Local verication and fact-checking strategies in Brazil: National
Network to Combat Disinformation, COAR Noticias, Colectivo Bereia,
Verica RS and Agência Tatu
Estrategias locales de vericación y fact-checking en Brasil: la Red Nacional de Combate
a la Desinformación, COAR Noticias, Colectivo Bereia, Verica RS y Agência Tatu
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July-December of 2025
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How to cite this article:
Nogales-Bocio, A. I.; De Oliveira, J. S. and Marta-Lazo, C. (2025). Local verication and fact-checking strategies in Brazil: National Network to
Combat Disinformation, COAR Noticias, Colectivo Bereia, Verica RS and Agência Tatu.
Doxa Comunicación
, 41, pp. 395-415.
https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n41a2906
Antonia Isabel Nogales-Bocio
. Associate Professor at the Predepartamental Unit of Journalism, Audiovisual
Communication, and Advertising, University of Zaragoza.PhD and Bachelor’s Degree in Journalism from the University
of Seville. Master’s Degree in Philosophy and Modern Culture from the University of Seville. Director of
Radio Unizar
.
Member of the research groups GICID (Digital Communication and Information Research Group) at the University of
Zaragoza and SMEMIU, aliated with UNED (Spanish Distance Learning University). Accredited as a University Senior
Lecturer by ANECA (Spanish National Agency for Quality Assessment and Accreditation). Holds 1 six-year research
period
(
sexenio
) recognized by CNEAI (National Commission for the Assessment of Research Activity). According to
Google Scholar (
https://scholar.google.es/citations?user=-KueKSgAAAAJ&hl=es
), her work has received 523 citations
on the platform, with an h-index of 10 and an i10-index of 11.
University of Zaragoza, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0003-0050-6979
Julieti Sussi De Oliveira.
PhD in Communication
from the University of Seville, with an International Mention from
the University of Algarve (Portugal) and
cum laude
distinction (unanimous decision). Lecturer. University of Barcelona.
Author of over 40 publications in her research areas:
communication and culture, political communication, and commu
-
nication and power
. Member of the international scientic committee and organizing committee of the
International
Congress on Communication and ought
(CICYP). Visiting professor at at the Federal University of Santa Catarina in
Brazil and the University of Algarve in Portugal.
University of Barcelona, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0003-4476-7791
is content is published under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License. International License CC BY-NC 4.0
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Recibido: 31/01/2025 - Aceptado: 10/05/2025 - En edición: 04/06/2025 - Publicado: 01/07/2025
Resumen:
La desinformación es un fenómeno creciente y cada vez más presen
-
te en las sociedades contemporáneas. Las iniciativas de vericación o
fact-checking se han convertido en los últimos años en una de las estra
-
tegias centrales en la lucha contra la información falsa que se comparte
y se viraliza cada vez más. Aunque la mayoría de estas iniciativas tienen
su origen en la profesión periodística, convirtiéndose en una especiali
-
zación profesional más, las estrategias y políticas para combatir la des
-
información en contextos locales de la mano de instancias académicas
u organizaciones sin ánimo de lucro van en aumento. No obstante, las
investigaciones en esta línea son aún escasas y poco profundas. En el pre
-
sente artículo, examinamos el papel de la Red Nacional de Combate a la
Desinformación (RNCD), creada en Brasil en 2019, así como de cuatro
de sus iniciativas más destacadas y proactivas: COAR Noticias, Colectivo
Bereia, Verica RS y Agência Tatu. A través de un enfoque cualitativo,
se adopta el diseño de estudio de caso, complementado con entrevistas
semiestructuradas, para analizar las estrategias de implementación y
vericación de estas iniciativas de combate a la desinformación y las es
-
pecicidades que enfrentan en el contexto local.
Palabras clave:
Desinformación; fact-checking; vericación; fake news; contexto local.
Received: 31/01/2025 - Accepted: 10/05/2025 - Early access: 04/06/2025 - Published: 01/07/2025
Abstract:
Disinformation is a growing phenomenon that is increasingly present
in contemporary societies. In recent years, fact-checking initiatives
have become one of the central strategies in the ght against false
information that is increasingly shared and viralized. Although most
of these initiatives have their origin in the journalistic profession,
becoming just another professional specialization, strategies and
policies to combat disinformation in local contexts by academic bodies
or non-prot organizations are on the rise. However, research in this
area is still scarce and shallow. In this article, we examine the role of
the National Network to Combat Disinformation (RNCD), created in
Brazil in 2019, as well as four of its most prominent initiatives: COAR
Noticias, Colectivo Bereia, Verica RS and Agência Tatu. rough a
qualitative approach, a case study design is adopted, complemented
with semi-structured interviews, to analyze the implementation and
verication strategies of these initiatives to combat misinformation
and the specicities they face in the local environment.
