Political Crises on Social Media. The Ecuadorian Government’s
Communication on Instagram and X during the 2022 National Strike
Crisis políticas en redes sociales. La comunicación del Gobierno del Ecuador en
Instagram y X durante el Paro Nacional de 2022
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| 127
July-December of 2026
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
How to cite this article:
Lozano-Recalde, C.; Suau-Gomila, G. and Pont-Sorribes, C. (2026). Political Crises on Social Media. e Ecuadorian Government’s
Communication on Instagram and X during the 2022 National Strike.
Doxa Comunicación
, 43, pp. 127-156.
https//doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.2829
Cristian Lozano-Recalde.
Master’s degree in Political and Corporate Communication from the University of Navarra
and a PhD Student in the Department of Communication at Pompeu Fabra University. He is a digital communication
consultant for companies and projects in Ecuador, as well as a professor of political crises module in the Master’s in
Political and Institutional Communication at UPF Barcelona School of Management. He is member of the POLCOM-
GRP research group at Universitat Pompeu Fabra and was the coordinator of the research project
Crisis and Emergency
Communication in Social Media
, granted and funded by the Ministry of Science and Innovation of the Government
of Spain. His main research lines include crisis and risk communication, the use of social media in political and
institutional communication, and political discourse on social media.
Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0001-8459-8377
Guillem Suau-Gomila.
PhD in Communication from Universitat Pompeu Fabra and professor and researcher in the
Department of Catalan Philology and Communication at the University of Lleida (UDL). He has published extensively on
political and institutional communication during crises and emergencies in reputable academic journals, contributed
to numerous book chapters on the topic, and delivered over twenty presentations at national and international
conferences. He was the principal investigator of the project
Hate on Social Media: e Agora of Misogyny
, funded by
the International Catalan Institute for Peace (ICIP). His lines of research focus on crisis and emergency communication,
political communication, and hate speech on social media.
Universitat de Lleida, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0002-8364-675X
Carles Pont-Sorribes.
PhD in Social Communication, and is a researcher and Full Professor at Universitat Pompeu
Fabra. He serves as the Academic Director of the Master’s program in Political and Institutional Communication at the
UPF Barcelona School of Management and as the Director of the Ideograma UPF Chair of Political Communication and
Democracy. His research interests include political communication, public opinion, risk and crisis communication,
and journalism. He has made numerous scientic contributions, many of which have been published in prestigious
academic journals. He is the author of seven books and over ten book chapters published by specialised communication
publishers. He has participated in prominent competitive research projects (R&D&I) and delivered lectures at
universities nationally and internationally. He has also conducted research stays at renowned international centres,
including the Risk, Science, Health, and the Media research group led by Full Professor Jenny Kitzinger at the Cardi
School of Journalism, Media and Cultural Studies at Cardi University.
Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0003-1135-4245
is content is published under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License. International License CC BY-NC 4.0
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1.
Introduction
e digital ecosystem represents a complex landscape for political communication. Continuous technological changes
constantly redene communication tactics, especially on social media (Subekti
et al.,
2023), where public opinion climates
are primarily shaped today (Herbst, 2011; Giansante, 2015). During public crises, social media can enhance communication
(Bruns and Burgess, 2014; Sutton and Veil, 2017; Fraustino and Liu, 2017), when they are used strategically and responsibly. In
this regard, Valentini
et al.
(2022) highlight that social media should be fully integrated into crisis strategy, from the prevention
stage to response and recovery.
In political crises, events are framed within narratives according to the communication processes and interests of the various
actors involved (Coombs and Holladay, 2023). However, this typology represents a blind spot in research on crises in public
administrations and governments (Auer, 2016; Lozano-Recalde, 2024), which tends to focus primarily on crises related to
disasters and health emergencies. Consequently, there is also limited scientic content on the specic use of social media for
managing political crises.
Recibido: 08/11/2024 - Aceptado: 20/01/2025 - En edición: 02/04/2025 - Publicado: 01/07/2026
Resumen:
Este trabajo busca aportar a la literatura que existe sobre el uso efec
-
tivo de las redes sociales en la comunicación de crisis políticas, una
de las tipologías de crisis que recibe menos atención por parte de la
academia. Para ello, se toma como caso de estudio la comunicación
del Gobierno del Ecuador en X e Instagram durante el Paro Nacional
de 2022. Por medio del análisis del contenido, se evalúa la estrategia
de comunicación y se identican características de las crisis políticas.
Además, se señala el rol de X e Instagram en la comunicación de crisis
del Gobierno y el de los distintos formatos de contenidos en la elabora
-
ción de los mensajes. Los resultados reejan que el Gobierno del Ecua
-
dor utilizó las redes sociales para informar acciones y buscar apoyo
ciudadano. Además, se halló que X e Instagram ayudaron a construir
la narrativa ocialista sobre la crisis, aunque con inconsistencias. Se
concluye que los social media pueden contribuir en los esfuerzos por
controlar el relato político en las crisis, mediante una lectura acertada
y aprovechando los distintos formatos y recursos digitales. Este trabajo
propone un marco metodológico para analizar la comunicación de
crisis políticas de confrontación en redes sociales.
Palabras clave:
Comunicación de crisis; crisis políticas; comunicación gubernamental;
redes sociales; comunicación política.
