Security, Order, and Control: Analysis of the media framing of migration
in digital media during the 2021 presidential campaigns in Chile
Seguridad, orden y control: análisis del tratamiento informativo de migración en
los medios digitales durante las campañas presidenciales de 2021 en Chile
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How to cite this article:
Ivanova, A. Burón Rodríguez, L. (2027). Security, Order, and Control: Analysis of the media framing of migration in digital media during the 2021
presidential campaigns in Chile.
Doxa Comunicación
, 43, pp. 83-102.
https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.2741
Anna Ivanova.
Language professor (English and French) and Ph.D. in English Language and Linguistics from the
University of Seville. She is currently an Associate Professor at the Institute of Education Sciences at the University
of O’Higgins. Her research career primarily focuses on critical discourse analysis and the informational treatment
of migrations. She has served as the principal investigator of a FONDECYT project on the informational treatment
of migration in the Chilean national press, with results published in various academic journals. Currently, she is the
principal investigator of a FONDECYT project on the securitization of migration in the Chilean quality press.
Universidad O’Higgins, Chile
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0002-9019-6101
Lucero Burón Rodríguez
is an Anthropologist and a MA in Anthropology from the Catholic University of Temuco.
She is currently pursuing a PhD in Territorial Studies of the Global South at the University of Concepción. Her research
career has developed along two main lines: migration studies and cultural heritage. In the eld of migration, she has
participated in FONDECYT projects on media representations of immigrants in the national press (2015-2019). Her
recent publications include articles in Scopus journals on the visual representation of migrant women (International
Migrations, 2023) and the media representation of immigration in the Chilean press (Canadian Journal of Latin
American and Caribbean Studies, 2024). She has led projects to strengthen migrant organizations in the southern
macro zone of Chile and Neuquén. She works as a researcher at the Subdirección de Pueblos Originarios, conducting
studies on sites of Mapuche cultural signicance in the Araucanía region. She has been a university lecturer in several
Chilean institutions, teaching courses in anthropology and intercultural health.
Universidad de Concepción, Chile
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0002-6028-9577
is content is published under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License. International License CC BY-NC 4.0
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1. Introduction
1.1. Contextual background
According to the last census (2017) of the total number of residents in Chile, foreigners made up 4.4% of the population.
Compared to the 2002 census
1
, this represents an increase of 3.1%. During the 2017 presidential campaigns, special emphasis
was placed on increasing migration and creating measures to “order” “uncontrolled” migration.
Under these assumptions, on the one hand, after being elected on April 10, 2018, President Piñera issued a presidential bill that
created a democratic responsibility visa for Venezuelan citizens and a simple consular tourist visa for the Haitian population.
2
1
According to the 2002 census, the total foreign population in Chile corresponded to 1.3%3% of the total population.
2
e stay in the country is established for a maximum of 30 days for the Haitian population, while for the rest of the countries the period of 90 days is maintained.
Recibido: 12/07/2024 - Aceptado: 25/03/2025 - En edición: 23/04/2025 - Publicado
Resumen:
Las elecciones presidenciales de 2021 en Chile llevaron a la agenda po
-
lítica y mediática el debate entre candidatos sobre la búsqueda de go
-
bernabilidad, unidad nacional, criminalidad, seguridad y migración.
Como resultado, el papel de los medios de comunicación en la cober
-
tura de estos debates fue clave para construir e instalar estos temas en
la agenda pública. Este artículo examina el encuadre mediático de la
migración en tres sitios web de noticias locales,
El Mostrador
,
Bio-Bio
y
Cooperativa
, durante la campaña presidencial de 2021 en Chile. El
estudio empleó un análisis del contenido de las noticias y los
frames
utilizados para representar a los inmigrantes en los textos de las noti
-
cias. Los resultados demuestran que el enfoque mediático sobre la mi
-
gración fue principalmente como un problema de Estado, descrito a)
bajo la noción de crisis y situación que se torna incontrolable, sin que
se conozca su magnitud real, y b) como una amenaza a la seguridad
nacional. El estudio sugiere que los medios digitales son un terreno
fértil para analizar su potencial inuencia en los niveles de actitudes
hacia la población migrante. Los hallazgos de este estudio se pueden
aplicar a otros formatos de medios para profundizar el conocimiento
académico sobre los grupos marginados.
Palabras clave:
Campaña presidencial; inmigración; Chile;
framing
; medios digitales.
Received: 12/07/2024 - Accepted: 25/03/2025 - Early access: 23/04/2025 - Published:
Abstract:
e 2021 presidential elections in Chile brought the debate among
candidates about the search for governability, national unity, crime,
security, and migration to the political and media agenda. As a result,
the role of the media in covering these debates was key to constructing
and installing these topics on the public agenda. is paper examines the
media framing of migration on three local news websites, El Mostrador,
Bio-Bio, and Cooperativa, during the 2021 presidential campaign in
Chile. e study employed a news content analysis of prominent frames
used to depict migrants in the news texts. e results demonstrate that
the media focus on migration during the 2021 presidential campaign
was primarily as a state problem, described a) under the notion of crisis
and a situation that becomes uncontrollable, while its real magnitude
is not known, and b) as a threat to national security. e study suggests
that digital media is fertile ground for analyzing their potential inuence
on levels of attitudes toward the migrant population. Findings from
this study can be applied to other media formats to deepen academic
knowledge about marginalized groups.
