidate alongside leaders and citizens
leads with 29%, closely followed by the
candidate with leaders
, which
accounts for 28%. e candidate’s
exclusive presence alone
represents an additional 28%, while posts featuring the
candidate
with citizens
make up 15% of the total. However, the specic data by candidate show a more dierentiated result. While Díaz
Ayuso (PP) coincides with Lobato (PSOE) in presenting herself alone, García (MM) and Jacinto (UP) prefer to appear alongside
leaders. Monasterio (Vox), on the other hand, prefers posts in the company of citizens.
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3.3. Messaging and ematic Axes on Instagram
Chart 4. Programmatic theme of the posts of the dierent candidates
Source: author’s own creation based on data from Instagram
Among the 479 posts produced by the candidates, which represents an increase of more than one hundred compared to
the previous electoral period, 97% feature propaganda content. ere is a clear preference for messaging related to
party
programmes
, which account for 43%, closely followed by those associated with
campaign image
at 40%. In contrast,
personal
messaging
and those related to
political rivals
each represent 7%, which is half the interest generated in 2021. e category
Others
comprises 3% of the posts.
In terms of the thematic relationship between electoral programme categories and party programme messaging,
Social Policy
(30%) and
Housing
(18%) are the two main axes preferred by the candidates, alongside
Economy
and
Healthcare
(12%). With
less interest are
Administration
(1%),
Democracy
(1%), and
Justice
(0%). ese gures mark a notable dierence compared to
the previous elections, particularly in the case of
Democracy
, which was the most preferred category with 35% of posts.
e graph illustrates that
Social Policy
(30%), in line with the data from the electoral programmes, is the dominant theme
across all interactions, followed by
Housing
(18%). In terms of volume,
Economy
and
Healthcare
follow, each with 12%, then
Environment
at 10%, and
Education
at 9%. ese gures indicate a relatively balanced level of interest, although there is a
general decline in the number of posts in favour of a concentration of posts
on a specic thematic axis, in this case,
Social
Policy
. Following this, with lower percentages ranging from 4% to 1%, are
Culture
,
Mobility
,
Administration
, and
Democracy
.
e posts do not directly address policies related to
Justice
.
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Chart 5. Distribution of thematic axes posted by candidate in 2023
Source: author’s own creation based on data from Instagram
Each candidate demonstrates a particular preference for specic themes, contributing to a certain diversity within the overall
landscape. For instance,
Environment
is the most important axis for García (MM),
Education
holds that position for Lobato
(PSOE),
Social Policy
is of greater interest to Monasterio (Vox), and
Housing
stands out for Jacinto (UP). Diaz Ayuso (PP)
deviates from this trend, as she has not posted anything related to programme-based political arguments.
e second most popular topic remains unchanged from 2021, largely due to the overlap among candidates.
Social Policy
is
favoured by García (MM) and Jacinto (UP), while
Economy
is highlighted by Lobato (PSOE) and Monasterio (Vox).
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| 159
Figure 4. Instagram post on the prole of Monasterio (VOX)
y Jacinto (UP), mientras que
Economía
es destacada por Lobato (PSOE) y
Monasterio
(Vox).
Figura 4. Publicación en el perfil de Monasterio (VOX) en Instagram
Fuente: Instagram (@rociomonasteriovox / Vox)
La información relativa a las temáticas no mencionadas muestra diferencias según la
candidatura, aunque destaca la de Díaz Ayuso (PP) al
prescindir
de la totalidad de los ejes,
siguiendo la misma tendencia que en las pasadas elecciones. L
e
sigue Monasterio (VOX)
con hasta 7 ejes sin contenido. En contraste, el resto de los candidatos presenta un
a
distribución
más equitativ
a
,
especialmente
entre García (MM) y Lobato (PSOE). La
candidata de Más Madrid omite las áreas de
Movilidad
,
Justicia
y
Administración
mi
entras que el candidato del Partido Socialista
excluye
Justicia
,
Administración
y
Democracia
. Jacinto (UP) coincide al obviar
Justicia
, su único eje sin contenido.
Desde el punto de vista ideológico, no se observa una diferencia clara entre los partidos
de izquierda y derecha, como ya se evidenció en 2021, a pesar de la variabilidad de
sus
preferencias
.