Keywords:
Misinformation; disinformation; fact-checking; verication; fake news;
local environment.
Carmen Marta-Lazo.
Carmen Marta-Lazo. Full Professor of Journalism at the University of Zaragoza. Principal
Investigator of the Digital Communication and Information Research Group (GICID). Director of the Pre-Departmental
Unit of Journalism, Audiovisual Communication and Advertising at the University of Zaragoza and of the digital platform
Entremedios. Co-editor of the Mediterranean Journal of Communication (Revista Mediterránea de Comunicación).
Author of more than two hundred publications, including books, book chapters, and articles related to her research
areas: media literacy, digital competencies, and social media uses and interactions. An h-index of 34 on Google Scholar:
https://scholar.google.es/citations?user=vxisuH0AAAAJ&hl=es
. 207 publications registered on ORCID:
https://orcid.
org/0000-0002-0004-1094
. 1,638 citations on ResearchGate:
https://www.researchgate.net/prole/Carmen-Lazo-2
.
According to Dialnet, she is the most cited female author in the eld of Journalism:
https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/
autor?codigo=2308979
University of Zaragoza, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0002-0004-1094
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1. Introduction
1.1. Disinforation, Info-Pollution, and Media Literacy
Disinformation has become a global challenge for states and supranational organizations. It fosters public distrust in
journalism and can be exploited to amplify narratives contrary to democratic values, science, and human rights. Creators
of disinformation, regardless of its various forms (misinformation, false or malicious content) or motivations (provocation,
parody, partisanship, prot, power, inuence, or propaganda) (IFJ, 2018), intentionally blend it with truthful information to
evade detection. is increases the likelihood that users will believe it uncritically or share it without considering the potential
consequences (Marta-Lazo, 2023).
In today’s digital landscape, the transformation of media has spurred the emergence of new professional roles in Communication
and Journalism, particularly in fact-checking (Cantón-Correa et al., 2025).
Verication is an integral part of journalistic routines, requiring journalists to authenticate data before publishing news. is
necessity has also given rise to a distinct journalistic practice (Cano, Capelli & Lali, 2023). Fact-checking focuses on verifying
political statements and statistical data presented by authorities –regardless of whether they were published in traditional
media or on social platforms. It employs data journalism techniques to uncover errors, ambiguities, falsehoods, lack of rigor,
or inaccuracies (Véllez & Enríquez, 2024). In this context, fact-checkers must leverage Articial Intelligence (AI) technologies
to automate and enhance the accuracy of news verication– without overlooking critical thinking and ethical considerations
when assessing information (Cifuentes & Sixto-García, 2022). With the rapid advancement of AI, and depending on the
various purposes of disinformation tactics, disinformation techniques have diversied and multiplied: active or passive data
manipulation, information suppression (censorship), audiovisual format manipulation (deepfakes), creation of compelling
narrative frameworks, or fragmented attention (Marta-Lazo, 2024, p. 108). Consequently, there is a growing need for fact-
checking initiatives and skilled veriers who are digitally competent, technically procient, and committed to truthfulness. e
optimal use of AI and robotics, OSINT techniques (open-source intelligence), image analysis, or data visualization are among
the most specic training areas for fact-checkers, while the diversity of themes within disinformation practices demands an
increasing trend toward specialization (García-Marín, Rubio-Jordán & Salvat-Martinrey, 2023) among fact-checkers.
In today’s newsrooms, production routines are being adapted through various verication processes that involve: monitoring
and identifying claims to verify (detection), gathering data to check content (reporting), and disproving falsehoods (debunking)
–processes in which AI implementation streamlines operations (Guo et al., 2022). Additionally, digital media websites typically
specify the verication methodology used and the measurement scales employed (López-Pan & Rodríguez-Rodríguez, 2020).
ese practices provide citizens with guidelines for information verication processes, thereby enhancing the mediating role
of information professionals within media organizations through their transparent methods of implementing source ltering
and news production processes. e inclusion of transparency recommendations regarding AI use in major fact-checking
codes of best practices is a key aspect for strengthening the ethical application of this technology in the verication eld
(Cuartielles, Mauri-Ríos & Rodríguez Martínez, 2024).