Keywords:
Presidential campaign; migration; Chile; framing; digital media.
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On the other hand, it reinvigorates the discussion of the immigration bill
3
, which focuses on three axes: orderly, regulated and
safe migration.
In October of the same year, as a result of the rise in the costs of public transport in Santiago, a social outbreak with the
motto “Chile woke up” began at the national level and called for improvements in people’s living conditions, greater citizen
participation, changes in the constitution and the resignation of the president, among other things.
As a result, between 2020 and 2023, a constituent process was developed; this process included an entry plebiscite, election of
constituents, exit plebiscite (culminated with the rejection of the rst proposal), a second process of election of constituents
and an exit plebiscite, where the constitutional proposal was again rejected.
Additionally, in the national context described, campaigns and elections for mayors, governors, senators, and deputies
were developed. In 2021, presidential campaigns began, and the main axes of the political agenda included the search for
governance, security, crime, and migration.
According to Airgood (2017), for a country in an internal crisis, the media’s interest in migration is the product of the phenomena
and historical, political, and sociocultural characteristics of each place. us, migration is constructed as a problem that needs
to be controlled and managed so that the country “returns to what it was”. is study aims to analyze the media representation
of migration in the context of presidential campaigns in 2021. In Chile, through the informational treatment provided by
digital media (
Cooperativa
,
Bio-Bio
and
El Mostrador
) on migration during the rst and second presidential rounds of 2021,
we asked ourselves the following questions: What was the informational treatment provided by the media of communication
to migration during the rst and second presidential round in 2021 in Chile? Was there a dierence, according to the media,
in the informational treatment of migration during the rst and second presidential rounds in 2021 in Chile? e political
relevance of the candidatures in the informational treatment that the media provided to migration during the rst and second
2021 presidential rounds in Chile?
From this general objective, three specic objectives emerge, and their respective research questions include the following:
1. Compare the dierences in the informational treatment between the dierent media during both electoral rounds and
the political belonging of the candidates during the electoral process. How does digital media contribute to the construction
of stereotypes and negative representations of migrants? Why does the media present migration as a security problem and
as a threat? What impact does digital media coverage have on the formation of attitudes toward the migrant population?
2.- Identify the main frames used by digital media to represent migration during the electoral period. What frames do digital
media use to represent migration during the electoral period? What dierences exist in the coverage of the migration issue
between the dierent media analyzed? 3.- Evaluate how the immediacy characteristic of digital media inuences the coverage
of the immigration issue during presidential campaigns. How does the immediacy characteristic of digital media inuence
coverage of the migration issue during presidential campaigns, and what eects does this inuence the depth and context of
information on migration?
3
e rst version of the bill was presented by S. Piñera in 2013 during his rst presidential term.
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PI2: Was there a dierence, according to the media, in the informational treatment of migration during the rst and second
presidential rounds in 2021 in Chile?
PI3: Was there a dierence according to the political relevance of the candidacies in the informational treatment that the
media gave to migration during the rst and second presidential rounds in 2021 in Chile?
1.2. Migration and the media
e press, in its role as a social and political actor, “becomes a mediator between civil society and the state” and “builds
representations of power and the society within which it operates” (Kircher, 2005: 116). is mediation capacity is particularly
signicant in the electoral context, where “the reference press has a high degree of ideological inuence in the media system”
(Giró & Jarque, 2006: 254), which can aect the way in which dierent media, according to their editorial line, address sensitive
issues such as migration.
To formulate statements about representation in the media, the establishment of agendas and
framing
are the central concepts
to be addressed. us, the media have the power to dene which topics the population reects on and, even more, inuence
how they think about them (Mellado & Humanes, 2017). e rst dimension (what) refers to the establishment of agendas,
whereas the second dimension (how) refers to media
framing
. Both concepts are used to investigate what issues are (or are
not) in the media and how they are represented (Rothenberger & Schmitt, 2024).
us, in the establishment of agendas, the most prominent problems, according to the media, are selected and assigned
salience in their pages (McCombs & Evatt, 1995). is salience can be measured by simply counting the number of times
a particular topic is mentioned in the media. is can also be accomplished through the hierarchy of events, which mainly
denes the position that certain events occupy within the medium and their “size” (or physical space). However, in addition
to the ability of the media to inuence what people think, the way in which they write about certain topics is also relevant
(Boomgaarden & Vliegenthart, 2009).