Received: 08/11/2024 - Accepted: 20/01/2025 - Early access: 02/04/2025 - Published: 01/07/2026
Abstract:
is study aims to contribute to the existing literature on the eective use
of social media in political crisis communication, a crisis typology that has
received relatively little academic attention. e communication strategy
of the Ecuadorian Government on X and Instagram during the 2022
National Strike is used as a case study. e communication strategy is
evaluated through content analysis, and characteristics of political crises
are identied. Additionally, the study examines the role of X and Instagram
in the Government’s crisis communication eorts and how dierent
content formats contributed to message construction. e ndings reveal
that the Ecuadorian Government used social media to inform citizens
about its actions and to garner public support. Furthermore, the study
found that X and Instagram played a crucial role in shaping the ocial
narrative of the crisis, although some inconsistencies were noted. e
study concludes that social media can contribute to eorts in controlling
the political narrative during crises by providing accurate interpretations
and leveraging diverse digital formats and resources. is work also
proposes a methodological framework for analysing political crisis
communication in confrontational contexts on social media.
Keywords:
Crisis Communication; political crisis; governmental communication;
social media; political communication.
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Additionally, most research on crisis communication takes X, formerly Twitter and Facebook, as references for case studies
(Eriksson, 2018; Cheng
et al.,
2022). To some extent, this has led academia to focus primarily on analysing textual messages,
to the detriment of studying visual messages (Ravazzani y Maier, 2022). erefore, conceptual tools are needed to enable
comprehensive analyses of the intermodality of crisis communication on social media.
is work aims to contribute to the literature on the use of social media in managing political crises by analysing the
communication of the Government of Ecuador during the 2022 National Strike, a crisis that ts the typology dened by
Lerbinger (2012) as confrontation. In response to the social and economic unrest at the time, representatives of the indigenous
movement called for protests that lasted 18 days. During this period, among other channels, the government used social
media to communicate its actions and shape a narrative about the situation in the country. Notably, this was the last political
confrontation crisis faced by the Government of Ecuador up to the time of this study.
Based on this case, the general objective of this study is to:
Analyse the characteristics of the management of political crises on social networks, taking the analysis on X and Instagram
as a reference.
ree specic objectives are proposed:
1. Identifying specic elements of political communication crisis compared to other types of political crises, such as natural
disasters or health emergencies.
2. Evaluating the strategy of crisis communication used by the Government of Ecuador, specically through the proles
Presidenciaec and Comunicació
n.ec
on Instagram and X.
3. Develop, based on previous studies by Cheng (2016), Coombs (2010), Holladay (2009), Quevedo-Redondo and Portalés-
Oliva (2017), and Lalancette and Raynauld (2019), among others, a methodological framework for the analysis of social
media in political crises of confrontation, from an integral perspective, which values both textual elements and images.
e study seeks to address the following research questions:
1. What was the strategy of crisis communication on social networks that the Government of Ecuador implemented during
the National Strike, and what narrative about the crisis was presented on Instagram and X?
2. What functions did Instagram and X have, as well as the dierent content formats on social networks, in the governmental
communication of this crisis?
3. What specic characteristics do social networks have in communicating political crises of confrontation?
1.1. e context: 2022 National Strike in Ecuador
On 13 June 2022, representatives of Ecuador’s indigenous communities declared an indenite strike in protest of the country’s
social and economic situation. Led by the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE), the movement was
supported by thousands of people who took to the streets in various cities, demanding government accountability. e strike
began with road and highway blockades, which disrupted interprovincial transportation.
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Led by Leonidas Iza, the CONAIE called on the government to meet 10 key demands related to the economy and improving
living conditions for indigenous communities. Among these demands, the most notable were to lower fuel prices, implement
agricultural price controls, increase investment in health and education, and oppose the privatization of strategic sectors.
e Indigenous sector argued that the strike became their only recourse after exhausting all attempts at dialogue with the
authorities.
From the beginning, the Government criticised the call for the strike, attributing it to economic disruptions and interruptions
to people’s daily lives. Furthermore, as reports of road blockades and acts of vandalism were reported during the protests,
the government condemned the interests and motives of CONAIE. Meanwhile, the protests aected the public due to the
insecurity they generated and the shortage of food and essential goods, which could not be transported between provinces.
Schools and universities suspended in-person activities, and businesses suered from looting.
Although the government initially expressed its willingness to engage in dialogue, it did so under the condition that the protests
be called o. Days later, as the situation remained unchanged, the president took measures to deter protestors and gain public
support, such as reducing fuel prices by $0.10 and signing a state of emergency decree. However, these actions did not ease the
crisis. Meanwhile, the opposition in the National Assembly proposed invoking Article 130.2 of the Constitution to call for early
elections, though this initiative did not succeed.
With the mediation of the Ecuadorian Episcopal Conference, the government and CONAIE reached an agreement on June
30. e
Acta por la Paz
(Act for Peace) was signed, and both parties formalised their commitments. e Indigenous sector
agreed to end the protests, while the Government reduced fuel prices by $0.15 and introduced additional economic and social
measures. Dialogue tables were also set up between the government and CONAIE to address demands not included in the
decree.
After 18 days of protests, the strike concluded with eight fatalities, including both demonstrators and law enforcement ocers.
Additionally, hundreds were reported injured or detained. Economically, the government estimated losses exceeding one
billion dollars, while the Municipality of Quito valued damage to urban infrastructure at approximately two million dollars.
2. eoretical Framework
2.1. Political Crises in Governments
Institutions and governments are constantly subject to public scrutiny. In times of crisis, citizens expect authorities to take
decisive action, resolve the situation, and prevent its recurrence (Boin et
al.,
2009). Eective crisis management begins with
recognizing the nature of the threat. Identifying the type of crisis is essential for assessing the scale of the challenge (Frandsen
and Johansen, 2020) and determining the most eective response strategy. (Lerbinger, 2012).