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Meanwhile a growing number of studies in the educational eld are focusing on the need to equip students with tools to
combat disinformation (Cebrián, 2019; Martínez-Costa et al., 2023; Sábada, Salaverría & Bringué-Sala, 2023) through
educommunication dynamics and the acquisition of digital competencies. From the perspective of media literacy studies,
there is increasing reection on how shared and viralized content connects with individuals’ personal development, analyzing
how social networks play an essential role in shaping both online and oine identity. Far from the utopian premise of Net
neutrality, it is important to acknowledge that “these platforms, networks or media are subject to economic, political and
ideological control that conditions which cultures are truly represented and promoted within them” (Nogales-Bocio, 2023, p.
233). We thus face a world with an overwhelming amount of information, where most citizens -barring disruptions caused by
various digital divides (connectivity, territorial, educational, social, etc.)- can access this vast informational oering, which is
dominated by contamination or “
infopollution
”.
1.2. Verication initiatives, journalism and proximity
e relationship between journalism and verication is particularly close and has been the subject of many studies (Graves &
Konieczna, 2015; Robertson & Mourao, 2020; Singer, 2021; García-Marín, Rubio-Jordán & Salvat-Martinrey, 2023). Today, fact-
checking has become another form of journalism (Graves, 2018), gaining prominence due to the rise of digital communication
and the diversity of media platforms that facilitate both, the creation and the dissemination of information. is shift has led to
a context that some scholars name the “disinformation order” (Bennett & Livingston, 2018) or “post-truth” era (Lewandowsky
et al., 2017).
It is in this context that the rst verication initiatives emerged, such as Spinsanity, created in 2001 to expose political
propaganda and partisan media content (Fritz et al., 2004). For the most part, these initiatives focus on verifying political
content, where the pioneering initiatives are
FactCheck.org
or PolitiFact (Steensen et al., 2023). According to an IFCN report
(2024), politics constitutes 95.6% of the content addressed by fact-checkers. However, an expansion into other topics is also
being observed, such as content spread through social media, matters related to democratic values, or issues like climate
change (Paulau, 2024; Siwakoti et al., 2021) or migration (Renedo, Alonso & Díez, 2024).
Interest in fact-checking has global reach, growing from 11 initiatives in 2008 to 424 in 2022 (Stencel et al., 2023), with dierent
operating protocols and business models (Esteban-Navarro et al., 2021). e creation of entities like the International Fact
Checking Network (with 145 active members as of January 2025) has given institutional character to the activity and enhanced
collaboration, which is also an essential and recurring practice for verication. In this regard, some notable examples of
fact-checkers have been compiled: Electoland 2017, to monitor the 2016 U.S. elections (Klein, 2017); Vericado 2017, for
information related to Mexico’s earthquake that year; Chequeado in Argentina, created in 2010 by a non-prot organization
and constituting the rst case in Latin America and a reference for the emergence of other initiatives; Ecuador Chequea, a
media outlet emerging from a regional non-prot organization (Ecuador Chequea, 2024); etc. In Brazil, in 2020 some initiatives
were promoted by the Superior Electoral Court (TSE) to verify fake news related to the electoral process, such as: Election
verication network, “Fact or fake news” website, or the creation of a WhatsApp Chatbot that allowed access to veried
information (TSE, 2024). In Spain, we nd initiatives like
Maldita.es
, Verica RTVE, Newtral, etc. In the case of the
Maldita.es
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Foundation, it has also driven the organization of a national network of local journalists to combat climate misinformation.
Likewise, Vericat is an association dedicated to ghting disinformation in Catalonia.
Strategies and policies to combat disinformation adapted to local contexts represent a eld of notable interest, though
still understudied. So it is essential to analyze the role of local journalism initiatives against a phenomenon that is global
(Jerónimo, 2024), particularly given that the adaptation of disinformation tactics to regional or local frameworks possesses its
own characteristics and manifestations.
Just as verication initiatives have increased since 2016, academic research on fact-checking has also become signicant. e
issue is approached from multiple perspectives, such as the exponential growth and characteristics of fact-checking in Spain
(López Pan & Rodríguez Rodríguez, 2020) or the specicities of local contexts, as seen in the “FAKELOCAL” project to map
disinformation in Spain’s autonomous communities and local entities (Rúas-Araújo & Paniagua-Rojano, 2023).
