Fact-checking and disinformation in Spain related to the climate
issue. Trends in coverage, topic selection, and the management of
news sources in the professional strategies used by
EFE Verica
,
Maldito Clima
, and
Newtral
Fact-checking y desinformación climática en España. Tendencias en la
cobertura, tematización y gestión de fuentes en la estrategia profesional de
EFE Verica, Maldito Clima y Newtral
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| 561
July-December of 2025
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
How to cite this article:
Sendra-Duro, E. (2025).
Fact-checking and disinformation in Spain related to the climate issue. Trends in coverage, topic selection, and the
management of news sources in the professional strategies used by EFE Verica, Maldito Clima, and Newtral
.
Doxa Comunicación
, 41, pp. 561-587.
https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n41a2861
Enric Sendra-Duro.
Bachelor’s Degree in Journalism from Universitat Jaume I in Castellón, in addition to a Master’s
Degree in Political Analysis and Institutional Consultancy from the University of Barcelona. Professor Sendra-Duro also
holds a postgraduate degree in Political Marketing and Communication from the Autonomous University of Barcelona. He
is currently working toward a PhD in Communication Science at Universitat Jaume I, in which his lines of research focus
on the changing face of climatic journalism, media agenda setting, and the challenges of institutional communication in
the digital realm. He has given lectures related to journalism, as well as audiovisual communication and advertising at
Universitat Jaume I, in addition to ten years of professional experience in corporate and institutional communication.
Universitat Jaume I, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0002-8569-2709
is content is published under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License. International License CC BY-NC 4.0
Recibido: 08/12/2024 - Aceptado: 16/05/2025 - En edición: 29/05/2025 - Publicado: 01/07/2025
Resumen:
Este artículo ofrece un análisis exhaustivo sobre cómo tres de las prin
-
cipales plataformas españolas de vericación de hechos –EFE Verica,
Maldito Clima y Newtral– abordan la desinformación climática. Apli
-
cando una metodología cuantitativa basada en el análisis de contenido,
se examinan cuatro aspectos clave: 1) el grado de cobertura y la tipo
-
logía de piezas según su estructura textual y función comunicativa; 2)
los temas principales tratados; 3) la diversidad y calidad de las fuentes
utilizadas; y 4) el enfoque geográco de las piezas publicadas. El corpus
analizado comprende 479 piezas informativas publicadas en 2023 sobre
cambio climático y medio ambiente, elaboradas por estas plataformas
acreditadas por la International Fact-Checking Network. Los hallazgos
Received: 08/12/2024 - Accepted: 16/05/2025 - Early access: 29/05/2025 - Published: 01/07/2025
Abstract:
is study oers a comprehensive analysis of how three of Spain’s
leading fact-checking platforms address climate disinformation.
ese include EFE Verica, Maldito Clima, and Newtral. rough a
quantitative methodology using content analysis, four key aspects
were examined: 1) degree of coverage and type of articles selected
based on their textual structure and communicative purpose; 2)
main topics covered; 3) diversity and quality of the sources; and 4)
geographical focus of the published articles. e corpus examined
includes 479 news items on climate change and the environment,
produced and published in 2023 by the platforms mentioned
above, which are accredited by the International Fact-Checking
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1. Introduction
In a global scenario dened by growing political polarisation, along with a digital environment shaped by the rise of social
media, the spread of false and misleading information has emerged as one of the major threats to social cohesion and the
quality of public debate (Rodríguez-Pérez, 2019). Generally known as
disinformation
, or
fake news
, this phenomenon not
only confuses citizens, but it also diverts attention from urgent problems, thereby eroding trust in public institutions and
the media. According to the Reuters Institute’s Digital News Report (Vara-Miguel, 2024), concern regarding the veracity of
news has increased by three percentage points in the last year. e same report highlights the fact that only 40% of the world’s
population trusts the news, a gure that dips slightly to 39% in Spain, making this country the least trusting of the media within
the European Union (Fletcher et al., 2024).
One of the issues most aected by disinformation is climate change. Considered one of the biggest threats of our time, the
climate crisis is routinely challenged on digital platforms through misleading narratives that deny, minimise, or distort its
seriousness. ese publications not only fuel denial, skepticism, and obstructionism (Moreno-Olmeda, 2022), but they
also encourage inaction in the face of an emergency that requires urgent and coordinated measures on a global scale. In
this context, climate disinformation not only undermines scientic consensus, but it also weakens people’s ability to make
informed decisions, thereby increasing their lack of trust in the media and journalism (Van der Linden et al., 2017).
In response to this challenge, fact-checking journalism has gained prominence as a key tool for counteracting the spread
of fake news and restoring trust in the news. ese verication outlets have emerged in response to the saturated, polluted,
digital media space, calling for journalism to be committed to truth and public service (Moreno-Gil et al., 2022). is work
became more intense with the advent of the COVID-19 pandemic (Luengo and García-Marín, 2020), remaining a key media
player by focusing on the detection of errors, verifying facts, and attempting to stop hoaxes.
revelan una signicativa pero desigual atención al cambio climático,
con la publicación de reportajes de vericación y el desmentido de bulos
virales como las tipologías de textos más recurrentes. Los contenidos gi
-
ran mayoritariamente en torno a fenómenos meteorológicos extremos,
el consumo responsable y la sostenibilidad, donde predomina un enfo
-
que territorial nacional. Asimismo, destaca la rigurosidad en la gestión
de fuentes, caracterizada por una abundante participación de ocia
-
les, expertas, mediáticas y digitales. Estos resultados subrayan el papel
estratégico del periodismo de vericación como un actor esencial en la
lucha contra la desinformación climática, identicando tendencias y
desafíos a corto y medio plazo.