According to Kosicki (1993), the construction and establishment of an agenda are performed through “
frames
”, which can be
identied through “the presence or absence of certain keywords, standard phrases, stereotypical images, information sources
and sentences that provide thematically reinforcing groupings of facts or judgments” (Entman, 1993: 52). is is where framing
theory was born (De Vreese, 2005; Entman, 1993; Goman, 1974); this theory “understands frames as interpretation schemes
whose main elements are the selection, organization, presentation, and highlighting of aspects particularities of reality, raising
them in salience at the expense of others” (Kovar, 2023: 7). According to this theory, “any media source presents a topic through
its lenses and lexical style, highlighting certain aspects but omitting others, generating signicant biases and subjectivities”
(López-Baucells
et al.
, 2023: online).
In other words, the main point of the theory of framing is that the media not only sets the public agenda but also implicitly
dictates to the public a way of thinking about certain issues (Igartua
et al.
, 2007).
However, the media “have the power to dene the agenda, inuence public opinion and, therefore, the attitude of citizens
toward issues” (Checa
et al.
, 2012: 8). In the case of migration, Melella (2015) highlights that the media tends to create a
stigmatizing construction of the migrant as other. According to Van Dijk (2005) and Crespo (2008), the media contribute to
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the ideological reproduction and social legitimation of migration as a problem (Ivanova and Burón, 2024; Stefoni and Brito,
2019; Valenzuela and Vergara, 2019), reproducing at the same time creating and recreating the public and political discourse
of the period (Ivanova and Burón, 2024). us, the media contributes to the creation of stereotypes through the negative
representation of the migrant, reproducing and arming the national/foreign dichotomy (Póo, 2009).
Brouwer and colleagues (2017) utilize a quantitative approach to analyze the relationship between the representation of
“illegal” or undocumented immigration and the processes of criminalization, concluding that the media increases the process
of criminalization, emphasizing the use of the name “illegal immigrants”
4
and its relationship with crime in conjunction with
the use of statistics. In addition, they conclude that the increase in the approach to irregular or undocumented migrations is
a product of the increase in public political debate and that, in this sense, the media are more reproducers than producers of
discourses.
In the case of journalistic discourses, Rizo (2001) warns that the media incites fear when they represent migration as a threat,
which provokes attitudes and behaviors of aversion; that is, natives are emotionally persuaded that they should fear and reject
them (Retis, 2004).
In Chile, studies on the representation of migrants in the media have focused (mainly) on border migration between Chile-
Bolivia and Peru (Arévalo, 2014; Browne and Romero, 2010; Liberona, 2015; Mayorga and León, 2007; Póo, 2009). ey share
the idea that the media have contributed to the creation of stereotypes through the negative representation of otherness,
reproducing and arming the national/foreign dichotomy as a reection of a historical correlate that has reinforced the
interethnic conict between neighboring countries. In addition, extreme discourses that range from paternalistic compassion
to criminalization of the immigrant subject are promoted (Póo, 2009).
On the other hand, some studies have highlighted how the media in Chile have contributed to the ideological reproduction of
migration as a social problem that includes poverty, crime, and illegality, among others (Stefoni and Brito, 2019; Valenzuela
and Vergara, 2019), as well as the tendentious association between migration and pandemics, such as the reproduction of
racist discourses in the media (Póo, 2020), and the impact of the media discourse on migration in electoral processes in Chile
(Dammert and Erlandsen, 2020). In their work on migration in southern Chile (Ivanova and Jocelin, 2021), they conclude
that migrants tend to be represented as passive social entities, emphasizing government policies on migration rather than the
contribution of immigrants in the destination society.
Moreover, as a result of globalization and advancements in information technologies, digital media are becoming increasingly
important in people’s daily lives; between 2019 and 2022 in Chile, internet penetration is the highest in the world. Latin
America, with an increase from 78% to 92% (Newman
et al.
, 2023). A study carried out by Central University in 2022 indicated
that information searches on the digital platform “WIP Chile (2010) reported that approximately 70% of people read news
online at least once a month” (Cornejo and González, 2022: 13) and that, according to the Public Opinion Survey Journalism
4
e term illegal is applied to talk about irregular or undocumented migration, the use of it induces a direct relationship between migration/crime and crime, we
refer to it only to illustrate how the media are expressed and does not correspond to an ascription of the authors to the concept.
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UDP-Feedback of Diego Portales University, the majority of respondents dedicate less than 30 minutes to a specic news
website (73%) (Journalism UDP, 2020).
In the same way that the consumption of digital platforms has increased, digital media stands out for the ability to publish and
follow news instantly such that it occurs and thus disseminates it quickly. is immediacy for Greene González
et al.
(2022)
represents a new stage in the development of the media, which privileges immediacy over objectivity. For the authors, this
stage is driven by speed, immediacy, hypertextuality, interactivity, and multimedia characteristics of the digital world (Vobič
and Trivundza Ilija, 2015). e speed is what drives the work when preparing online editions (Fortunati and Sarrica, 2011). To
respond to immediacy, journalists almost never provide original content; they choose to do “second-hand journalism” and
“monitor other media” (Boczkowski, 2009: 101).
In addition to immediacy, an increasing number of digital media outlets pay attention to their audiences, giving importance
to the use of metrics and the analysis of cliques that give news, a product of the great changes in journalism as a result of
technological innovations (Greene González
et al.