Esto se refleja en la coincidencia de sus segundas y terceras opcione
s
,
especialmente
en
su
predilección
por
Política Social
. El contraste principal reside en la
indiferencia de Díaz Ayuso (PP) en comparación con el resto de los candidatos.
Relativo al tipo a la argumentación propagandística centrada en la alusión al adversario
político destacan Más Madrid y el Partido Socialista, llegando incluso a igualar en
publicaciones a ejes temáticos tan relevantes como
Política Social
o
Economía
. Por su
parte, Vox y Unidas Podemos presentan cifras inferiores, aunque más en comparación con
otros ejes. El Partido Popular elude cualquier publicación de esta naturaleza, tal y como
ocurrió en la convocatoria electoral anterior.
En lo referente
al
tipo de argumentación personalista
,
Lobato (PSOE) sobresale con un
mayor número de publicaciones
,
seguido de Díaz Ayuso (PP)
y
Monasterio (V
ox)
. Los
demás candidatos presentan menos interés en publicaciones ajenas a la actividad política.
Finalmente,
la argumentación
centrada
en
la difusión de aspectos genéricos que
convergen en el ámbito del intercambio cultural y social del candidato en campaña
Source: Instagram (@rociomonasteriovox / Vox)
e information regarding the unmentioned topics varies among the candidates. Notably, Díaz Ayuso (PP) omits all topics,
continuing the trend observed in the previous elections. Monasterio (Vox) follows closely behind, lacking content on up to seven
topics. In contrast, the other candidates show a more balanced distribution, particularly García (MM) and Lobato (PSOE). e
candidate for Más Madrid omits the areas of
Mobility
,
Justice
and
Administration
, while the Socialist Party candidate excludes
Justice
,
Administration
and
Democracy
. Jacinto (UP) also omits
Justice
, the only theme for which she lacks content.
From an ideological standpoint, there is no clear dierence between the left- and right-wing parties, as was evident in 2021,
despite the variability in their preferences
.
is is reected in the alignment of their second and third choices, particularly their
shared preference for
Social Policy
. e main contrast lies in Díaz Ayuso’s (PP) indierence compared to the other candidates.
In terms of propaganda focused on references to political opponents, Más Madrid and the Socialist Party stand out, even
matching the number of posts dedicated to key themes like
Social Policy
and the
Economy
. Vox and Unidas Podemos show
lower gures, though they publish more posts compared to other areas. e People’s Party, as in the previous election, avoids
any such posts.
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Regarding personalistic messaging, Lobato (Socialist Party) leads with the highest number of posts, followed by Díaz Ayuso
(People’s Party) and Monasterio (Vox). e other candidates show less interest in posts concerning aspects beyond political
activity.
Finally, the type of messaging focused on promoting general aspects related to the cultural and social engagement of the
candidate during the campaign has garnered considerable interest across all parties. e Socialist Party leads in the number
of
posts, followed by Más Madrid, Unidas Podemos, Vox and the People’s Party, in that order. Individual contributions from
Juan Lobato (Socialist Party) and Mónica García (Más Madrid) even surpass those in other categories. Meanwhile, Díaz Ayuso
(People’s Party) shows a signicantly lower volume of posts compared to her competitors, ranking second overall in terms of
personalistic propaganda. Rocío Monasterio (Vox) and Alejandra Jacinto (UP) also engage in campaign messaging, although
their focus is more on programmatic themes.
When looking at posts that receive the most
likes
from users, candidates from right-wing parties tend to generate more
interaction compared to those from left-wing parties. A standout example is Díaz Ayuso (People’s Party), whose campaign
poster post garnered 84,129
likes
. It is important to note that this photograph does not explicitly reference any specic
ideological aspects of her electoral programme but leans more towards a personalistic approach. Following this, Monasterio
(Vox) garnered 20,070 interactions with a post featuring a segment from the televised electoral debate between candidates.
is post was not specically created for Instagram, as it originated from Telemadrid, the regional television channel. e
video shows the candidate tearing up a piece of paper containing some information about unaccompanied foreign minors
(Menas), a topic related to social policy.