In the public sphere, Coombs and Holladay (2023) categorise crises into three main types: health emergencies, natural
disasters and political crises. Frandsen and Johansen (2020) emphasise the importance of distinguishing political crises from
other public crises, as their institutional logic- meaning their practices, structures and symbolic aspects- operates dierently.
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e classication of a crisis determines key management priorities. In health emergencies and natural disasters the primary
focus is on mitigating harm and protecting victims (Lu & Jin, 2022; Stephens & P.Tich, 2022). However, in political crises, what
is at stake is the balance of power (Frandsen & Johansen, 2020). In such cases, authorities prioritise communication to defend
their positions (Auer, 2016) and maintain legitimacy in crisis leadership (Riorda, 2011).
According to Lerbinger (2012), democracies create a political and social environment in which certain groups pressure
governments to demand change. Some of these conicts escalate into what the author refers to as confrontation crises
(Lerbinger, 2012). In such crises, the balance of power is at stake. e threat arises from the potential loss of power, brought
about by changes initiated by a political actor, which jeopardise the fundamental values or norms of a political system (Riorda,
2011; Auer, 2016).
In political crises, communication must work to create a receptive environment for the decisions made and ensure coherence
in the “communicate-act” relationship (Weinsteiner, 2010, as cited in Riordan, 2011). To achieve this, leaders must craft a
coherent and credible narrative. is process, which Boin
et al
. (2009) dene as constructing the crisis’s meaning, involves
explaining the situation, its causes, consequences, and solutions. Meaning construction operates on two levels: one focuses on
the crisis itself, and the other on the actions taken by the crisis manager (Coombs, 2010). Furthermore, an eective narrative
clearly denes both the political and operational closures of the crisis (Riorda, 2011). While the political closure marks the
material end of the crisis, the operational closure focuses on removing the issue from the public agenda.
To make sense of a crisis, the rituals of political communication are useful (Rey-Morató, 2011). Among these, framing plays
a crucial role in shaping how public interest issues are understood and evaluated (Entman, 1993; Semetko and Valkenburg,
2000). is resource enables politicians to challenge the denition and assessments of problems, ultimately bolstering their
own positions (Entman, 1993; Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000). According to Boin
et al.,
(2009), an eective frame oers a
credible account of unfolding events, indicates the course of action to be taken, conveys empathy, and suggests that leaders
remain in control.
In line with this narrative, authorities must focus on addressing the crisis. is requires, rst, proactively establishing a response
strategy- whether through denial, avoidance, or acknowledgment and management of the crisis (Benoit, 1997; Coombs, 2007;
Holladay, 2009; Losada-Diaz, 2009), and consistently communicating aligned with that strategy. Second, to reinforce political
legitimacy in crisis management, leaders must cultivate an emotional connection with the public. Mohamed Nour & Kisa
(2024), state that, to build trust in times of crisis, authorities must express empathy for people’s circumstances.
2.2. Use of Social Media in Crisis Communication
Social media has inuenced the way crises unfold and how communication processes operate in such situations (Lee, 2020).
ese platforms amplify informational reach, facilitate real-time updates, encourage interaction, and expedite aid to victims
(Houston
et al.,
2014; Suau-Gomila
et al.,
2022). However, their dynamic and interactive nature also presents challenges. e
diversity of voices and narratives can foster misinformation and hoaxes, potentially undermining control over the conversation
(Piqueiras-Conlledo and Sánchez-Calero, 2023).
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In the digital ecosystem, eective crisis communication relies on connecting the public with ocial information sources in
real time. is approach reduces uncertainty and reinforces the perception that the situation is under control (Lin
et al.,
2016;
Lee, 2020). Additionally, actions such as monitoring trends, identifying key audiences, ensuring content depth, and tailoring
messages to each platform’s characteristics (Palen
et al.,
2010; Houston
et al.,
2014; Stewart and Wilson, 2018; Suau-Gomila
et
al.,
2022) enhance control over the digital conversation during crises.
Diers-Lawson (2022) highlights that a high level of digital interaction can increase in-person participation and drive
mobilization. To achieve this, authorities must develop a social media infrastructure that harnesses digital analytics, establishes
clear roles, and integrates support from third-party- actors in the digital space (Watson and Fird, 2022). Engaging credible
actors with mobilization power can help to disseminate the message or reduce authorities’ exposure to controversial topics.
is is particularly important during political crises, where polarisation intensies, and debates often focus more on political
issues than on the incident that triggered the crisis (Ferra and Nguyen, 2017; Pont-Sorribes
et al.,
2020).
e multitude of voices on social media shapes the ow of information throughout dierent crisis phases, traditionally
categorized as pre-crisis, crisis, and post-crisis (Coombs, 2010; Seeger, 2006; Jaques, 2007). As Vijaykumar
et al.
(2015) indicate,
in today’s complex and dynamic media landscape, linear representations of crises are limited. Instead, crises should be seen
as cyclical and recurrent (Stewart and Wilson, 2016), where dierent phases can coexist that blur the boundaries of when one
stage ends and another begins. Some studies have employed new ways to analyse crises phases (Vanderbiest, 2016; Pont-
Sorribes et al., 2020; Suau-Gomila et al., 2022) based on semantic rather than chronological criteria.
Eriksson (2018) and Cheng
et al.