Palabras clave:
Plataformas de vericación; agenda mediática; desinformación;
fuentes informativas; periodismo; cambio climático.
Network. According to the ndings, the attention paid to climate
change is signicant but inconsistent, as the most recurring types
of published texts are verication reports and the debunking of
viral hoaxes. Furthermore, the content mainly addresses extreme
weather events, responsible consumption, and sustainability, with a
predominantly national focus. Nevertheless, rigorousness in source
management stands out, featuring considerable participation from
ocials, experts, the media, and digital sources. e results highlight
the strategic role of verication journalism in opposing climate
disinformation, due to its ability to identify trends and challenges in
the short and medium term.
Keywords:
Verication platforms; media agenda; disinformation; information
sources; journalism; climate change.
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is research analyses the way in which fact-checking platforms in Spain address the coverage of climate change, which
involves identifying trends, challenges and opportunities in the ght against disinformation in an increasingly complex media
and political context. To conduct this investigation, the author has used agenda-setting studies as a reference, along with the
professional management of information sources as a criterion of journalistic quality.
2. eoretical framework
2.1. Disinformation related to context of climate change
e communication revolution resulting from the advent of social media poses a profoundly negative threat to contemporary
democracies, which is disinformation (Bennett & Livingston, 2018). While hoaxes are not a recent phenomenon, their current
proliferation and sophistication present an unprecedented challenge to society and the media. ey not only distort public
debate with unfounded messages that try to confuse citizens and distract them from important issues (Farrell et al., 2019), but
they also spread hate speech and foment political polarisation (Teruel-Rodríguez, 2023). In Spain, 70% of the population claim
be worried about disinformation (Novoa-Jaso et al., 2024).
Most authors attribute the phenomenon to false, inaccurate, and erroneous information that is often presented out of context
(Salaverría et al., 2020; Treen et al., 2020). Such content is misleading, yet presented and disguised as real news, which is
disseminated on a massive scale to promote specic interests and cause social unrest (Aruguete et al., 2020; Pérez-Escoba
and Pedrero-Esteban, 2021). e confusion between disinformation and accurate information has led to lower credibility of
journalism in society (Mayoral et al., 2019). Consequently, according to authors such as Jones-Jang et al. (2019), media literacy
is essential as an educational tool for improving audiences’ ability to dierentiate between real and fake news.
Social media platforms and networks are plagued by content that totally or partially denies the existence, causes, eects, and
possible solutions to climate change. Moreover, this content underestimates the extent of its impact (Vu et al., 2019). According
to data from the Reuters’
Digital News Report
(Novoa-Jaso et al., 2024), hoaxes about climate change are the sixth most common
type of fake news in Spain. eir persistence highlights the diculty in counteracting the spread of false information online
regarding the climate crisis, as well as knowing how long it will continue in the digital world.
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Figure 1. Hoax topics in Spain (2024 and 2022)
Source:
Digital News Report
, Spain (2024)
is phenomenon has profound implications, as environmental disinformation can undermine global eorts to combat
climate change. By creating confusion related to scientic evidence, hoaxes impede decision-making aimed at implementing
eective public policies (Abellán-López, 2021). To be more precise, exposure to disinformation can lead to inaction and social
disinterest regarding the severity of the climate crisis (Van der Linden, 2015; Hicke et al., 2023).
e problem is that sensationalist and eye-catching content, which is intrinsically linked to disinformation, tends to spread
more easily than real news (Fernández-García, 2017). erefore, as the eects of climate change become increasingly visible
and devastating, the need for specialised coverage becomes imperative (Rodrigo-Cano et al., 2021; Fernández-Castillo
and Magallón-Rosa, 2023). Moreover, given the complex and technical nature of this issue, it requires the intervention and
participation of expert sources in the eld of information (Sendra-Duro and López-Rabadán, 2024). In this regard, the media
have a fundamental responsibility, not only to inform, but also to educate and raise awareness by using accessible narratives
based on rigorous scientic data, in order to combat the rising tide of disinformation (Melani-Rocha, 2015; García-Avilés et
al., 2023).
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2.2. Verication platforms: a way to ght against disinformation
Tactics for disseminating fake news prevail when both journalists and citizens lack the tools to verify and refute these
malicious discourses and messages. Consequently, fact-checking has become a key instrument of considerable importance in
combatting false content (Mayoral et al., 2018). In short, verication journalism relies on credibility and transparency as the
foundation for maintaining public trust, thereby taking eective action against the spread of false and misleading information
(Sanahuja-Sanahuja and López-Rabadán, 2023).
Fact-checking platforms rst emerged in the United States as a civic initiative to ensure accountability. e platforms became
professional organisations with the launch of
FactCheck.org
(2003), along with the so-called Fact-Checker of the
Washington
Post
in 2007. Afterward, French media outlets such as Libération (2008) and Le Monde (2009) launched their rst review
instruments. In Spain,
Maldita
(2013) was the rst media outlet to specialise in fact-checking, followed by
Newtral
(2018) with
its journalistic monitoring project. Subsequently, established media outlets launched fact-checking initiatives, such as
EFE
Verica
(2019), which is linked to the agency’s public news section.