Another line of research focuses on the consolidation of verication platforms, examining their organization, production
routines, and dissemination strategies. Vizoso and Vázquez Herrero (2019) analyze the international landscape of Spanish-
language fact-checking, highlighting Latin America’s growing relevance in this eld and showcasing initiatives like
LatamChequea. Meanwhile, Cuartielles and Carral (2024) study the operations, viability, and best practices of collaborative
fact-checking in the Spanish electoral context through the specic case of the “Comprobado” alliance during Spain’s 2023
general elections. Palau Sampio (2024) focuses on collaborative projects during electoral campaigns in Europe and Latin
America, aiming to analyze how journalists and civil society organizations coordinate to counter electoral disinformation.
In Brazil, Seibt (2019) examines three pioneering initiatives: Agência Lupa, Aos Fatos, and Truco, to identify the limits and
possibilities of this new journalistic practice in a context marked by disinformation.
e analysis of the professional prole and the considerations of journalists and the public regarding fact-checking is another
relevant line of research. Herrero and Herrera-Damas (2021) primarily study the prole, perceptions, and challenges of fact-
checkers in the Spanish-speaking world, with the overarching goal of contributing to its development by shedding light on the
reality of those who practice it and helping to design better training programs for future journalists. Baptista et al. (2023) focus
on the Portuguese public’s perception of fact-checking, in one of the rst systematic attempts to explore citizens’ attitudes
toward this phenomenon in the country. e study highlights the need for greater visibility, transparency, and media literacy
to promote the acceptance and eectiveness of this practice in Portugal. Meanwhile, Morais and Grafolin (2023) oer a critical
reection on the role of fact-checking in the contemporary media ecology.
e role of digital platforms and social media in the dissemination and reception of fact-checking constitutes another thematic
axis of interest. Empirical studies in Spain have shown, for example, that platforms primarily use Instagram as a channel for
visual presentation but not as a space for dialogue with the audience (Abuín-Penas et al., 2023). Likewise, the use of WhatsApp
as a tool to create closer ties with readers and successfully channel debunked content has been documented, as in the case of
the Malaga-based newspaper
Sur
and its section
“B de Bulo”
(Palomo & Amundarain, 2018). Or the use of mobile devices and
social media in the ght against disinformation by
Maldita.es
(Bernal-Triviño & Clares-Gavilán, 2019).
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1.3. Disinformation, democratic crsis and journalism in the brazilian context
Brazil is currently facing a critical period where truthful information and independent journalism play a fundamental role in
preserving democracy. Political polarization and technological changes have transformed the way politics is communicated
and conducted. e 2018 elections marked a turning point in the climate of disinformation, where false content signicantly
contributed to Jair Bolsonaro’s victory –events that were even investigated by the Superior Electoral Court (Gilbert, 2018).
According to Sánchez del Val et al. (2025), the loss of trust in traditional media and institutions, along with populist tactics
during the 2018 elections, marked the starting point of the wave of disinformation in Brazil’s contemporary context.
During the Bolsonaro administration (2019-2022), a “hybrid warfare” strategy was consolidated that combined attacks on
traditional media with the mass production of false content on social media (Palau, 2021). A phenomenon that Castro Rocha
(2024) denes as an extremist mediosphere: “
a powerful machine for producing polarizing narratives, based on fake news
and conspiracy theories
” (p. 89). With the outcome of the 2022 elections and the victory of opposition candidate Lula da
Silva, narratives portraying him as an illegitimate president intensied, leading to serious incidents such as the assault on
government institutions in January 2023.
e crisis of traditional media, their declining relevance as social agents and their loss of status as sole information gatekeepers
(Parisi & Rega, 2011) has coincided with the rise of social media. As Schudson (2008) notes, the watchdog journalism model
has been weakened by media concentration in Brazil, where six families control 80% of traditional outlets (ABRAJI, 2023).
is structure fosters content homogenization and limits pluralism, creating information voids now lled by social platforms.
According to the Reuters Institute (2024), 45% of Brazilians distrust traditional news sources, facilitating the viral spread of
misinformation –particularly on WhatsApp and Telegram.
In this context, verication initiatives are emerging as key players in the public sphere, oering resistance through collaborative
methodologies. In Brazil, a number of fact-checking initiatives have been established –promoted by both the media and civil
society– such as Agência Lupa, Aos Fatos, and the National Network to Combat Disinformation, which have emerged as
counterweights to promote access to veried information.
2. Method
e general objective of this study is to analyze the local verication initiatives that are integrated in the National Network to
Combat Disinformation (RNCD) in Brazil. In order to achieve this goal, the following specic objectives have been dened:
O1. To describe the organization and scope of the RNCD project.