(2022) highlight one of the gaps in crisis communication research: the overemphasis on
analyzing X and Facebook. While these platforms stand out for their popularity due to real-time information sharing and the
capacity to foster dialogue (Eriksson, 2018), relying on them as primary references risks overgeneralizing ndings. Visually
driven platforms, such as Instagram or TikTok, can provide dierent insights and rene the lessons drawn from Facebook and X.
is is particularly relevant given the evolution of social media from a text-based to a visually oriented experience. For some
time, platforms themselves have begun prioritising interactions with posts featuring visual content (Li and Xie, 2019). In the
context of a crisis, as Janoske (2017) points out, visual content serves as a tool for citizens to verify information about the crisis
and feel more informed about unfolding events.
Integrating multimedia elements can make crisis communication more eective. As Suau-Gomila
et al.
(2022) highlight, rich
content fosters more diverse conversations, mitigates information overload, and extends reach. Additionally, multimedia
content tends to boost engagement during crises and instill greater trust (Malik
et al.,
2021; Zhang
et al.,
2023). When used
eectively, these resources can play a crucial role in helping authorities illustrate the progression of crisis management and
reinforce condence in its resolution.
Lalancette and Raynauld (2017) argue that the visual aspect of social media plays a pivotal role in shaping how citizens perceive
and assess politicians, their messages, and their actions. Visual content enhances the narrative during a crisis. Instagram,
for instance, can help build leadership during political crises, eectively conveying the unfolding of events, and steering the
message towards an emotional tone (López-Rabadán and Doménech-Fabregat, 2018).
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3. Methodology
3.1 Sample selection
is article examines the Ecuadorian Government’s communication on Instagram and X during the 2022 National Strike. ese
platforms were chosen due to their popularity in Ecuador at the time of the crisis, based on user growth rates (Del Alcázar,
2022, p.21), and because both had ocial governmental accounts. e sample includes content from the two institutions
responsible for government communication: the Presidency and the Secretariat of Communication. On Instagram, the
accounts are
Presidenciaec
and
Comunicación.ec
, and
Presidencia_ec
and
Comunicacionec
, on X. e study focuses on the
period from 13 June to 5 July 2022, spanning from the beginning of the crisis to ve days after its resolution, which was marked
by the signing of the “
Acta Por la Paz”.
In total, the analysis covers 23 days, including 18 days of the crisis and 5 days of the
post-crisis.
For the content review, we analysed all posts from the accounts mentioned during this period. However, Instagram stories, as
well as replies or mentions on X, were not considered. Likewise, any content that may have been deleted before the sample
was collected was excluded.
Data extraction from Instagram was conducted using the analytical tool CrowdTangle on 11 October 2023, while data from X
was gathered via PhantomBuster on 20 November 2023. From an initial sample of 589 results, the data was reviewed manually
to remove duplicates and exclude posts unrelated to the crisis. e nal selection comprised 194 Instagram posts and 295 from
X, totaling 489 units for analysis. Table 1 outlines the sample selection process.
Table 1. Sample Collection Process for Analysis
Instagram and X Posts from the Accounts
Presidenciaec
and
Comunicacionec
, from June 13 to
5 July 2022
→
N=589
(Instagram=252 X=337)
Removal of Duplicate Results
→
N=44
(Instagram=32 X= 12)
Removal of Irrelevant Posts
→
N=56
(Instagram=26 X= 30)
Final Sample
→
N=489
(Instagram=194 X=295)
Source: created by the authors
To address the objective and research questions of this study, content analysis was employed. is methodology integrates
both quantitative and qualitative approaches. Bardin (1991) denes content analysis as “a set of techniques for analysing
communications through systematic and objective procedures for describing the content of messages” (p.32). is technique
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aims to interpret data from any type of message and analyse their underlying meanings (Krippendor, 1994; Iguatua-Perosanz,
2006), ultimately summarising the information gathered (Bengtsson, 2017). e goal is to interpret the obtained results in a
structured manner.
Content analysis has been used as a tool in examining the use of social media in crisis communication across numerous
studies (Kim and Liu, 2012; Bruns and Burguess, 2014; Pont-Sorribes
et al.,
2020; Belanger and Lavenex, 2021). Traditionally,
research has focused on Twitter, now known as X (Eriksson, 2018). However, recent studies have incorporated content analysis
on Instagram (Malik
et al.
, 2021; Mackay
et al.,
2022; Mele, 2023).
3.2. Variables of the Analysis
e analysis sheet was constructed by dening variables and indicators based on the work of Liu
et al.,
(2020), Coombs (2010),
Holladay (2010), Fearn-Banks (2016), Suau-Gomila
et al.,
(2022), Quevedo-Redondo and Portalés-Oliva (2017), Lalancette and
Raynauld (2019), Tirado-García and Doménech-Fabregat (2021) Farkas and Márton-Bene, (2020) and Semetko and Valkenburg
(1993). After reviewing these studies, three general analysis categories were established, aligning with the characteristics of a
political crisis of confrontation and its communication on social media. e goal was to obtain results that directly addressed
the research questions. e nal categories were characteristics of crisis communication, characteristics of the message on
social media, characteristics of the image, and characteristics of the narrative.
Next, classications for the indicators to be analyzed within each category were dened. ese variables were primarily
based on the previously cited studies, though in some instances, custom variables were incorporated to better align with the
information in the sample. Table 2 provides a summary of the analysis sheet used.
Table 2. Content Analysis Variables
Analysis Category
VariableClassicationReferences
1. Characteristics of
Crisis Communication
Objective of the post
Inform government actions
Clarify/correct misinformation
Connect the public with help resources
Share citizen testimonies or stories
Call to action/seek support
Condemn actions of political actors
Liu et al., (2020)
Crisis Communication
Phases
Activation
: rejection of the situation, seeking
support, and addressing the crisis.