To a large extent, the operations of fact-checking platforms rely on citizen collaboration and participatory democracy in
the digital environment (Vizoso and Vázquez-Herrero, 2018). is allows readers to send publications that contain dubious
messages to the editorial team and request fact-checking of the information. e objective of the fact checkers is to clarify the
content by contrasting and using verication techniques or procedures that allow them to trace the items back to their source.
Recently, the standardisation of fact-checking processes through the International Fact-Checking Network has signicantly
streamlined the task through shared methods and campaigns.
In terms of professional practises on these platforms, news writing diers from traditional journalism. According to García-
Marín (2024), fact-checking should not be conned to traditional journalistic genres such as news, features, reports, etc., but
should have its own typology aimed at identifying the characteristics and inner-workings of disinformation and the dynamics
of cyberjournalism. is would include denial, which is news about the verication of hoaxes, as well as verication reports.
Furthermore, fact-checkers consolidate their ndings through a process of triangulation by cross-checking the evidence
obtained with a wide variety of sources, which is a factor that contributes to journalistic quality (Casero-Ripollés and López-
Rabadán, 2013). Recent studies point to a clear preference for ocial and expert sources, which are most frequently used by
these media (Capelli et al., 2024; Chaparro-Domínguez et al., 2024). is approach helps to ensure more accuracy and rigour
in their assessments. At the same time, platforms are turning to digital review methods through apps and online tools aimed
at determining whether an image, video, or graphic resource has been manipulated or distorted using specialised software
in order to mislead the public. Such tools are also used to trace the origin of the item (Brandtzaeg et al., 2018), which is an
example of using digital hybridisation in carrying out this work (Van Leuven et al., 2018).
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2.3. Verication journalism regarding the climate crisis
Studies on fact-checking platforms have increased signicantly, especially due to their activity during the COVID-19 health
crisis (Sanahuja-Sanahuja and López-Rabadán, 2023; López-García et al., 2021; Moreno-Gil et al. 2023). us, people
started to see fact-checking journalism as an essential tool for public health and safety (García-Vivero and López-García,
2020). Regarding climate change, recent studies by Gallardo-Camacho et al. (2024) and Fernández and Magallón (2023) are
noteworthy in Spain. Both groups of authors agree that the main role of news items is explanatory, and that extreme weather
is the dominant theme. e latter group also emphasise that a national geographical perspective is prevalent. According to
Quintana-Pujalte and León-Moral (2024), who have analysed media narratives on Spanish platforms regarding the United
Nations 2030 Agenda, climate change is one of the most recurring issues. Along the same lines, Blanco-Herrero et al. (2024)
have found a preponderance of social issues in news articles, although politics was the underlying topic, which reinforces the
polarising role of disinformation.
Other relevant research in the academic eld of disinformation has analysed denialist discourse in legacy media (Martín-
Sosa, 2021) and, more recently, on digital platforms like YouTube (Vicente-Torrico and González-Puente, 2023). Fernández
and Magallón (2023) emphasise how international events at the highest political level, such as climate summits, have become
especially sensitive to disinformation dynamics, acting as critical focal points in terms of the production and circulation of
biased narratives. Along the same lines, authors such as Gelado-Marcos et al. (2025) warn that messages spread globally
are often adapted to local contexts to heighten their social impact. Furthermore, after analysing the most active sources of
disinformation, Benaissa-Pedriza (2024) found that the origin of most disinformation is ordinary users and inuencers, who
spread fake news through simplistic messages and singular points of view. On the other hand, Martín et al. (2024) question the
usefulness of fact-checking journalism, arguing that it fails to change the opinion of people who spread disinformation. ese
authors believe that it only reinforces the opinions of those who oppose disinformation.
At the international level, a signicant contribution has been made by Hameleers and Van der Meer (2020), who have found
that fact-checkers can achieve informational credibility in the climate debate and reducing political tension. Flack et al. (2024)
have identied biased selection, slothful induction, and oversimplication as the most heavily used discursive strategies in
climate change disinformation. Likewise, another noteworthy study is that of Chen (2024), whose review of scientic literature
listed some of the most eective techniques for counteracting climate disinformation disseminated through emerging
technology, including media literacy, algorithmic fact-checking, and interactive formats. Furthermore, Ejaz et al. (2024) warn
about the incursion of companies that use branded content, a strategy that could be perceived as a form of greenwashing, and
a means of strengthening their corporate reputation in terms of sustainability.
Vasileiadou (2025) analysed press coverage of the 28th United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP28). is author
identied some of the main sources of false or misleading information about climate change, which included the governments
of Russia and China, as well as fossil fuel exporting companies, and inuencers who make prots by spreading conspiracy
theories about global warming. On the other hand, another international study found that disinformation is more likely to be
spread by anonymous organisations and proles than by business magnates, celebrities, and academics (Hassan et al., 2023).
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| 567
3. Methodology
3.1. Objectives
e main objective of this article is to comprehensively examine the strategies and practices of verication journalism in
Spain, in order to address disinformation related to climate change.
e analysis aims to shed light on the reporting approaches and methods used by verication agencies, and to identify relevant
trends that might impact the future of fact-checking journalism regarding this topic. To this end, the following strategic
objectives are as follows:
O1. Quantify the volume of information produced and categorise published pieces according to their textual structure and
communicative purpose, paying special attention to emerging uses that are specic to fact-checking.
O2. Analyse the priority topics that recur frequently regarding the coverage of climate disinformation by establishing
patterns of the issues that receive the most attention and their relevance in media discourse.