O2. To conduct an in-depth examination of four fact-checking projects that are part of the RNCD.
O3. To identify the approach and purpose of these initiatives in the process of verifying disinformation.
O4. To analyze potential dierences between the initiatives based on their specic context of implementation or other
distinguishing variables.
O5. To evaluate the achievements and challenges of these types of projects by assessing the degree to which they fulll and
are satised with their core function.
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Given that the existing literature on local fact-checking initiatives is very limited, research questions have been formulated
instead of hypotheses, in order to identify new ndings on the subject.
RQ1. How is the RNCD organized, and what is the scope of the project?
RQ2. What is the approach and purpose of the initiative when conducting fact-checking?
RQ3. What specic characteristics and goals do the initiatives have in relation to their local context?
RQ4. Are there signicant dierences between the initiatives?
RQ5. What prospects can be envisioned for the future of the analyzed initiatives?
e study focuses on the analysis of four local fact-checking initiatives that have emerged from both journalistic and civil
society spheres. All of them are part of an academic-based organization dedicated to combating disinformation: the National
Network to Combat Disinformation (RNCD).
e research adopts a qualitative approach and follows a case study design to understand the development of local initiatives
against disinformation, as well as the specic challenges they face within their respective contexts.
In order to select the case studies, the researcher rst contacted the founder of the RNCD, who recommended the four
initiatives analyzed in this study. Although there are a total of six fact-checking initiatives within the RNCD, continuity and
project stability were the main selection criteria. Based on this, the following were chosen: COAR Noticias, Colectivo Bereia,
Verica RS, and Agência Tatu. All were founded between 2019 and 2020, with the exception of Verica RS, that was launched
in 2024. All remain active to date.
For data collection, ve semi-structured interviews were conducted. ese were based on a pre-established interview guide to
ensure that all participants responded to the same core questions, thus facilitating comparative analysis. At the same time, the
exibility of this format allowed new relevant topics to emerge during the process (Bryman, 2016).
e interviews were conducted with ve journalists, all of whom are creators and current coordinators of the respective fact-
checking initiatives. Each interview lasted approximately one hour and was conducted via Google Meet between November
and December 2024, and April 2025. An interview guide was used to explore each initiative’s goals, the tools employed, and
their methodological approach.
e data were analyzed through manual content analysis, identifying thematic patterns and categories by closely reading and
organizing participants’ responses.
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Table 1. Organization of the interviews
ElementDescription
Prole of the interviewees
Prole 1. Ana Regina Rego. Journalist with a Ph.D. in Communication Processes. Professor at
the Federal University of Piauí (UFPI) and the founder of the RNCD.
Prole 2. Marta Alencar. Journalist specialized in fact-checking. Ph.D. candidate in Commu
-
nication. Founder of COAR.
Prole 3. Magali Cunha. Journalist. Ph.D. in Communication. Researcher specialized in Com
-
munication and Religion. Founder of Bereia.
Prole 4. Taís Seibt. Journalist. Ph.D. in Communication. Expert in fact-checking. Founder of
Verica RS.
Prole 5. Graziela França. Journalist. Expert in Data Journalism. Content Director at Agência
Tatu.
Interew guide
1.
How does your agency identify the disinformation topics or narratives to be veried?
2.
What steps do you follow in the information verication process?
3.
What criteria do you use to decide which information to verify rst?
4.
Do you use specic methodologies to address the particularities of disinformation in
local or regional contexts?
5.
What digital or technological tools does your agency use for monitoring and verication?
6.
What do you consider to be the main achievements of your agency’s work?
7.
Have you observed changes in disinformation patterns as a result of your interventions?
8.
What sets your agency apart from a national fact-checking organization?
9.
What role do you believe the RNCD plays in supporting and coordinating local
fact-checking agencies?
Source: own elaboration, 2025
3. Results
3.1. Case Study: e National Network to Combat Disinformation
e National Network to Combat Disinformation (RNCD) originated in 2019 within the academic sphere, as the result of a
postdoctoral research project conducted by journalist and Ph.D. in Communication Ana Regina Rego at the Federal University
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of Rio de Janeiro. In 2020, the initiative joined the Mandacaru Project, a platform that brought together volunteers from various
scientic elds to combat science-related disinformation on social media during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Ana Regina Rego’s experience in the project, along with her connection to the Brazilian Federation of Scientic and Academic
Communication Associations (SOCICOM), helped facilitate the creation of a network aimed at linking institutions with civil
society. Associated with the graduate program at the Federal University of Piauí (UFPI), the RNCD seeks to coordinate eorts
to enhance the visibility of anti-disinformation work and serve as a connecting hub for projects and institutions of dierent
natures, all contributing to the ght against disinformation.
e RNCD includes initiatives developed by universities, communication agencies, scientic journals, social projects, media
literacy programs, disinformation verication apps, fact-checking projects, research initiatives, university media outlets,
communication and technology research labs, NGOs, among others.