Containment
: recall of past government actions
and addressing population needs during the crisis.
Negotiation
: responding to the adversary’s
demands, thanking eorts, and proposing a
solution to the conict.
Resolution
: de-escalation, capitalizing on and
transitioning to normalcy
Own elaboration based on
models from Fearn-Banks
(2016) and Suau-Gomila
et
al.
(2022).
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Response Strategy
Informative
: providing information about the crisis
and oering guidance on how to mitigate its impact
Denial
: failing to acknowledge the crisis, attributing
responsibility to a third party.
Evasion: Attributing inability to prevent the crisis or
its consequences, blaming another, minimizing the
crisis’ severity.
Justication
: recalling the government’s positive
actions and victimization.
Concession
: taking responsibility, compensating
victims, implementing preventive measures.
Cheng (2016)
Coombs (2010),
Holladay (2009)
2. Characteristics of
the message on Social
media
Content Format
Text
Link
Single image
Carousel or set of images
Video
Hashtag
Other
Quevedo-Redondo and
Portalés-Oliva, 2017;
Lalancette and
Raynauld (2019)
Message’s
Communicational
Weight
Text
Photograph
Poster
Video
Hashtag
Link
Indeterminate
Own elaboration
Interrelation between
message elements
Independence
: no relation
Redundancy
: One element repeats the message,
making the other redundant
Complementarity
: one element complements and
adds value to the other
Contradiction
: the message of one element
contradicts the other
Tirado-García and
Doménech-Fabregat, 2021
3. Characteristics of
the imagePresence of Political
or National Identity
Elements
Political symbols – yes
Political symbols – no
National symbols – yes
National symbols - no
Own elaboration, based
on Selva-Ruiz and Caro-
Castaño, 2017; López-
Marcos and Vicente-
Fernández, 2023
Protagonists of the
image
President
Government Authorities
Security force authorities
Citizens
Other/indeterminate
Quevedo-Redondo and
Portalés-Oliva, 2017;
Lalancette and
Raynauld (2019)
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Setting and Staging
Institutional: within the framework of authorities’
management
Media
Professional Production with planned content
Professional production with spontaneous content
Amateur: non-professional and improvised content
Tirado-García and
Doménech-Fabregat (2019)
Lalancette and Raynauld
(2019)
4. Characteristics of
the Political NarrativeAppeal (intention of
the message)
Rational
Positive emotional
Negative emotional
Dual appeal
Quevedo-Redondo and
Portalés-Oliva, 2017; Farkas
and
Márton-Bene, 2020.
Crisis framing
Conict
: emphasizes the conict between the two
parties
Human interest
: presents the crisis from an
emotional, human perspective
Economic consequences
: frames the problem in
terms of economic cost
Morality
: frames the situation within moral or
religious values
Responsibility
: attributes the problem to a political
actor
Semetko and Valkenburg
(2000)
Role in the sense-
making process
Explains the facts
Explains the causes or reasons for the situation
Poses possible repercussions
Oers solutions
None
Boin (2009)
Source: created by the authors
e analysis of results was conducted from 16 February to 22 March 2024, following the established criteria.
4. Analysis of Results
4.1. Crisis Communication Strategy
ree variables were used to analyze the government’s crisis communication strategy. First, the objective of each post on X
and Instagram was identied. e primary goal, evident in 36.4% of the posts, was to inform the public about the government’s
actions during the crisis. Next, 22.1% of the posts were designed to seek popular support or make a call to action. A smaller
proportion, 16.6%, aimed to clarify or correct information/misinformation, while 14.5% sought to condemn the actions of the
opponents, i.e., the protesters. Finally, 10.4% of the posts shared stories or testimonies from citizens aected by the strike.
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When comparing the objectives of the posts on X and Instagram, no signicant dierences emerged, as informing the public
remained the primary goal on both platforms. However, the proportion of informative posts decreased on Instagram to 32%,
while it increased on X to 39.3%. Meanwhile, posts featuring citizen stories rose on Instagram to 12.4% but fell to 9.15% on X.
Image 1. Example of a post using the concession strategy to call for action and seek support
Source: Instagram account of the Secretariat of Communication of the Presidency of Ecuador.
https://rb.gy/iuxuva
e second variable analysed in this category was the response strategy, according to the criteria dened by Cheng (2016). It
was found that in most cases (37%), the strategy focused on providing information and updates regarding the management
of the crisis. In 31.5% of the cases, the strategy used was a concession, meaning messages aimed at accepting responsibility,
compensating victims, or taking preventive measures to avoid the recurrence of the crisis. In 18.2% of the posts, the strategy
was to evade responsibility for the crisis, while in 13.3% of the cases, the strategy was justication. In no instance was the denial
strategy applied.
Finally, based on the results obtained, the topics of the posts were categorised to assess whether it was possible to determine
distinct phases in the government’s communication on Instagram and X during this crisis. e information was analyzed
using the frameworks of Fearn-Banks (2016) and Suau-Gomila et al. (2022), revealing four key periods. ese periods were not
strictly chronological but rather narrative, meaning that they overlapped. Nonetheless, upon reviewing the crisis process from
its activation to its resolution, it was found that communication encompassed all these stages. Table 3 outlines the various
phases of crisis communication.
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Table 3. Phases of Government Communication on Social Media during the 2022 National Strike
PhaseCharacteristics
Activation
e strike and its main actors are rejected.
e crisis is monitored under a state of alert, but no response measures addressing the root causes
of the problem are announced.
e government seeks to legitimise its stance by demonstrating public support.