, 2022).
Based on these data, it is necessary to begin exploring this type of media source owing to its scope and, therefore, inuence
on society. With respect to migration and digital media in Chile, we highlight the work of Figueiredo
et al.
(2023), whose study
invites us to explore how the news uses certain groups, such as the migrant population, in the “construction of the crisis”.
2. Method
To answer the above, the rst step of the study was to determine a corpus of texts. For this purpose, we chose to study the
three most reliable digital news media in Chile (Newman
et al.
, 2023),
Cooperativa
,
Bio-Bio,
and
El Mostrador,
during two time
frames: the rst (September 22–November 18, 2021) and second rounds (November 18–December 18, 2021) of the presidential
electoral campaigns in 2021.
e candidates and the candidates for the rst round were Gabriel Boric Font (I Approve Dignity), José Antonio Kast (Christian
Social Front), Franco Parisi (People’s Party), Sebastián Sichel (Independent, for Chile We Can More), Yasna Provoste (Christian
Democratic Party), Marco Enríquez Ominami (Progressive Party) and Eduardo Artés (Patriotic Union). After voting, the
candidates José Antonio Kast and Gabriel Boric Font returned to the second round, with 27.91% and 25.83% of the votes,
respectively.
After the media and the period of interest were dened, the second step consisted of the systematic compilation of a corpus of
relevant articles. is was achieved by manual retrieval of online interfaces from newspapers.
e review of materials for the construction of the corpus of information took as a point of reference the
Cooperativa
medium,
which has a search engine that allows the selection of specic dates of time and the search for what was published on this
day by subject. To lter the information, the following terms were applied as criteria:
migration, politics, and campaign(s)
presidencies(s) 2021.
Subsequently, the same search criteria are applied for the
Bio-Bio
and
El Mostrador
media, which locate and divide the survey
into the same time bands. e same search terms were used to collect information in the
Bio-Bio
medium. In the case of
El
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Mostrador
, as it does not have a search engine on its web platform, information was collected via the Google search engine,
adding the term
El Mostrador
to the list of terms of
Bío-Bío
and
Cooperativa
. Of the total corpus compiled, the repetition of
news for each of the media outlets was discarded since it is common that a news item is broadcast more than once in the “news
in development” format. e nal corpus of the work was composed of 39 news items, each of which is understood as a unit
of analysis.
Table 1. Study corpus
Presidential Campaign Cooperative Bio-Bio El Mostrador
First Round
9412
Second Round
851
Source: own elaboration
Subsequently, each unit of analysis was assigned a code with the following metadata:
a.
newspaper: C =
La Cooperativa
; BB =
Bio-Bio
; M =
El Mostrador
;
b.
internal number of the news item: [1, 2, 3, ...];
c.
presidential round: PV = rst round; SV = second round.
Once the nal sample was obtained, the next step consisted of the analysis of the corpus. Given its limited size, the analysis
was performed simultaneously by two coders for ve working days. To analyze the collected corpus, we applied qualitative
content analysis (Neuman, 2014) of each analysis unit via the Atlas. Ti Pro 22 software. Our research employed an inductive
approach, allowing the frames to emerge organically from the corpus during the process. analysis (Vázquez-Herrero
et al.
,
2023) rather than starting with a predened set of settings. is methodology provides a more open and nuanced exploration
of the data (Salvador-Mata and Cortiñas-Rovira, 2023), extending the possibility of discovering a broader list of frames and
thus contributing to a deeper analysis of the question (Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000).
For this purpose, we identied the main words and phrases related to immigration. To address potential reliability issues at an
early stage, we have discussions about any “problematic” encoding. In cases of notable disagreement between team members,
our protocol dictated that the unit of analysis be classied “unassignable” and, consequently, eliminated from the nal corpus.
However, this protocol was not applied since we reached a consensus on all the coded elements. e dual approach not only
strengthened the reliability of our ndings but also ensured a complete and balanced analysis.
In the second instance, we group the words and phrases together until we reach a total of seven categories. ese categories or
“frames” are presented in two subsections, rst analyzing the frames that emerged from the analysis of the media coverage of
the rst presidential round and then that of the second round.
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3. Results
3.1. Migration during the First Presidential Round
e results of the rst round
5
show that the programmatic proposals are addressed by the media, citing the presidential debates
and focusing on two main frames related to migration: 1) migratory crisis/crisis on the northern border and those responsible
and 2) Venezuelan migration and irregular migration:
[1] e president of RN, Francisco Chahuán, insisted on the ocial attack that blames the presidential candidate of
Approve Dignity, Gabriel Boric, for the irregular income of Venezuelans to Chile. C.1.PV.
[2] Kast insisted on the construction of a ditch to block the entry of undocumented people.
BB.3.PV.