O3. Assess the quantity, type, diversity, and representativeness of the sources used by the media. Special attention will be
given to the use of digital sources and their role as specialised tools in the verication process.
O4. Identify the geographical location of each item in order determine the territorial focus of the coverage.
e novelty of this study lies in two main features. On the one hand, it uses a database covering all articles published by
EFE Verica
,
Maldito Clima,
and
Newtral
during 2023, thereby ensuring a recent and contextualised perspective on the
phenomenon. On the other hand, the analysis of professional standards related to the selection and use of sources, which are
applied specically to verication journalism in the eld of climate change, represents a major step forward. is issue has not
been explored previously using this methodology, which provides new insights into information dynamics in the context of a
global climate emergency.
3.2. Technique
To address the objectives outlined above, a quantitative methodology through content analysis was used. is technique is
essential for analysing journalistic messages, as it has a long history and is well established in communication studies, for
which it enables data to be systemised (Piñuel-Raigada and Gaitán-Moya, 1995). erefore, a specic analysis protocol was
designed for the manual coding of four variables based on previous research with proven academic rigour.
Firstly, the initial variable was used to analyse the type of item published by each platform, based on its textual structure and
communicative purpose. As fact-checking platforms operate in a hybrid and digital ecosystem, their output has attributes that
do not t neatly into the traditional taxonomy of journalistic genres such as news, reportage, opinion articles, etc. Instead, their
production reects the new, operational rationales specic to cyberjournalism. Among these, the most relevant are refutation
(verication of hoaxes) and verication reports or articles (García-Marín, 2024). Consequently, three information categories
were coded based on the following operational criteria: debunking (news item), understood as a short piece aimed at refuting
false content with high level virality; report (verication report, which is an in-depth, analytical, and educational approach;
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and “other communication formats”, which refer to new digital formats such as podcasts, videos, and interactive elements that
encourage audience participation.
Secondly, the analysis of topic trends has a long history in studies on agenda-setting and priming (McCombs, 2006; Rojas-
Calderón, 2022). Identifying such trends makes it possible to determine the volume of an issue on the media agenda, since the
more coverage it receives, the more newsworthy it is in the media’s view (Ardèvol-Abreu et al., 2020). e theoretical approach
of the present study asserts that climate change is an issue from which a wide range of sectoral topics can be inferred. is is
a key issue that highlights the transversal nature of the matter and its links to dierent social disciplines (Radwan and Ayyad,
2024).
irdly, the proper management and identication of information sources is essential in providing the audience with high-
quality, accurate, and transparent information, especially in the area of fact-checking journalism. In this regard, the agenda
of climate change information is fueled by multiple actors including institutions, the scientic community, civil society, and
interest groups (Anderson, 2017). Furthermore, digital hybridisation has expanded the range of available sources in recent
years, thanks to social media and online platforms (Van Leuven et al., 2018). At the same time, fact-checking platforms are
leading the way in using apps and tools designed to reveal manipulation or misrepresentation of a le (Brandtzaeg et al., 2018),
which is a truly innovative trend in digital journalism (Van Leuven et al., 2018). Consequently, if a larger number and diversity
of sources are consulted, the credibility and inuence will be stronger. Moreover, Casero-Ripollés and López-Rabadán (2013)
consider this aspect essential for evaluating professional quality.
Finally, the geographical location of the news space helps journalists contextualise the issue, as territorial proximity makes it
easier for the audience to understand and interpret the information (Sendra-Duro and López-Rabadán, 2025). is variable
was coded according to the dominant geographical setting of the content, which is considered the territory to which the news
item mostly refers. If the hoax or topic analysed had a specic impact in Spain, it was classied as “Spain”. Articles that focused
on European Union policies, or on phenomena that aected several European countries, were coded as “Europe”. If the focus
was global, with no specic reference, it was designated as “World”. In cases where multiple locations were mentioned, priority
was given to the territorial focus with the highest discursive impact. e other areas were used when the content had a specic
geographical association. Studying this variable would help to understand whether the Spanish media’s approach to climate
disinformation is presented from a perspective that is national, regional or local, or from an international viewpoint (Jerónimo
and Sánchez-Esparza, 2022).
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Tabla 1. Analysis protocol
Variable
Associated values
1
Type and communicative purpose
of the news item
1.
Debunking – News item
2.
Report – verication report
3.
Other communication formats
2
Main topic
1.
Activism
2.
Biodiversity
3.
World warming
4.
Natural disasters
5.
Consequences of climate change
6.
Consumption and sustainability
7.
Pollution
8.
Political debate
9.
Extreme weather
10.
Mobility
11.
Denialism
12.
Ecological transition
13.
Others
3
Information sources
Number of sources
1.
Without sources
2.
One or two sources
3.
ree sources
4.
Four sources
5.
Five sources
6.
More than ve sources
Type of source
1.
Ocial
2.
Economic
3.
Civil society
4.
Scientic
5.
Interest group
6.
Media
7.
Digital tool
8.
Social network
9.
Other
4
Informative space
1.
World
2.
Spain
3.
Europe
4.
United States
5.
Latin America
6.
Middle East
7.
Asia
8.
Africa
9.