Containment
e government’s past positive actions are recalled.
e needs and demands of citizens, who are starting to be aected by the crisis, are addressed.
e eorts of law enforcement and other organisations involved in crisis management are ac
-
knowledged, recognising their endurance despite the accumulated strain of the situation.
Negotiation
e demands of the opposition are addressed.
Proposals to resolve the crisis are announced.
Resolution
A measure that deactivates the crisis is declared.
Changes resulting from the crisis are communicated, and the process of returning to routine com
-
munication begins.
Source: created by the authors
roughout the 23-day analysis of the strike- including the ve-day post-crisis period- all four phases of the crisis overlapped.
However, their intensity varied, with each phase reaching dierent peaks. Graph 1 illustrates the government’s communication
process phases during the National Strike, based on the number of daily publications.
Graph 1. Evolution of the Communication Phases of the Crisis
Source: created by the authors
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e activation phase signaled the onset of the crisis. While this phase continued until the crisis was resolved, its signicance
diminished as the strike unfolded. is phase was dened by the government’s passive role- closely monitoring the situation
but rejecting the movement rather than taking concrete measures to address the issue.
e containment phase marked the rst signs of concern for the citizens aected by the crisis, and eorts were made to gain
legitimacy for the government’s stance, for example, by highlighting past positive actions. erefore, this was a period in which
the government sought support as the crisis persisted. is phase had few peaks and coexisted with the activation phase for
most of the crisis.
e negotiation phase emerged a few days into the crisis, gaining momentum as the government made concessions and
increasingly emphasised dialogue as a solution. After CONAIE rejected calls to end the protests, the negotiation phase lost
prominence again. It continued in the early post-crisis period to communicate the agreements reached after the strike ended.
Meanwhile, the resolution phase began as protests waned in certain cities during the strike’s nal days and following the
Acta
por la Paz
signing
.
4.2 Characteristics of the Message on Social Media
e rst aspect examined in the analysis of social media variables was the format of the published content. is included the
type of resources used, such as text or video, and the interaction between dierent resources. is analysis oered insights into
the richness of the content employed to communicate the crisis on social media.
e central communicational resource accompanying this format was examined among the 489 analysed posts, which
primarily included text. It was found that 66.3% of the posts incorporated a hashtag. e most frequently used hashtags were
#nopodemosparar, featured in 40.7% of the posts, and #Ecuadorquierepaz, used in 22.7%. Notably, 18% of the posts did not
include any hashtag.
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Image 2. Example of a post with rich content
Source: Instagram Account of the Secretariat of Communication of the Presidency of Ecuador
https://rb.gy/3m9k6h
Other formats used to accompany the texts in the posts included a video (43.8% of the time), a single image (33.5%), image
carousels (12.5%), and links (9.4%). e most common combination of these elements was video, text, and hashtag, featured
in 30.5% of the posts. e second most frequent combination was a single image, text, and hashtag, used in 18.4% of the cases.
An analysis of the resources used across platforms revealed that video played a more signicant role on Instagram, with 54.6%
of the content using this format, compared to 36.5% on X. e image carousel was also more prevalent on Instagram than on X,
15.5% vs. 12.4%. In contrast, a single image was used more often on X (33.5%) compared to (29.9%) on Instagram.
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Graph 2. Communicational Weight of the Message on Social Media
Source: created by the authors
In terms of the communicational weight of the message, it was found that the message was primarily centred around the video
format. Graph 2 illustrates the results of this variable. Additionally, examining the interplay between the message elements
revealed that in 65% of cases, the elements served complementary functions. In 28% of cases, redundancy was present, meaning
one of the elements could be removed without altering the message’s meaning. In 6% of the cases, the communicational
elements were independent, and in 1% of cases, a contradiction between the resources was identied.
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Image 3. Example of the post in which there was redundancy between the text message and image.
https://rb.gy/tmkhj4
Source: X Account of the Secretariat of Communication of the Presidency of Ecuador.
Due to the characteristics of each platform, dierences were found in the combination of formats used. On Instagram, it was
observed that 88.7% of posts placed their communicational weight on images or videos, compared to 70.5% on X. Regarding
content richness, it was found that 61.2% of content on X combined three resources within a single post. At the same time, this
percentage rose to 68.6% on Instagram.
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4.3. e Use of Images in Communication
To analyse the characteristics of the image, variables such as the presence of political or national identity elements, the
prominence of the message, and the setting and staging of the posts were considered. Regarding the rst criterion, no visual
references to political identity elements were found, though national identity was represented. While 81% of the posts did not
include national identity elements, 11% featured the national coat of arms, and 7% displayed the Ecuadorian ag.
Image 4. An example of a post featuring the ag as a symbol of national identity, with the president as the protagonist of the message
Source: X account of the Presidency of Ecuador.
https://rb.gy/6wmdrh
President Guillermo Lasso was the central gure in the messages, who took a leading role in 20% of the posts. Citizens were the
main focus in 24% of cases, while government authorities were highlighted in 15%.
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Image 5: Example of a post featuring a government authority as the protagonist, with a media-oriented staging
Source: Instagram account of the Secretariat of Communication of the Presidency of Ecuador
https://rb.gy/vbiva1
An analysis of the staging and setting of the messages revealed that 31.5% of the posts had a spontaneous yet professional
production. is means content depicting crisis management was shared with professional production without dramatized
scenes or a pre-written script. In 28% of the messages, prior planning and professional production were evident, primarily in
the form of posters or graphic designs. Institutional and media settings accounted for 13.5% and 13.1% of the posts, respectively.
e remaining 13.9% featured other types of staging or were classied as indeterminate.