Regarding the posts with the most
likes
from left-wing candidates, García (Más Madrid) achieves a total of 15,839 with a video
produced by her own campaign team. In this video, she discusses healthcare during a rally and makes an emotional reference
to her father. Although there is a personalistic tone in this case, most of the content is presented from a political perspective.
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| 161
Figure 5. Instagram post on the prole of Alejandra Jacinto (Unidas Podemos)
despierta
un considerable interés generalizado entre todos los partidos
.
El
Partido
Socialista
lidera en número de
posts
,
seguido de Más Madrid, Unidas Podemos, Vox y
Partido Popular, en ese orden.
L
as
aportaciones
individuales de Juan Lobato (PSOE)
y
Mónica García (MM) incluso
predominan
sobre las de otras
categorías
. Por su parte, Díaz
Ayuso (PP) presenta un volumen de
publicaciones
significativamente menor en
comparación
con sus competidore
s,
situándose en segundo lugar después de su
propaganda
personalista.
Rocío Monasterio (V
ox
) y Alejandra
Jacinto
(UP) también
presentan
argumentaciones
de campaña
,
aunque estas son superadas por las centradas en
las líneas temáticas programáticas.
En el contexto de las publicaciones que reciben
mayor
cantidad de
me gusta
por parte de
los usuarios, se observa que los candidatos que pertenecen a partidos de derecha obtienen
un mayor número de
interacciones
en comparación con los candidatos de izquierda. Un
ejemplo destacado es la publicación de Díaz Ayuso (PP) que acumula 84.129
likes
con la
presentación de su cartel de campaña. Es importante señalar que esta fotografía no hace
referencia explícita a ningún carácter ideológico específico relacionado con las
argumentaciones de su programa electoral, sino que se orienta más a favor de un carácter
personalista
. A continuación, Monasterio (Vox) aglutina 20.070 interacciones con la
exposición de un fragmento del debate electoral televisado entre candidatos. Se trata de
una publicación no
diseñada
específicamente para Instagram, ya que proviene de
Telemadrid, la cadena de
televisión
autonómica. En el vídeo se muestra a la candidata
romper un papel que
contiene
algunos datos sobre
los
menores extranjeros no
acompañados (Menas),
tema
que guarda relación con política social.
En lo que respecta a las publicaciones con más
likes
de los candidatos de izquierdas,
García (Más Madrid)
logra
alcanzar un total de
15.
839 con un vídeo elaborado por su
propio equipo de campaña. En este aborda el tema de la sanidad
durante
un mitin,
donde
además
hace
una
emotiva alusión a su padre. A pesar de que en este caso se aprecia un
tono personalista, la mayor parte del contenido es enfocado desde un punto de vista
político.
Figura 5. Publicación en el perfil de Alejandra Jacinto
(
Unidas Podemos) en Instagram
Fuente: Instagram (@alejandrajacintouranga / Unidas Podemos)
Source: Instagram (@alejandrajacintouranga / Unidas Podemos)
Next, Jacinto (Unidas Podemos) earns 12,185
likes
for a video in which she gives Díaz Ayuso (PP) a book written by the former
Minister of Social Policies about the neglect of elderly care homes during the pandemic. is post, like the one from the
Vox candidate, comes from the televised electoral debate and directly references the political opponent as the basis of her
messaging. Finally, Lobato (PSOE) has a total of 1,745 likes, the lowest gure compared to the other candidates, with a video
excerpt discussing his candidacy from an interview he gave on Onda Cero radio.
4. Discussion and conclusions
e aim of this study has been to understand the ideological and programmatic positions of the various candidates for the
presidency of the Community of Madrid by examining the relationship between the dierent thematic lines of their electoral
campaigns and the posts shared on social media. roughout the electoral period, with a particular focus on the dierences
between the 2021 and 2023 elections, the strategic dissemination plan of each candidate has been identied. As a result, the
ndings provide a comprehensive view of how the candidates manage their programmatic proposals while promoting their
leader’s image.