Other
Source: prepared by the author based on research from Sendra-Duro and López-Rabadán (2025),
García-Marín (2024) and Casero-Ripollés and López-Rabadán (2013)
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3.3. Sample
e sample used in this research consists of all the news pieces on climate change published during 2023 by three of the main
Spanish fact-checking platforms:
EFE Verica
,
Maldito Clima
and
Newtral
. ese platforms are accredited by the International
Fact-Checking Network (IFCN), and they stand out for their commitment to international standards of quality and transparency
in fact-checking, which enhances the validity and reliability of the results obtained.
e corpus was compiled manually from the digital newspaper archives of these media outlets, using specic search tags such
as “climate change”, “climate crisis”, “environment” and “global warming”. is broad approach ensured that the selection
included content directly related to the subject being addressed. An inter-coder reliability test was carried out on 10% of the
sample (n=48 pieces), which was performed independently by two researchers. e coincidence was high, with a reliability of
over 89% based on Krippendor’s Alpha index, which conrmed the consistency of the method and allowed for the renement
of identication criteria in cases that were complex or dicult to categorise (Hayes and Krippendor, 2007).
From a methodological perspective, the suitability of this sample is a result of two factors. On the one hand, the focus on
platforms known for their professional standards gives the analysis a high degree of representativeness and quality. On the
other hand, 2023 was an especially active period in terms of climate disinformation, due to high-impact events such as extreme
weather phenomena and international conferences on climate change, all of which provided a rich and varied context for the
study.
Table 2. Total sample
Verication platformInformative pieces
EFE Verica
39
Maldito Clima
316
Newtral
124
Source: prepared by the author
4. Results
e analysis of climate coverage on verication platforms during 2023 reveals a dynamic and complex picture, which was
shaped by news production driven by high-impact events. Extreme weather such as heat waves and oods, along with
international milestones like the United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP), provided a favourable context for active
news monitoring. In this scenario, fact-checking platforms played a signicant role in this regard, although dierent levels of
activity were observed:
Maldito Clima
led the way with a considerable number of items at 316, followed by
Newtral
with 124,
and
EFE Verica
with 39. In the following sections, this paper explores how these platforms have addressed news coverage by
identifying patterns of activity, responses to key events, and dierences in their editorial approaches
.
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4.1. Coverage led by Maldito Clima and inuenced by the calendar
With 66% of the total sample,
Maldito Clima
clearly stands out as the most active media outlet in its coverage of the climate
crisis. Its high output reinforces its expertise as a media outlet dedicated exclusively to climate content within the overall
Maldita.es
project. is level of coverage also reects a consistent editorial commitment to environmental issues and the ght
against climate disinformation. is verier consistently ranked higher than
EFE Verica
and
Newtral
throughout the entire
period analysed (see Figure 1). us, it is the leading platform in addressing climate change.
Figure 2. Volume of media coverage (n=479)
Source: prepared by the author
Newtral
ranks second in terms of coverage. Although its coverage is signicantly lower than that of
Maldito Clima
, it is still
considerable and accounts for 26% of the total. is suggests that
Newtral
maintains a moderate level of interest in climate
disinformation, although its project is broader and more general, focusing on diverse informative areas.
Newtral
’s coverage
balances its role as a general fact-checker with an interest in sustainability, yet without reaching the level of specialisation of
Maldito Clima
. Although the level of activity of the former varies, it has notable peaks in specic months, such as August and
September.
On the other hand,
EFE Verica
shows signicantly less coverage compared to the other two media outlets, with minimal
contributions in most months. With only 8% of the total corpus,
EFE Verica
carried out limited coverage of climate issues.
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is gure reects a more limited approach, probably due to the constraints of editorial space or less priority given to climate
change in its news agenda.
Although the platforms
Maldito Clima, Newtral,
and
EFE Verica
display signicant dierences in the total number of news
items, the data reveal common patterns in peaks and slumps in media attention, suggesting that they all respond to certain
events or news cycles related to climate change. Specically, the months of September, January, and August stand out as
periods with the highest coverage. is could be related to the weather itself, such as heat waves, droughts, forest res, and
cold fronts, which tend to produce a high volume of disinformation online, in addition to increased coverage by the media.
e absence of signicant climate events and stable weather conditions during the rest of the year most likely explain the
decline in coverage, given that climate change tends to generate greater interest when it is linked to visible phenomena with
an immediate impact.
In summary, the data highlight the dominance of
Maldito Clima
in addressing climate disinformation, as well as covering
peaks of activity related to key events. is uneven performance among the three platforms might be linked to news priorities
and dierences in professional or editorial capabilities.
4.2. e report. Fact-checking reports as an informative benchmark in the context of climate change
In terms of the type of news pieces addressed,
Maldito Clima
(129) and
Newtral
(91) lead the way in publishing reports
(verication reportage), which indicates an editorial priority on in-depth analysis. is type of article allows complex issues
to be contextualised, thereby allowing disinformation to be explained comprehensively and with an educational focus. e
reason for this approach is based on the need to address the climate crisis as a multidimensional problem that requires the
participation of a wide variety of expert sources, who can help to enhance understanding of the phenomenon.
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Figure 3. Types of news items according to their communicative purpose (n=479)
Source: prepared by the author
Maldito Clima
also generated a large number of debunking news items (115), which is the type of item that is the second most
used by the media, and the most symbolic of fact-checking. ese informative pieces act as a dam against viral hoaxes that
spread virtually through social media and demand a quick response. is type of item is precisely the most symbolic of the
sample from
EFE Verica
(28).
However, there are other publications in various formats, including audience consultations, questions and answer pieces
(Q&A), short videos, and podcast episodes.