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Image 6. An example of a post featuring a member of the National Police as the protagonist, with spontaneous yet professional staging
Source: Instagram account of the Secretariat of Communication of the Presidency of Ecuador
4.4. e Political Narrative of the Crisis.
In analysing the variables of the political narrative of the crisis, it was found that 76% of the messages made a rational appeal.
Meanwhile, 15% of posts featured a dual appeal, and 9% appealed to emotion. e primary framing of the government’s
narrative centred on human interest, focusing on the victims of the strike, which accounted for 26.4% of the messages. is
framing was characterised by expressing concern for individuals whose businesses or jobs were impacted by the protests.
Additionally, human interest was conveyed through actions such as oering compensation for the victims and introducing
measures to address the demands of citizens, including those of CONAIE:
Another framing used during the crisis was the economic consequences framing, which appeared in 20% of the posts. is
narrative highlighted the negative impact the protests would have on the country’s economy by halting labour activities.
Specically, the government emphasised that Ecuador was only beginning to recover from the COVID-19 crisis and that another
shutdown would be detrimental. Later in the crisis, the economic consequences framing was used positively, supporting the
government’s measures to address the demands of CONAIE and compensate the victims of the crisis.
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Image 7. Example of a post framed within the economic consequences narrative, in this case, related to the benets of the measures
announced by the government
Source: Instagram account of the Presidency of Ecuador.
https://shorturl.at/4apWc
To a lesser extent, in 10.8% of the cases, the crisis was framed as a conict between the government and the indigenous leaders
of CONAIE. is framing relied on resources and messages focused on communicating security actions and coordination with
the police and armed forces. In 10.6% of the cases, the framing aimed to attribute responsibility for the crisis to CONAIE and
its leader, particularly Leonidas Iza. ese messages argued that the organization was generating chaos for political gain rather
than seeking solutions to the crisis.
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Graph 3. Classication of posts according to the proposed framing
Source: created by authors
On the other hand, the role of social media posts in constructing meaning during the crisis was analysed. To gain legitimacy
during political crises, authorities must oer the population an explanation of the situation- clarifying what is happening,
why it is happening, and providing a solution to the problem (Boin
et al.,
2017). In this case study, it was observed that the
Ecuadorian government primarily used X and Instagram to explain the unfolding events, particularly the measures taken as
part of the crisis management. is function accounted for 39.7% of the analysed posts.
At the same time, 27.8% of the messages focused on oering solutions to the crisis, mainly through dialogue as a means of
reaching consensus and resolving the dierences that had sparked the protests. Another 20.2% of the content outlined the
actual or potential consequences of the strike on the population, such as adverse economic eects or impacts on citizens. As
the crisis progressed, the framing of consequences was also used to emphasise the positive impact of the measures announced
by the Government.
Nine percent of the posts aimed to explain the causes that led to the crisis in the country, while 3.3% did not serve any specic
function. Table 4 details the various functions social media posts play in the process of constructing meaning.
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Table 4. Function in the process of constructing the meaning of the crisis
FunctionCharacteristics
% of Publications
Explain the facts
roughout the crisis, government actions to address the situation, such
as cabinet meetings and eorts to maintain security on the streets, were
publicised. e damage caused by the protests was also shown.
39.7
Explain the causes
of the crisis
It was asserted that the protests did not correspond to citizens’ needs but
were driven by the political interests of some actors within CONAIE.
9
Outline
consequences
e economic and human impact of the Strike was projected, including
the halt of commercial activities, infrastructure damage, food shortages,
and the suspension of educational activities. Later, the focus shifted to
highlighting the benets of the economic measures enacted after the
agreement with CONAI was signed.
20.2
Oer solutions
From the early days of the crisis, the government advocated dialogue
as a means of resolution but failed to establish concrete agreements for
discussions with CONAIE. e call for dialogue was primarily reected in
meetings with various societal sectors that supported the government’s
actions and opposed the protests. As the crisis progressed, the government
introduced measures to address CONAIE’s demands, asserting that these
concessions demonstrated a willingness to negotiate.
27.8
Source: created by the authors
5. Discussion
When analyzing the categories of the variables, the “characteristics of crisis communication” reveals that the communication
strategy eectively recognised the crisis from the very beginning. Furthermore, attention to the facts was demonstrated
through the objectives of the posts, which aimed to inform (36.4%) and garner support (22.1%) for the ocial stance. However,
the crisis was addressed without announcing measures to resolve the issue. Instead, the government rejected the situation,
attributing it to political interests. As a result, from the outset, the “communicate-act” approach proposed by Weinsteiner
(2010, as cited in Riordan, 2011) aligned with the characteristics of a confrontation crisis, as dened by Lerbinger (2012).
e analysis of the crisis phases reveals that, as the protests did not subside, the government initially took steps to protect
citizens from the consequences. Soon after, the rst concessions were announced, such as the reduction in fuel prices.
Most posts (31.5%) focused on demonstrating the government’s responsibility in managing the crisis, taking measures, and
compensating the victims. As a result, the response strategy shifted between providing information and making concessions.
While the government never directly accepted responsibility, this was conveyed through calls for dialogue and by addressing
some of the demands from CONAIE. Ultimately, the resolution came through negotiation and signing the “
Acta por la Paz”.