In 2023, the organization was awarded by the Brazilian Society for Interdisciplinary Studies in Communication (INTERCOM)
for its innovative contributions in theoretical, technological, and practical dimensions within the eld of communication.
Another key milestone in its trajectory was its collaboration with the Federal Supreme Court (STF) as part of the Program to
Combat Disinformation (PCD). According to Rego (2024), this partnership was highly productive:
“During 2022, we worked
directly with several partners, particularly those focused on media literacy, carrying out awareness campaigns on election-related
issues and on how voters and users could report disinformation across all digital platforms active in Brazil during that period.”
In
2023, the Supreme Court’s program was formalized as a permanent department within the court itself, with its own dedicated
coordination. e collaboration with the RNCD grew even stronger, with new partners actively joining in the development of
training courses, educational materials, and other initiatives.
e RNCD operates as a virtual and collective organization bringing together existing projects on a single platform. Its main
resource is its website, which, besides listing all partner organizations, publishes fact-checks and compiles content produced
by its members. It also hosts a repository that gathers academic and journalistic research and materials related to the various
elds aected by disinformation.
e RNCD maintains an active presence on social media platforms such as Facebook (779 followers), YouTube (1.49k followers),
and Instagram (21K followers). Instagram is its most active channel and the one with the greatest impact and number of
followers in Brazil. In addition to sharing original content, these platforms serve to amplify the reach of work produced by
members of the network.
Regarding the future of the RNCD, Rego (2024) reveals that changes in leadership are expected, with Professor and researcher
Marcos Schneider, from the Brazilian Institute of Information in Science and Technology (IBICT), set to take over coordination
duties.
On the topic of what disinformation represents for Brazilian society, Rego (2024) notes that since 2021, studies such as the
Digital News Report from Oxford University and the Reuters Institute had already indicated that 82% of Brazilians distrusted
the information they received, reecting a more critical and aware civil society. She also points out that the current context
enables mass manipulation of images through low-cost, easily accessible articial intelligence, which presents signicant
challenges for those working to combat disinformation.
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3.2. Case study of local fact-checking initiatives: COAR Noticias, Coletivo Bereia, Verica RS, and Agência Tatu
3.2.1. Origin of the proposals
Coletivo Bereia was established in 2019 as a result of a scientic research project conducted by the Federal University of Rio de
Janeiro (UFRJ), through the Nucleus of Studies in Technology and Health (Nutes), in collaboration with the company META,
focusing on disinformation in the health sector. According to researcher and journalist Magali Cunha (2024), this issue is
particularly concerning within religious groups due to content promoting so-called miraculous cures or encouraging rejection
of conventional pharmaceutical treatments. e research revealed that the level of disinformation in these contexts was
alarming. As a result, a fact-checking initiative emerged in digital environments, specically targeting communities linked to
religious groups. is focus is closely related to the rise of conservative political blocs in Brazil backed by evangelical religious
principles, which have gained signicant inuence in matters of public interest.
e project operates on a volunteer basis and is supported by individual donations and organizations such as the Latin
American and Caribbean Communication Agency (ALC). Financial support has also come from participation in various
projects, which enabled the team to strengthen their website, establish digital media management, and join the International
Fact-Checking Network (IFCN). Since 2023, volunteers began receiving payments through freelance contracts, following rates
established by the Rio de Janeiro journalists’ union. e team consists of an editorial board, a general editor, an executive editor,
a communications advisor, a social media coordinator, and eight fact-checkers. According to the founder, their main challenge
is nancial –specically, creating a paid position dedicated to disseminating veried content on social media platforms.
COAR Noticias, on the other hand, was launched during the COVID-19 pandemic in response to the sharp rise in disinformation.