Maldito Clima
also leads this group of items with a comfortable margin, which
strengthens its role as a specialised platform, thereby allowing it to explore climate issues from multiple angles and formats of
digital journalism.
4.3. Ample coverage inuenced by extreme weather events
e present analysis of the media agenda unveils relevant patterns regarding the priorities of verication platforms in relation
to the climate crisis. e results indicate how these platforms develop their coverage to respond to the challenges of climate
disinformation and its impact on public opinion.
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Figure 4. Coverage of topics on the climate agenda (n=479)
Source: prepared by the author
Extreme weather accounts for 30.90% of the coverage, making it the most frequently reported topic. is nding reects the
direct relationship between the visibility of events such as heat waves, droughts and oods, and the creation of disinformation
narratives. In terms of news coverage, this high frequency can be explained by the urgency to respond quickly to hoaxes that
emerge during adverse weather conditions. Coverage of these phenomena is specically linked to debunking, which is often
used to refute viral disinformation associated with these events.
e second most frequently addressed category is consumption and sustainability (11.06%). is priority indicates the
platforms’ interest in refuting hoaxes that discredit sustainable practices such as waste recycling, or that disseminate alleged
bans on eating meat that prove to be false, or that make claims that vegans are trying to impose their habits on others. From
the perspective of news coverage, this approach not only ghts disinformation, but it also has an educational impact through
informative articles that help raise public awareness.
e ecological transition (10.44%) and political debate (7.72%) are two main categories that reect the connection between
the climate crisis and public policy. e ecological transition, which includes issues related to making greater use of renewable
energies and decarbonisation, is an area that is frequently attacked by narratives claiming its high economic cost and lack of
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viability. On the other hand, the political debate involves a discourse that discredits not only climate policies, but also the
leaders, activists and international agreements related to these policies.
e category of natural disasters (8.14%) includes events such as forest res and earthquakes, which are often taken out of
context and manipulated to create confusion about their relationship with climate change. On the other hand, denialism
(5.22%) includes explicit narratives that deny the existence or severity of climate change, often supported by conspiracy
theories. Finally, mobility (4.18%) stands out as an emerging issue, which attacks policies such as promoting electric vehicles
and low-emission urban zones (LEZs).
Categories such as global warming (4.80%), consequences of climate change (6.47%), biodiversity (3.13%), pollution (3.13%)
and activism (2.71%) also reect basic themes in the climate narrative, although their lower prominence in the sample might
indicate that they do not generate as much viral disinformation as the previous topics. ese categories highlight eorts by the
platforms to educate the public regarding the true impact of climate change and its implications for the population.
Figure 5. Distribution of topics on each fact-checking platform (n=479)
Source: prepared by the author
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Each of the three media outlets shows signicant dierences in their editorial priorities, as well as points of convergence on key
issues related to the climate crisis.
Maldito Clima
leads the way in terms of overall coverage, with a specic focus on extreme
weather (107 pieces), and the ecological transition (45 pieces), followed by political debate (28 pieces). Its ability to cover
a wide range of topics highlights its specialisation and comprehensive approach to the climate agenda. On the other hand,
Newtral
combines a considerable and balanced number of pieces, excelling in topics such as consumption and sustainability
(19 items) and extreme weather (31 items). Finally,
EFE Verica
has a low output in all categories, which is likely to reect
a more limited and reactive approach to its news coverage. e most frequently addressed topics are extreme weather (10
pieces) and natural disasters (8 pieces), indicating a trend toward focusing on disinformation narratives related to immediate
climate events.
4.4. More than ve sources per item. is indicates an abundance of professional sources.
An article with more than ve sources indicates the highest level of specialisation, as it reects a formidable eort to support
the information with multiple viewpoints and solid data. is group of articles is the most relevant and common in the
analysis, aggregating the largest number of news pieces (196 in total from all platforms). is approach is especially important
in covering climate disinformation, where the diversity and quality of sources are essential in complex news topics, also known
as
hard news
.
Figure 6. Number of sources per item (n=479)
Source: prepared by the author
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e group of items with ve sources (64 articles) is somewhere in the middle in terms of how much detail they give. Although
they are not as detailed as the rst group, they still show a strong eort to maintain strong journalistic standards. Likewise,
articles with three sources (50 pieces), or four (70 pieces), reect a more standard and practical approach. Articles with these
numbers of sources are useful in covering current aairs, or
soft news
, which do not require in-depth analysis, or for providing
quick but reliable coverage of information.
Articles with only one or two sources (98 pieces) indicate more basic coverage. Although they might be useful in cases of
immediate or less relevant information, this level may lack the depth needed to address sensitive issues such as climate change.
Finally, the absence of unsourced news is a positive factor, which guarantees high-quality information that has been veried
and cross-checked by editors.
4.5. Ocial and expert sources as a tool against viral disinformation
e present analysis highlights the importance of ocial and scientic sources as key tools in counteracting disinformation,
as well as several signicant dierences between the professional models of each media outlet.
Maldito Clima
stands out as the platform that uses the widest variety and highest number of sources. Its leadership in the use
of ocial and scientic sources, with 593 and 492 mentions respectively, reects its specialisation in the ght against climate
disinformation.
Newtral
follows the same trend, with a stronger emphasis on ocial (234) and scientic (149) sources.
ese sources are mainly public institutions or governments that are known for their perceived legitimacy and access to
primary data. In the case of scientic institutions, academics also play a prominent role.