[3] e standard-bearer of the Republican Party, José Antonio Kast, armed that “the migratory disaster began with
Bachelet and has now gotten out of control with Sebastián Piñera”, and called on his contenders to go to Iquique or
Colchane
to address the issue in front of migrants and the neighbors of the area. M.2.PV.
e medium that mostly develops the theme is
El Mostrador
, which focuses on migration in the northern part of the country,
mainly in the context of the acts of violence that occurred in the city of Iquique on 09/25/2021 (see [4,5]). In the bodies of texts
of this medium, expressions such as
humanitarian crisis
,
humanitarian drama
,
migration as an evil
,
illegal and uncontrolled
migration
, and
immigration problems
appear:
[4] In an issue that managed to align the entire opposition, the presidential candidates of the right and center right joined
the rejection of the events in Iquique, where a group burned the belongings of migrants, and noted that the State should
reinforce the measures and solve this
crisis
, marking some dierences with the approaches of the left and center-left
M.2.PV.
[5] e candidate for the new social pact added that “we cannot install a new M.1. PV sacrice zone in the north.
[6] Yasna Provoste, who addressed the problem of immigration and the role that the government has played, adopted
measures to address this humanitarian crisis, also referred to the vote on the project that seeks the decriminalization of
abortion, among other issues, M.6.PV.
In the case of
Cooperativa
, most of the headlines of the rst round refer to the treatment of the migratory crisis, or migratory
situation, focused on the northern border in connection to the Venezuelan crisis. It is evident that the crisis is approached as
a crisis of borders and income with a focus on nding those responsible for the crisis:
[7] […] Yasna Provoste (DC), insisted on her criticism of the government for the migration crisis in the north of Chile,
mainly of
Venezuelan
citizens, assuring that it seeks to place a “smokescreen” after the incidents registered during this
weekend in Iquique C.2.PV.
5
See the complete corpus in Annex 1.
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[8] […] Sebastián Sichel (Chile Vamos) and José Antonio Kast (Republicans)culparon […] Gabriel Boric, assuring that he
supports irregular migration C.2.PV.
Bio-Bio
follows the trend of the two previous media that focus on migration from what happened in the north; although it does
not necessarily use the words migratory crisis, it does use the idea of irregularity as one of the main problems and the need to
control migration, which is attributed to this main problem.
[9] Republican Party candidate José Antonio Kast noted that the problem extends from opposition governments and called
for the closure of borders.
[10] Senator and candidate of the conglomerate, Yasna Provoste, criticized the government and accused it of not adopting
the necessary policies to address migration.
at said, the results from media outlets coincided in approaching migration from the perspective of a border or humanitarian
crisis during the rst presidential round. e issue of migration is related mainly to the irregular entry of people through
unauthorized passages and Venezuelan migration, either to blame Sebastián Piñera’s administration or Bachelet or candidates
such as Boric.
In particular, candidates such as Artes and Provoste opt for a position more linked to human rights. Meo focuses on the benets
that migration can bring in economic terms, Kast and Sichel focus on border control and the development of technologies to
control these aspects. For his part, candidate Boric focuses not only on the idea of regular, orderly, and safe migration but also
on programs that support people who are already in the country. e candidate Provoste focuses on the idea of a humanitarian
crisis and the need for shelters.
In general terms, the candidates assume the existence of a crisis, which becomes important in the media agenda when the
burning of tents occurs in the city of Iquique and which, however, has its roots in multilateral, political, and major problems.
data. e need to elaborate a plan that orders migration and regulates it is present since the problem is irregular migration
(except for Artes, which is the only one that speaks of migration as a human right).
3.2. Migration during the Second Presidential Round
Unlike the rst presidential round, the second-round campaign is more limited in time and candidates, which allows greater
media development of the Kast and Boric programs separately and in comparison with each other. e results (see Annex 2)
show that the
Cooperativa
media equitably covers both candidacies and proposals, in addition to presenting at least one note
comparing both campaigns. e
Bio-Bio
medium allocates greater coverage to the Boric candidate and applies the logic of the
comparison between both proposals.
El Mostrador
develops an extensive opinion column where both proposals on migration
are analyzed.
In turn, during the second round, there was a reduction in the amount of immigration thematic approach by each medium.
e results of the second round show that the migration issue was addressed in three media by the candidates Boric and Kast
using ve thematic frames: 1) migration problem; 2) borders; 3) regularity/irregularity; 4) immigration law; and 5) control and
order.
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ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
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In general, regarding the current situation in the country, both candidates assume that migration is
a problem
that must be
addressed and that conditions are unworthy for the migrant population.
[11] “We have a gigantic humanitarian problem; people come in, and today, they do not have dignity in the treatment they
are given. ere are people who live on the street, in tents”, commented [Kast] C.5. SV
[12] “We will have to deal with an enormous problem inherited from the current government, which translates into more
than 60,000 people who have entered clandestinely in the last three years”, said ayer, a sociologist and migrant ocer
for the command. C.3.SV.
In the case of
borders,
Boric and Kast agree that migration is a global phenomenon; however, some variations in its media
coverage are observed here. In the case of Kast, physical control of the border is emphasized, including the creation of a “ditch”.
On the other hand, in the case of Boric, they talk about the management of borders and their control, as well as support for
the territories.