In this way, Instagram remains a valuable tool for disseminating political content. As part of communication strategy, the
social network is used consistently, as evidenced by the continuous posts related to the candidates’ public image and their
celebrication
. However, its usage does not show signicant improvement compared to 2021, despite retaining its position
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as the leading social network in Spain. Just like in the previous electoral campaign, the quantity and regularity of posts are
frequent, but they vary signicantly among the dierent candidates.
e average number of daily posts still shows disparities, as it can sometimes be as low as one or none, even for consecutive days,
while at other times it can double. Although it is evident that the number of posts tends to increase during periods of heightened
electoral activity, there is also a noticeable decrease in content related to events that could potentially generate a larger volume
of
posts. In addition, this variability does not seem to depend on the evolution of the campaign or proximity to the voting
date. In fact, there is a noticeable increase in posts during the pre-campaign phase. us, despite Instagram’s strengthening
as a communication medium (Tirado-García and Doménech-Fabregat, 2021) and the progressive professionalization of its
management (Sánchez Hunt and De Aguilera, 2023), the lack of a consolidated pattern (Moreno-Cabanillas and Castillero-
Ostio, 2023) highlights the inequality in its usage. Indeed, there is no substantial change between dierent electoral calls,
which indicates an apparent indierence from political groups as they limit their usage to self-promotion (Miquel-Segarra and
Casero-Ripollés, 2016) as the main strategy.
us, Instagram deviates from a uniform political strategy, instead allowing for a personalized adaptation of proles and users
without a specic criterion, beyond an increase in the volume of posts or a preference for specic formats. For instance, Díaz
Ayuso (People’s Party) shows a usage pattern that contrasts signicantly with the other candidates, who also exhibit dierences
among themselves across most of the analysed variables. Even so, the regularity of their posts, which is common across most
of the politicians, is understood as a progressive integration of political practice on Instagram. is pattern also contributes to
the homogenization of political party identities, blurring the lines between old and new politics (Marcos-García and Alonso-
Muñoz, 2017), which suggests a stabilization of the electoral landscape, despite gaps in other political contexts (Ferré-Pavia
and Codina, 2022). However, there is a clear distinction between ideological factions. Once again, the left demonstrates a
signicantly higher volume of activity compared to the right. While it is true that the 2023 electoral campaign features more
left-wing candidates, the overall posts indicate a striking quantitative disparity. is ongoing trend contradicts other previous
propagandistic representations (Pineda et al., 2020) and reinforces the previously mentioned strategic divergence. A similar
pattern is observed with the number of
likes
. However, in this case, the right receives more support than the left.
e results indicate that Juan Lobato (Socialist Party) is the candidate with the highest number of posts. His involvement
was more active compared to his predecessor, Ángel Gabilondo (Socialist Party), who was also the most engaged in 2021.
Once again, the political strategy focuses on consolidating the candidate’s popularity (Gamir-Ríos, Cano-Orón, Fenoll, and
Iranzo-Cabrera, 2022) among voters and the potential audience on social media (Gil-Torres et al., 2021). However, the Socialist
candidate receives the lowest number of
likes
per post, indicating limited interaction from his followers. In contrast, Díaz Ayuso
(People’s Party), despite having a lower number of
posts, generates more pronounced interaction and, consequently, a greater
potential reach due to her substantial follower count. is disparity between candidates results in a signicant dierence of
82,000
likes
and 150 posts. Notably, this strategy appears to have remained unchanged over time. In 2011, Tomás Gómez, then
representing the Socialist Party, demonstrated greater social media activity compared to Esperanza Aguirre, the leader of the
People’s Party and President of the Community (Abejón et al., 2012).
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is observation highlights the need for a deeper strategic understanding of how to optimize Instagram, fostering a signicant
debate about communicative eectiveness in the digital political landscape. In this context, Instagram’s role—beyond
its standardization and the sociopolitical factors that inuence an electoral campaign—is closely tied to the candidate’s
uniqueness, the nature of their message and the specics of their audience. Ultimately, Díaz Ayuso (People’s Party) achieves
an absolute majority, while Más Madrid and the Socialist Party maintain their positions, albeit with an increase in the number
of seats. Conversely, Vox experiences a considerable decline and Unidas Podemos fails to secure parliamentary representation.
Regarding the format of the posts, there is a growing interest in standard videos, with greater attention given to post-production.