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Figure 7. Distribution of information sources on each fact-checking platform (n=2.603)
Source: prepared by the author
Media sources are the third largest group and are also signicant. ese sources are from other media outlets, who act as a
means of comparison and contextualisation, thereby adding an additional level of validation to the articles. eir use not only
reinforces the legitimacy of fact-checked content, but also establishes synergies for collaboration within the communication
ecosystem, especially through partnerships with other international fact-checking ventures. However, this trend also seems
to point to self-referenced journalism.
On the other hand, digital sources such as image, video, and data verication applications are an essential component of fact-
checking strategies. ese technologies enable the media to identify manipulations and assess their authenticity with a degree
of accuracy that would be highly dicult to achieve manually. Likewise, social media works both ways: while these are the
main source of disinformation and viral content, they are also a key source for refuting false content.
For its part,
EFE Verica
makes limited use of information sources due to its low volume of coverage. Less reliance on social
media and digital tools also suggests a more traditional professional and journalistic model with editorial constraints. However,
despite these limitations, its timely approach can be eective in cases of rapidly spreading disinformation.
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4.6. An informative overview with a focus on Spain
An analysis of the geographical perspective of the news coverage provided by
Maldito Clima
,
Newtral
, and
EFE Verica
reveals
signicant trends that highlight the importance of local information, without neglecting a global perspective.
Figure 8. e geographical location of the items (n=479)
Source: prepared by the author
Spain is clearly the focus of the three platforms, accounting for the largest percentage of news items in each case: 169 in
Maldito Clima
, 78 in
Newtral
, and 11 in
EFE Verica
.
is trend reects the importance of local information, as the media prioritises topics of interest to their audience. Climate
disinformation is mainly addressed from the viewpoint of the direct impact of climate phenomena on the national territory,
such as heat waves, cold fronts, and forest res. However, items with a global perspective were second in terms of coverage
on all three platforms: 70 pieces in
Maldito Clima
, 15 in
Newtral
, and 7 in
EFE Verica
. is approach supplemented local
information with a broader context.
On the other hand, after the categories of Spain and the World, Europe and Latin America are the most prominent territories
of the coverage. is could be related to the interconnection of European Union policies, as well as the impact of climate
change in Latin America, which is especially vulnerable to extreme weather. Finally, the Middle East, Asia, Africa and the
United States receive signicantly less coverage, which highlights the geographical, cultural, linguistic, and media distance
between Spain and those areas.
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5. Discussion and conclusions
During 2023, Spain faced several extreme weather events, such as heat waves, drought, and cold drops, which generated
intense public and media debate. ese extreme weather events created the ideal environment for the proliferation of climate
disinformation, which ooded social media sites with messages that included conspiracy theories, thereby threatening
social cohesion (Rodríguez-Pérez, 2019). When faced with extraordinary situations, people often look for explanations, and
conspiracy theories, even if unfounded, satisfy the needs of citizens by oering presumed answers. Given the context, the rst
conclusion asserts that Spanish fact-checking platforms provided signicant coverage in terms of quantity, yet it was unevenly
distributed among the three media outlets. Moreover, the coverage was mainly based on the publication of fact-checking
reportage and the debunking of viral hoaxes (O1). Moreover, based on the case study herein, three levels of news coverage
have been revealed: intensive monitoring, led by
Maldito Clima
; intermediate coverage, by
Newtral
; and a somewhat limited
level, by
EFE Verica
.
On the one hand,
Maldito Clima
and
Newtral
prioritise the production of verication reportage, using broader analytical and
scientic contexts, which reinforces their educational role of enhancing media literacy, not only by informing, but also by
educating the audience (Melani-Rocha, 2015; Jones-Jang et al., 2019; García-Avilés et al., 2023).
On the other hand,
EFE Verica
focuses on quickly debunking specic hoaxes, generally those that are highly viral and have
immediate repercussions, through brief news items
.
is dierence can be attributed to editorial priorities and the professional
capabilities of the journalistic projects they carry out. In terms of audience reach and news production,
Maldito Clima
leads
the sector with an approach that allows it to explore climate issues from multiple angles and formats of digital journalism.
Secondly, the results of the priority topic analysis (O2) show that news coverage of disinformation is deeply inuenced by
the nature of the false narratives, with a particular focus on extreme weather, as well as consumption and sustainability. is
trend is in line with previous research (Fernández and Magallón, 2023; Gallardo-Camacho et al., 2024), which conrms a
dependence on the atmospheric calendar. ese topics not only dominate the attention of these platforms, but also reect
areas where false narratives have a stronger social and political impact in the digital environment. e proliferation of false
content related to everyday topics such as weather, food and consumption illustrates how hoaxes try to deny not only scientic
evidence, but also the legitimacy of social movements and climate policies (Farrell et al., 2019), and they promote political
polarisation as well (Teruel-Rodríguez, 2023).
Furthermore, the present research oers evidence that disinformation is not limited to denying the existence of climate change,
but it has evolved to include more complex strategies such as creating conspiracy theories and emitting a delayist discourse
(Moreno-Olmeda, 2022). is common topic approach among the three media reects a shared interest in counteracting
narratives that try to discredit actions aimed at improving the climate situation, or that foster scepticism toward public policies.