Its founder, journalist Marta Alencar (2024), explains that the initiative was born out of a need to focus on the “news deserts”
and “near-deserts” in Brazil’s Northeast region. According to the Atlas da Notícia (2023), 56.74% of the municipalities in the
Northeast are areas where professional journalism is either nonexistent or nearly nonexistent.
e initiative was originally based on volunteer work, with up to 50 fact-checks being conducted per week. Currently, it has a
team of seven people who receive some form of funding, mainly obtained through calls for proposals and projects supported
by private entities. According to Alencar (2024), this model is a common practice among independent initiatives in Brazil, and
she highlights the importance of support from organizations like Google for Startups. “Technology platforms such as Google
and Meta have been fundamental in nancing our initiatives. In 2020, Meta contributed $2,500 to the project.” For Alencar
(2024), one of the main challenges for the project’s growth is the lack of economic stability to sustain a team fully dedicated to
the initiative.
e third initiative analyzed, Agência Tatu, was founded in 2020 in response to the need for locally produced journalism
based on data and evidence. During the COVID-19 pandemic, it began its verication activities in collaboration with the
government of Alagoas, focusing on disinformation related to the coronavirus. In 2022, it launched the project “Nordeste sem
Fake,” targeting the nine states of Brazil’s Northeast, with an emphasis on verifying local content during the electoral process.
e project incorporated articial intelligence through the use of the Dandara bot to automate information collection.
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Verica RS, in turn, emerged in May 2024 during the oods that aected Porto Alegre and its metropolitan area. e initiative
was proposed by journalist Luiza Fritzen in response to the spread of disinformation in WhatsApp groups used by neighbors,
shelters, and rescue teams to coordinate aid, which hindered relief eorts. e project was established as a volunteer network,
initially on WhatsApp, with the goal of distributing veried information from specialized agencies. Later, an Instagram account
was created to serve as a content repository, using accessible visual language to facilitate its circulation. According to journalist
Taís Seibt (2025), partnerships were established with universities, social organizations, and local content creators, which
helped expand Verica RS’s visibility within the community.
3.2.2. Verification methods
At Bereia, the work is carried out collaboratively, with journalists organized into pairs to fact-check content published daily
in religious media outlets and sources related to religions and their leaders, both in Brazil and abroad. Only informational
material is veried, such as news reports—opinions and analyses are excluded. Pair assignments take place from Monday to
Wednesday, which, according to Cunha (2024), are the days with the highest volume of disinformation content.
e team monitors evangelical news sites and portals, as well as statements and public pronouncements from politicians and
religious authorities of national relevance, such as leaders of the Religious Caucus and government ministers. e verication
process is carried out in six steps:
1.
Identication:
Selection of news stories, statements, or pronouncements that, based on the characteristics of their
headlines (absolute claims, exaggerations, unusual cases), require verication due to their public relevance and visibility
in the media.
2.
Investigation of the original source:
Location and analysis of the primary source of the information, if available.
3.
Review of prior context:
Search for existing publications related to the topic in question.
4.
Data conrmation:
Verication through ocial and alternative sources, including individuals, groups, and institutions
mentioned, in order to conrm, identify gaps or distortions, or refute the content.
5.
Contextualization:
Analysis of the veried information, supported by bibliographic references and consultation with
specialists when necessary.
6.
Classication:
Evaluation and categorization of the content as true, inaccurate, misleading, inconclusive, or false.
e editor explains that a more in-depth, qualitative methodology prevails, based on observation. As tools, Magali (2024)
highlights the use of Google Analytics and the Lupa Scan tool, provided by Agência Lupa, for verifying and monitoring social
networks. e main dissemination tools are their website and social media proles. In addition to a wide reach on Instagram,
Cunha (2024) highlights the positive results of the work done on TikTok, where they publish summaries of news stories to
counter disinformation, as well as the educational use of this content with high school students.
Another element they pay attention to is viral content. Cunha (2024) explains that content virality is evaluated during the
weekly editorial round so as not to focus on items with no visibility, which could inadvertently increase their exposure.
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In the case of COAR Noticias, fact-checking work is combined with a broader focus on media literacy, using a methodology
adapted to regional realities and languages. e initiative prioritizes linguistic and cultural adaptation and aims to promote
equity in access to educational resources. In this sense, it stands out as the rst initiative in Brazil to promote media literacy
using a regional language approach. is perspective was consolidated with the launch of the manual
Arriegua: Olha as Fake
News
, written in a language adapted to the cultural specicities of Brazil’s Northeast. e project had a very positive impact
and was expanded to other regions of the country, being distributed in schools and universities.