Moreover, videos are the preferred format when it comes to the number of
likes.
is suggests a positive correlation between
audiovisual content and user engagement, indicating that an increase in video usage could establish a more eective strategy
(Názaro, Crozzoli, and Álvarez-Nobell, 2019). However, the predominant preference still lies with photos, consistent with
previous trends and the inherently visual nature of the platform.
e representation of the leader and, consequently, the narrative construction of their strategic actions predominantly occurs
within a political context, contrasting with 2021, when there was greater variability in the use of public and private settings. is
trend directs the posts toward more specic political aspects, such as governance and representation, thereby strengthening
the competitive electoral environment. Additionally, the individualization of the candidate (Pineda et al., 2020) gives way
to joint appearances with other leaders, particularly among the newer parties. is shift in focus suggests the potential for
adopting new strategies in future electoral campaigns. At the same time, traditional posts related to the candidate’s honesty,
authenticity and approachability (Sampietro and Sánchez-Castillo, 2020; Sánchez Medero, Pastor Albaladejo and Jiménez
Meroño, 2022; Quevedo, Portalés-Oliva and Berrocal, 2016), remain prevalent, primarily linked to the public setting, which
plays a complementary role during the campaign.
In contrast, the private sphere, once again limited to posts related to family or leisure time, is not prioritized. Most candidates
limit the sharing of personal aspects, although their occasional presence acknowledges the importance of emotional connection
with voters (García-Beaudoux and Slimovich, 2021), a crucial element in personalistic messaging. Notably, Lobato (PSOE)
adopts a strategy that, unlike most candidates, aligns with the approach taken by some candidates in previous elections by
more frequently sharing
posts related to his fatherhood. Nevertheless, there is a general reconsideration of the private sphere
in shaping the public image of candidates. However, in this context, Díaz Ayuso (PP) continues to adopt a discreet prole,
in line with her strategy in previous elections: few posts and all of them based on a personal perspective and resembling
advertising discourse (Caro-Castaño et al., 2024). In this regard, the strategy employed on Instagram again focuses on shaping
the candidate as a brand entity in line with their positioning in other media (Gómez and Patiño, 2019; Vicente-Fernández and
Soria Ibáñez, 2023).
In line with the electoral landscape, programmatic messaging takes precedence over other types of content. e dissemination
of political material linked to a specic theme is a common practice among candidates. is approach is again not directly
related to the ocial electoral programme, which serves as a casual tool to guide the themes for subsequent publication on
social media. e parties seem to operate within an autonomous logic, reacting more immediately with visually simplied
messages tailored to their strategic adaptation on Instagram. Nevertheless, the electoral programme serves as the theoretical
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framework and reference point that underpins the campaign. In fact, with the exception of Vox, which repeats a trivial list,
the other parties publish comprehensive programmes featuring careful aesthetics and in-depth informational development.
However, the lack of progress in its usage is evident. Once again, there is a noticeable absence of a direct correlation between
the programme and Instagram, both in terms of the predominant themes and the relationship between the number of
proposals and posts, respectively. is discrepancy, previously justied in the last elections by a preference for topics linked to
national political events, is now expressed through an increased interest in the discourse surrounding the generic campaign
image. is messaging, favoured by most candidates, is explicitly disconnected from party programmes and also involves a
high level of electoral propaganda. is reality suggests a selective strategy, possibly an attempt to create a more localized
connection by focusing on issues that resonate with voters’ identities. In this way, Instagram shifts the candidate’s prole
from a mere political actor to a brand that deeply resonates with regional identity. It increasingly focuses on (and adapts to)
issues that directly aect citizens’ immediate environment rather than on political-administrative matters. As a result, the
parties demonstrate a balanced and diversied strategy by utilizing both types of messaging, enhancing the eectiveness of
the candidate’s political communication.