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e analysis of the ocial narrative revealed inconsistencies. While the narrative eectively identied dialogue as the operational
closure of the crisis (Riorda, 2011), contradictions arose in how the consequences of the crisis were presented. Initially, the
narrative warned about the economic risks, but a few weeks later, it framed the agreements reached as an achievement.
erefore, these inconsistencies reect errors in the narrative construction, aligning with Boin et al.’s observations (2009). e
framing strategy uctuated primarily between presenting the crisis as a human interest issue (26.4%), focusing on the victims
of protest-related vandalism, and as an economic problem for the country (20%). In this way, the Government of Ecuador
attempted to “play” with the narrative that best served its interests as the crisis evolved (Rey Morató, 2011; Vanderbiest, 2016).
Regarding the characteristics of the image, it can be argued that the focus of crisis communication on social media was shared
between citizens, the president, and government authorities in that order. Furthermore, content not centred on citizens showed
that the crisis was managed from the Presidential Palace (26.9%) and with institutional or media-driven staging (49.3%). is
aligns with the idea that the authorities distanced themselves from the events unfolding in the streets, particularly at the onset
of the crisis. On the other hand, the use of images on X and Instagram did not reveal the use of political elements in crisis
management.
Concerning each platform’s specic role in crisis management, no signicant dierences were found in response strategies,
communicative phases, and post formats. However, the objectives of the posts did vary to some extent. X played an informative
role, while Instagram adopted a storytelling approach from the perspective of citizens. When examining the format of the
messages, it was found that video predominated on both platforms, although they were more prominent on Instagram. is
result is consistent with other studies’ ndings on crisis and emergency situations (Guidry
et al.
, 2017; Malik
et al.
, 2021; Zhang
et al
., 2023).
e most signicant disparity between Instagram and X emerged when evaluating the communicational weight of the message.
While video was the primary resource for the government’s messages, X placed signicant emphasis on textual content and
links. Nearly one in every three posts on X focused the message on non-visual resources. In contrast, on Instagram, nearly 90%
of the messages relied on videos, posters, and, to a lesser extent, photographs to carry communicational weight.
6. Conclusions
e main objective of this study was to analyse the key characteristics of social media communication during political
crises. e results reveal specic aspects of the posts’ objectives, narrative, and communicational phases. In response to the
rst specic objective, it was found that the primary goal in political crises is to persuade and create a convincing political
narrative. is aligns with existing academic literature, which emphasises the importance of mobilizing public opinion and
communicating to defend political positions (Auer, 2016; Watson & Fird, 2022). Furthermore, the study conrmed that it is
essential to dene the political actors involved in these crises quickly, understand their motivations, and assess the actual or
potential consequences (Boin et al., 2009). Additionally, determining both the operational and political closure of the crisis as
soon as possible is essential.
Regarding the study’s second objective, the ndings indicate that the Ecuadorian government prioritised securing political
support over addressing the informational needs of the population. Additionally, government accounts on X and Instagram
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played a key role in shaping the ocial narrative. However, inconsistencies emerged in the messaging throughout the crisis,
as demonstrated by the analysis of communicational phases and response strategies. Furthermore, Instagram played a more
signicant role in generating emotional content and capitalising on the richness of the video format. On the other hand, X was
used for informational and rational purposes. On this platform, the emphasis was placed on text-based content or external
links that provided further information.
Lastly, regarding the third objective, this study presents a methodological framework for analysing political confrontation
crises on social media. is approach considers both the particularities of narrative and crisis strategies in the political context
and the multimodality and content richness of messages on social media. Additionally, a new way of analysing the phases of
crisis communication in political confrontations on social media has been proposed. is categorisation recognises these
crises as dynamic, non-linear processes shaped by ongoing negotiations between political actors.
e ndings of this study underscore the complexity of accurately assessing the magnitude and scope of political crises. In such
scenarios, an ordinary conict can quickly become an existential threat to a political actor. e challenge lies in identifying
when a crisis has escalated and when decisive action is required to resolve it. Social media can serve as a valuable tool for
correctly interpreting a crisis and improving the ow of information. Monitoring trends and measuring user sentiment during
a crisis can eectively counter alternative political narratives. Likewise, leveraging the unique characteristics of each platform
and the richness of multimedia content can optimise the messages and build trust. ese conclusions align with previous
research cited in this study (Lee, 2020; Suau-Gomila
et al.,
2022).
e authors acknowledge the limitations of analysing a single case and restricting the study of government communication to
only two institutions. It would be benecial to contextualize the ndings of this research by assessing political crises in other
countries at dierent times and with varying developments, especially in cases of confrontation. e analysis on only two
platforms could also be considered a limitation. Still, the authors have chosen to include the social media platforms with the
highest interaction rates in the country at the time of the crisis.
Despite these limitations, the intrinsic characteristics of crisis communication, which share very similar parameters across
social media platforms, suggest that the ndings of this study can be extrapolated to other analyses with similar characteristics.
Nonetheless, these results could be further rened or complemented by future research.
7. Acknowledgements
is article was translated into English by Sophie Phillips, to whom we are grateful for her work.
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8. Specic contributions of each author
Name and surname
Conception and design of the work
Cristian Lozano-Recalde, Guillem Suau-Gomila and
Carles Pont-Sorribes
Methodology
Cristian Lozano-Recalde and Carles Pont-Sorribes
Data collection and analysisCristian Lozano-Recalde and Guillem Suau-Gomila
Discussion and conclusionsGuillem Suau-Gomila and Carles Pont-Sorribes
Drafting, formatting, version review and approvalCristian Lozano-Recalde
9. Conict of Interests
e authors declare that there is no conict of interest contained in this article.
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