[13] “We have to change the Piñera doctrine, of inviting people to come to Chile and then abandoning the people who
arrive” emphasized ayer, stating that “for that, we propose measures in three areas: response to the crisis, better
management and control on the border, and support for the communes that receive migrants who today are abandoned
and not from a decient policy”, C.3.SV.
[14] e candidate, also supported by the ruling party, defended his intention to build a
“ditch
” in the northern Chilean
territory to stop the irregular entry of foreigners. As he had already said in debates, he assured that “the ditch was
started by Michelle Bachelet.” C.5.SV.
For
regularity/irregularity
framing, both candidates talk about the entry of migrants, reducing the problem only to this
dimension. However, they dier in that, for Boric, the focus should be on a regularization process, and in the case of Kast, it
should be on a prior control process and even include a qualied migration as a requirement. Neither agrees with irregular
migration; in fact, both speak of regular and orderly migration. Boric only adds the concept of safety.
[15] Gabriel Boric stated that orderly and regular migration is required in Chile. BB.2.SV.
[16] What we [Kast] propose is not to reject immigrants but to enter through the door and not the window. C.5. SV
e
Migration Law
framework is only addressed at
the Counter
and
Bio-Bio
, where Boric’s proposal is covered from the point of
view of the implementation and allocation of resources to the Migration Service and the ratication of the Global Migration Pact: “A
migratory policy, regular, orderly and safe”, with a focus on rights and interculturality. In the case of the candidate, Kast refers only
to compliance with the law and the reinforcement of immigration controls.
[17] To strengthen the resources allocated to the new Migration Service, its budget was increased to create 4 lines of work
associated with requirements for better functioning of this new service through the National Registry of Migrants
Program, the Program Visas Abroad, the Closing Gaps Program and the Regional Inclusion Program. BB.1.SV.
[18] “require compliance with current law and strengthen the controls and tools that the State has to eectively apply the
law” M.1.SV.
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Finally, the
control and order
framework is the central focus of each proposal covered by the media. In particular, there is talk
of border control and organizing migration as solutions to the crisis, which is sometimes humanitarian and bordering at other
times. With respect to candidacies, the media covers Boric’s proposal, which emphasizes the control and order of the people,
and Kast’s proposal, which focuses on the protection of national sovereignty.
[19] We have to have orderly borders and regular migration, and that is something that we all have to take care of. BB.2.SV.
[20] (…) According to Kast, it must “be regulated according to the country’s capacities to guarantee decent treatment and
conditions so that every person who, complying with the applicable legislation, reaches our territory and joins our
community”, C.4.SV.
4. Discussion and conclusions
Migration during the presidential campaigns of 2021 is located in the media focus as a country problem, described under the
notion of crisis and a situation that becomes uncontrollable, while its real magnitude (quantity) is not known and as long as
the other is seen or represented as a threat to the target society.
Regarding the frames used by the media to portray the presidential campaigns around the issue of migration, we observe
a special emphasis on placing irregularity as a problem, particularly as a problem of security and order, in the context of a
country in crisis. In fact, it is striking that none of the candidates are opposed to migration in general; rather, they are opposed
to a particular type of migration, which they dene as “irregular” and even “illegal” migration. Both in the media coverage
and in relation to the political dierences between candidates, we do not observe great dierences but rather an emphasis on
regulation, order, and control. For example, during the rst and second presidential rounds, the predominant frames are crisis,
migration crisis, border crisis, or humanitarian crisis, followed by control, security and order frames.
In comparative terms, the media highlights the most extreme ideas, for example, the proposal of candidate Kast on the
construction of a ditch on the northern border or the ideas of Provoste and Boric, which refer to the creation of shelters or the
delivery of housing to the population. migrant. e above occurs again during the second presidential round between José
Antonio Kast (Christian Social Front) and Gabriel Boric (Approve Dignity), where the most radical dierences between the
candidates regarding this issue are exposed in comparative terms, agreeing with (Greussing and Boomgaarden, 2017), who
speak about the double narrative present in the European media from the refugee crisis about the criminalization of irregular
migration or the victimization of migrants.
A nuance between the two periods is the focus on these “migration crises”. During the rst campaign, the emphasis is on who
or who is responsible, and during the second presidential round, the focus is on who and how to solve the problem of the so-
called crisis. For example, rst, the candidates opposed to the government in turn blame former President Sebastián Piñera
for the political act of attending Cúcuta, whereas the candidates, mainly from the right, blame the second administration
(2014-2018) for the former president Michelle Bachelet for “opening the door to an uncontrolled migration” (C.1.PV., M.2.PV.,
M.5.PV.) Second, between Kast and Boric, there is greater treatment in their concrete positions for the approach to migration
than in whom or how the “problem” originated.
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Illustratively, situated in the same paradigm of order, Boric adds the concept of safe migration in terms of humanitarian
conditions that guarantee the rights of the people who migrate. In the case of Kast, the concept of control is added, with a focus
on more surveillance technologies, increasing or improving entry processes through authorized steps, and greater police and
military control in the northern border area.