It is worth noting the prole of Díaz Ayuso (People’s Party), who, without engaging in party activities or programmatic content,
chooses to focus on campaign and personal arguments as part of her selective and strategic approach. is indicates a strategy
based solely on the direct connection between an implicit discourse of gurative values related to Madrid and her personal
identity, which enhances the individuality of the candidate (Pérez-Curiel and Limón-Naharro, 2018) and highlights a particular
vision of the Community through Instagram. Additionally, it is important to remember that Díaz Ayuso (PP) has the highest
number of followers and a strong fan community (Caro-Castaño et al., 2024) that supports her with over 84,000
likes
for a
personal photograph of the candidate, making it the most well-received post. us, her strategy appears to respond positively
and directly to the interests of her electorate, potentially achieving a broader impact than the other candidates, who, despite
having more posts, have a smaller audience. In fact, the most engaged posts from the other candidates yield mixed results, even
though they focus on more specic and concrete aspects related to the programmatic nature of the shared content. However, it
is important to note that Lobato (PSOE) and García (MM) publish more campaign-related messaging. is pattern suggests a
lack of a systematic model to ensure success in terms of participation and
engagement. is approach warrants examination in
future research, as it may indicate the foundations of a new and progressive model of interaction or emotional connection with
users, as well as its impact on the public perception of candidates and voting decisions. Furthermore, engagement
is deemed
crucial for understanding and measuring the eectiveness of communication and the perception of leadership. is aspect
is linked to other complementary variables, such as the integration of electoral programmes on other social media platforms
or the comparison between regional and national perspectives –specic areas that merit further exploration in future studies.
Another point to consider is the messaging centred around the political rival. Although this tactic is frequently employed, it
does not play a decisive role. It is not a priority in the candidates’ posts unless it is necessary to reinforce their positioning
among the electorate, serving as a normalized tactic between opposing positions. is fact reects a conscious adaptation to
the expectations of Instagram users (Parmelee and Roman, 2019), where the personal political branding of candidates takes
precedence between electoral calls.
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Regardless of the role played by the electoral programme, the campaign and the confrontation with opponents, there is an
immediate partisan connection between the posts made and their political intent. As seen in previous elections, this association
does not follow a uniform strategy; however, it does help clarify the ideological prole and priorities of the candidates.
Instagram is thus anchored as a platform necessary for disseminating proposals. As such, the increase in posts during the latest
electoral campaign highlights a greater awareness of the political communication practices that shape campaign strategies,
supporting the main hypothesis.
e programmatic messaging across various thematic lines continue to be utilized by most political groups, although there
is a clear predominance of the left. It is evident that these parties feel the need to explain their policies and programmatic
proposals, paying close attention to detail in their posts. Additionally, there is a more heterogeneous distribution of content,
with less concentration on specic thematic lines and a more mobilizing character (Gamir-Ríos, Cano-Orón, and Lava-Santos,
2022), in contrast to the right-wing parties. is disparity once again reects the diering priorities and strategic approaches,
thereby validating the rst complementary hypothesis. However, programmatic arguments remain subordinate to the
promotion of the leader’s image and the electoral context. As a result, the theme of the post remains intrinsically linked to the
space in which the candidate shapes their staged representation, as well as the textual content that complements the
post.
us, an electoral action plan is essential for the design and construction of this messaging, thereby arming the second
complementary hypothesis.
Although the thematic selection of the posts still does not follow a recognized pattern, there is once again a tendency towards
social policies, appropriately contextualized based on communities and regions. Most messages highlight key ideas that
summarize the candidate’s political message and viewpoint, thereby projecting a strong image of their most relevant skills as
a future leader. Furthermore, the connection with the local audience is crucial, as it fosters identication and anity with the
candidate’s more professional prole, which is further strengthened by a consistent emotional connection to the region in a
signicant number of posts. us, the promotion of this civic engagement, characteristic of the recent elections, strengthens the
public and political space as the most suitable medium for solidifying programmatic action plans and political management,
conrming the third complementary hypothesis.
e implementation of these tactics remains a recurring action aimed at consolidating each leader’s unique identity and
dierentiating the political ideologies among candidates. e elections for the Community of Madrid highlight the growing
importance of Instagram, showcasing stronger strategies and a continuously evolving professionalization for more ecient
management, although still lacking a dened model. Consequently, this electoral call has acted as a catalyst, facilitating the
enhancement and renement of Instagram as a strategic and crucial channel for political communication and connection
with potential voters.
5. Acknowledgements
is article has been translated into English by ATLS GLOBAL who we thank for its work.
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6. Conict of interest
e author declares that there is no conict of interest contained in this article.
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nº 41, pp. 143-170
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July-December of 2025
Electoral Trends and Strategies on Instagram: Evolution and Analysis of Political Communication in the 2023...
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
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