Likewise, the quantity and diversity of sources used in news items (O3) reveal a broad approach and a clear commitment to
pluralism. Moreover, such diversity is essential for achieving balanced coverage that represents society, which is a key factor
in journalistic quality (Casero-Ripollés and López-Rabadán, 2013). Furthermore, the use of more than ve sources per article
on average conrms the richness of information and rigour in the preparation of content. In line with the ndings of Sanahuja-
Sanahuja and López-Rabadán (2023), the analysis of sources oers clear evidence that fact-checking platforms rely heavily
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on ocial and expert sources, which guarantees specialised information, quality, and credibility (Rodrigo-Cano et al., 2021;
Fernández-Castillo and Magallón-Rosa, 2023). is pattern reects the commitment of these platforms to accuracy, reliability,
and empirical support in their fact-checking work, which is considered a public service (Moreno-Gil et al., 2022). Along the
same lines, national and international media sources are frequently used to supplement the information provided. However,
excessive use of ocial and media sources poses a challenge for maintaining high standards of rigour and transparency, as
these platforms should avoid institutional dependence and self-referential citation (Sendra-Duro and López-Rabadán, 2024).
In addition to the foregoing, this study highlights the role of digital sources in fact-checking, such as algorithms and specialised
applications for detecting manipulated content (Brandtzaeg et al., 2018). ese technologies enable the analysis of images,
the tracing of the origin of hoaxes, and the verication of data on social media, thereby consolidating the adaptation of fact-
checking journalism to a complex digital environment. is advance in digital hybridisation in the eld of informative source
management (Van Leuven et al., 2018) also highlights the need for continuous investment in innovation to address the growing
sophistication of disinformation.
Regarding another aspect, analysis of the geographical focus (O4) suggests that climate hoaxes in Spain tend to embrace local
perspectives (Fernández and Magallón, 2023), by using specic meteorological phenomena or cultural references to gain
credibility. is viewpoint reinforces the importance of tackling disinformation from a domestic perspective (Jerónimo and
Sánchez-Esparza, 2022), by integrating knowledge and data specic to the local context to counteract the eort to spread
fake news. However, the author has also conrmed that climate disinformation goes beyond internal borders, linking itself to
international events and debates such as climate change conferences and political events. Moreover, hoaxes are repeatedly
duplicated in dierent national and regional contexts (Fernández and Magallón, 2023).
In summary, this research has revealed dierences in the coverage of climate disinformation by the main fact-checking
platforms in Spain. However, although one of the main dierences is an unequal amount of news production, the focus of all
three agencies is on refuting hoaxes and disseminating explanatory content. e most recurring themes are related to extreme
weather and sustainability, in a context where disinformation tries to take advantage of specic moments of intense public
exposure regarding these issues. e extensive and rigorous use of sources, together with the incorporation of digital tools,
conrms the adaptation of these platforms to a complex information environment. Finally, the territorial approach reveals a
strong local focus on hoaxes, yet they are connected to narratives and discourses with a worldwide reach.
When something unusual happens, people tend to look for explanations, which they often nd in conspiracy theories, even if
unfounded, because they oer answers that ll a need. e ndings suggest that fact-checking journalism faces the ongoing
challenge of confronting an increasingly sophisticated setting of disinformation narratives. e use of conspiracy theories and
the proliferation of delayist rhetoric underscore the need for continuous fact-checking, not only of specic hoaxes, but also of
bombastic discourse which, though not directly denying climate change, tries to slow down immediate action.
e challenges faced by fact-checking platforms in their work are as diverse as they are complex, requiring strategic and
eective responses (Chen, 2024), which include media literacy campaigns and algorithmic verication. e use of new
formats and narratives, such as podcasts and videos, is essential for diversifying communication methods and adapting them
to the preferences of an audience subject to change. As such, this study highlights the need for more collaboration between
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fact-checking platforms, and the participation of citizens (Vizoso and Vázquez-Herrero, 2018). At the same time, there is
concern about the proliferation of increasingly sophisticated disinformation, such as deepfakes, as well as the emergence
of greenwashing (Ejaz et al., 2024). ere is also an urgent need to develop sturdy narrative frameworks not only to debunk
hoaxes, but also to oer science-based stories that connect emotionally with the audience, which was the case during the
COVID-19 pandemic (García-Vivero and López-García, 2020).
e present study makes a signicant contribution to seeing fact-checking journalism as an essential component in the ght
against climate disinformation in Spain (Hameleers and Van der Meer, 2020). Despite the active role of these platforms,
it is important to emphasise that their reach is still limited, given the scale of the digital ecosystem, where disinformation
spreads much more quickly and virally than veried content (Fernández-García, 2017). Furthermore, fact-checking platforms
are not exempt from limitations or potential biases arising from their dependence on government sources, public subsidies,
and alliances with technology companies, which leaves less room for alternative or counter-hegemonic views. is situation
highlights the need to move toward more obvious mechanisms of transparency and accountability.
As this study focuses exclusively on the Spanish media, it might not be possible to extrapolate the ndings to other media
contexts, which highlights the need for further comparative research at the international level in the coming years. In addition,
another suggestion is to conduct future research on the true impact of fact-checking on the public’s perception, and on
audience behaviour, by incorporating qualitative methods such as interviews and focus groups, as well as studies aimed at
exploring participation and engagement on social media.
6. Acknowledgements
is article has been translated into English by Charles E. Arthur, to whom we are grateful for his diligent work.
e author would like to thank the editorial team at
Maldita.es
for granting access to their database, which was essential in
carrying out this research.
7. Conict of interest
e author declares that there is no conict of interest in any part of this study.
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