In accordance with the above, Dammert and Erlandsen (2020: 67) noted, “e media coverage, during the electoral campaign
periods, is mainly linked to the content generated by the political debate”. is is reected mainly in the use of candidate
spots and minute-by-minute monitoring of debates and publications, placing less emphasis on the political programs of each
candidate. In this context, we observe how the immediacy of digital media (Greene González
et al.
, 2022) is present in the case
in question. It is important to consider this form of media action and what consequences it has for the public, who gathers
these ideas.
Digital media primarily focus on the immediacy of news rather than on the development of candidates’ political ideas or
proposals. is occurs in the rst presidential round, characterized by a greater number of candidates with coalition policies.
During the second presidential round, immediacy continues to be a signicant tool, with a slight increase in the depth of the
development of the ideas and positions of each candidate, generally put in a comparison format. In the second round, we
observed a decrease in the informational treatment of the immigration issue with respect to the number of headlines or their
appearance. e decline in the case of
Cooperativa
and
Bio-Bio
is not related to a greater depth in such a signicant approach,
but in the middle
El Mostrador
, it is reected in columns dedicated to analyzing in depth the programs of both candidates.
e immediacy in digital media in the publication of information focuses on the result or contingency and not on the context,
causes, or reasons of certain situations. In this way, the public is left with the result without delving into or better understanding
the context of the story or its contrasts.
Another consequence of this operation is that the media simultaneously publishes certain headlines, losing the possibility
of developing ideas, nuances, and opinions; consequently, media diversity is lost, and it seems that the media have neutral
ideologies or positions in front of events or people. Immediacy contributes to the illusion of objectivity in the digital media
analyzed.
Irregular migrants are invisible to the system, but they are visible to society; for this reason, migration translates into a security
and control problem, especially in the context of a country that, during the period analyzed, is fractured by its own internal
problems; in this way, the gure of the migrant becomes a scapegoat. is responds, on the one hand, to the national political
context, such as the constituent process that was underway; on the other hand, to a contingent social context located in the
city of Iquique, the northern border of the country, where hundreds of immigrants are stranded in its streets. In this way, we
agree that the idea of security is intrinsically linked to the notion of insecurity (Grimaldi, 2022) that is mutable over time and
that it seems that, in the Chilean context of the process in question, the search for an external scapegoat is needed (Figueiredo
et al.
, 2023), to forget the problems of national unity as the media call the current state of the country during the campaigns,
that scapegoat is a particular type of migrant—the irregular migrant.
Understanding this, we wonder why the media shows us migration as a security problem and what makes migration a threat.
On the other hand, why was the focus on the migration crisis if the two candidates are from political parties with opposite
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ideologies? With respect to this, we think that there is a deeper and more historical response, already widely addressed by
(Anderson, 1993; Appadurai, 2006, 2015; Bauman, 2016), that is related to the idea of the nation and the imagined community.
For this purpose, it is important to briey return to the national historical context and the contingent context.
Chile is conceived as a nation based on three elements: sovereignty, limits or borders, and community, and it imagines itself
based on the ideas of homogeneity and equality. We also agree with Santos-Herceg (2012) and his idea of the foreigner as
a radical stranger who breaks into the life of this conceived community. In turn, Liberona (2015) noted that migrants and
migration are representative of the dichotomy between foreign nationals; in this sense, the media are reproducers of historical
nationalist discourses, particularly with respect to border countries. In this sense, both candidates and the media highlight
migration following the logic of the production of alterizations and/or otherizations (Briones, 2008; Restrepo, 2020; Segato,
2007).
Returning to the current and contingent context, there is another element related to the idea of threat and insecurity, which
are coupled with the ideas of control/security. In the reviewed media, electoral speeches are emphasized in the control of
migration and its regulation, which translates, for example, into the calls of some candidates to generate and produce better
technologies for border control and to provide more capacity and authority to the police and military to protect them and to
protect unauthorized passages. In addition, it translates into adjusting the processes of entry into the country or producing
better control mechanisms for the entry of people through authorized steps. In this sense, migration is congured as a threat
to the extent that it cannot be controlled.
Finally, digital news is fertile ground for analyzing audience reactions, which would allow for the study of its potential inuence
on levels of prejudice and how these relate to situations and milestones concerning the migrant population (Figueiredo
et al.
,
2023: 35).
5. Acknowledgments
is article has been translated into English by American Journal Experts (AJE), who we thank for their work.
Financing sources: National Agency for Research and Development (ANID) in Chile under Fondecyt Regular 1250417.
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6. Specic contributions of each author
Name and Surnam
e
Conception and design of the workAnna Ivanova and Lucero Burón Rodr
íguez
MethodologyAnna Ivanova and Lucero Burón Rodr
íguez
Data collection and analysisLucero Burón Rodr
íguez
Discussion and conclusionsAnna Ivanova and Lucero Burón Rodr
íguez
Drafting, formatting, version review and
approval
Anna Ivanova and Lucero Burón Rodr
íguez
7. Conicts of interest
e authors declare that there is no conict of interest contained in this article.
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Annex 1. Corpus from the rst presidential round
Table 1. First-round
La Cooperativa
Code Date Holder
C.1.PV.27/09/2021
Chahuán: By promising a “great pardon”, Boric is an
accomplice in the migration crisis.
C.2.PV.27/09/2021
Provoste: Government rejected UNHCR oer of shelter for
migrants
C.3.PV.28/09/2021
“From the same creators of it is the fault of the previous
government”: Jackson ironically faced criticism of Boric for
the immigration crisis.
C.4.PV.28/09/2021
Comando de Sichel questions that Chile has legally
welcomed only seven Venezuelans.
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Security, Order, and Control: Analysis of the media framing of migration in digital media during the 2021 presidentia...
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
doxa.comunicación
C.5.PV.12/10/2021
Migration, governance and economic program marked the
second presidential debate
C.6.PV.
15/10/2021
[Minute by Minute] Reactions to Archi’s Presidential Debate
C.7.PV.15/10/2021
Pensions, La Araucanía and more: Archi’s debate in three
sentences of each candidate
C.8.PV.01/11/2021
Gabriel Boric presented his government program with 53
proposals “for a new Chile”
Source: own elaboration
Table 2. First-round
Bio-Bio
Code
DateHeadline
BB.1.PV.
28/09/2021
Migration crisis: Boric and Provoste point to the “bad”
Government of Piñera and Kast asks to close borders.
BB.2.PV.02/10/21
Cariola and criticism of Maduropor migración
Venezuelan: It has a responsibility like all governments.
BB.3.PV.12/10/2021
Araucanía, human rights, migration and CA against
Piñera: the denitions that marked the presidential
debate
BB.4.PV.11/11/21
e main denitions of the presidential candidates in
Enade 2021
Source: own elaboration
Table 3. First-round
El Mostrador
Code Date Headline
M.1.PV.24/09/2021
Provoste by migratory crisis: “e massive expulsions do not
solve the problem if the Government does not have a clear
control in our border”
M.2.PV.26/09/2021
Right-wing presidential candidates criticize the state for
immigration management and call on the opposition to
clarify their proposals
M.3.PV.26/09/2021
Opposition lines up against the Government due to migration
crisis: ey accuse abandonment, irresponsibility and lack of
coordination
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Anna Ivanova and Lucero Burón Rodríguez
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
| 101
M.4.PV.27/09/2021
Zero self-criticism on the right: for the Government, JA Kast
and RN what happened in Iquique is the fault of… Boric
M.5.PV.27/09/2021
Boric’s reply due to the migration crisis: “e responsibility
lies with the bad government of Sebastián Piñera”
M.6.PV.28/09/2021
Yasna Provoste summons President Piñera due to the
migratory crisis in the north: “A few years ago I called on
migrants to come to Chile; now he expels them with violence
»
at the Government accept international aid and
create a
great shelter”, said the presidential candidate of the
New Social Pact.
M.7.PV.28/09/2021
e immigration crisis, Yasna Provoste’s denitions of
immigration issues and how it aects the presidential race
M.8.PV.08/10/2021
ere is more capacity: how to channel migration to build a
more prosperous Chile
M.9.PV.12/10/2021
ME-O summons Kast for ditch measure to combat migratory
crisis: “I have asked the command to buy a shovel, to have it
and to be able to dig holes”
M.10.PV.24/10/2021
Kast used the case of Joan Florvil to present a proposal for
migration in the electoral strip
Source: own elaboration
Annex 2. Second-round corpus
Table 1. Second-round
La Cooperativa
Code Date
Headline
C.1.SV.22-11-2021
Boric: “We will make all the necessary revisions,
I understand the concern for the anguish of the
present”
C.2.SV.05/12/2021
Boric wants to encourage regularity, so that
migrants “do not enter through the window”
C.3.SV.05/12/2021
While Boric and Kast are deployed in regions, this
Sunday the second round strip started
C.4.SV.07/12/2021
Kast presented his new government plan,
“enriched and enhanced by dialog”
102 |
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julio-diciembre de 2026
Security, Order, and Control: Analysis of the media framing of migration in digital media during the 2021 presidentia...
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
doxa.comunicación
C.5.SV.08/12/2021
Kast: “Chile continues to be a country of good
people and I believe that I can carry out a
government in peace”
Source: own elaboration
Table 2. Second-round
Bio-Bio
Code Date Holder
BB.1.SV.23-11-21
It will apply to Kast or Boric: e spending
priorities that Chile will have according to the
Presupuesto 2022
BB.2.SV.01-12-21
Boric is committed to “respecting the law” at the
borders and ending presidential delegates
BB.3.SV.01-12-21
Boric gives its advisers 7 days to deliver a
government proposal with Provoste and MEO
initiatives
BB.4.SV.02-12-21
Balance of the meeting of governors of Tarapacá
in which the presidential candidates were
Source: own elaboration
Table 3. Second-round
El Mostrador
Code Date Headline
M.1.SV.06/12/2021
e immigration issue in the Kast and
Boric programs: a critical review
Source: own elaboration