Alencar (2024) argues that citizen media literacy is key to combating disinformation. She emphasizes the importance of
transparency in the verication process to strengthen public trust in journalism. She adds that clearly explaining the methods
and tools used in the verication process allows users to replicate them independently, thus empowering citizens with the
skills to verify information themselves.
e verication process includes identifying areas considered “news deserts.” In these areas, social media becomes an even
more relevant source of information:1. e process begins with tools like Google Trends, which allow for location-based
search and the identication of keywords and real-time search trends; 2. Monitoring hashtags on social media and analyzing
videos going viral on platforms like Kwai;3. Using tools like Google Images and Google Maps to conduct visual and geographic
analyses to verify content authenticity; 4. As sources, they consult government transparency portals and, due to proximity to
local contexts, personal sources become particularly relevant.
From COAR’s perspective, prioritizing speed in verifying and publishing accurate information is more eective than trying
to convince those spreading disinformation. e virality of a piece of content is an essential criterion when deciding what to
verify. It’s not just about the topic’s relevance, but also its reach and potential for spread. If a piece of content hasn’t achieved
signicant dissemination, verifying it could backre, amplifying the disinformation and spreading it more than the correction
itself (Alencar, 2024).
An important step in COAR’s workow is establishing contact with local radio stations and using accessible channels, such
as sending audio messages via WhatsApp, to distribute veried information. ese audios last up to three minutes and are
designed to be clear, concise, and easily understandable.
e organization also maintains a website, developed with support from Google, where the most recent fact-checks are
published. However, its founder considers Instagram (2,707 followers) to be the most dynamic channel for audience reach
and engagement, and it also serves to redirect trac to the website.
Seibt claries that Verica RS is not a permanent fact-checking initiative, nor does it produce original verication content, as
this would be unfeasible without a formal structure and relying solely on volunteers. During the most critical period of the
ood, the group focused on distributing veried content from professional agencies, always including author attribution. In
the monitoring area, support was provided by the agency Aletheia.Fact for the development of an Instagram bot designed to
receive suggestions of suspicious content. is tool remains active and is expected to be improved under the “Verica Pra
Mim” program. e creation of this channel also responded to organic demand, as the initiative gained visibility and began to
receive requests via direct messages, even after the emergency had passed.
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Agência Tatu developed its own tool in 2022, the Dandara bot, which extracted suspicious content published on social media.
However, França states that restrictions imposed by major tech platforms have made it dicult to sustain tracking eorts.
Currently, a monitoring system is used to detect the spread of disinformation on social networks. is system is part of the
Comprova Project, a non-prot initiative promoted by the Brazilian Association of Journalists, which brings together journalists
from 42 media outlets. At the end of each verication, a label is assigned to indicate the reliability level of the information.
1.
It’s true:
When all sources conrm the accuracy of the information, meaning the content is true.
2.
Not exactly that way:
When the information is inaccurate or taken out of context.
3.
is is a meme:
When the content was created as satire, parody, a joke, or another form of humor.
4.
Oxe, it’s fake:
When the information being circulated is false.
Technological tools are also used to trace the origin of images and videos, detect possible deepfakes, and transcribe or translate
audiovisual content. However, the journalist acknowledges that these tools alone do not guarantee accuracy. Critical and
contextual analysis by the professional remains essential for verication.
3.2.3. Changes in disinformation patterns
According to Cunha (2024), in the area of religious disinformation, a thematic pattern persists, with recurring topics such as
“gender ideology,” “Christianophobia,” or alleged religious persecution, as well as health-related themes. ese have led the
collective to develop educational materials addressing these issues. In total, ve educational resources have been produced,
including informational cards and videos, which are available in the “Bereia na Educação - Materiais” section.
On the other hand, Alencar (2024) expresses concern over the increasing use of AI and its ability to create content that
challenges journalists’ capacity to verify information –especially in local contexts, where most communicators are bloggers and
inuencers in remote areas with limited access to tools or technical knowledge to identify advanced manipulation processes.
AI creates an illusion of credibility that makes verication more dicult.
Seibt (2025) maintains that in the case of Verica RS, disinformation tends to appear in waves, evolving with the course of the
event. In the initial phase, misleading information circulates about ooded areas, fake shelters, or scams. Later, false content
appears regarding donation misappropriation, political exploitation of social actions, or alleged government inaction in relief
eorts. In the nal stage, confusion spreads about access to public aid, contamination risks, and other related topics.
França (2025) notes that in early 2020, disinformation focused primarily on health topics and spread mainly through messaging
apps. As the most critical period of the pandemic ended, the range of topics expanded—to include politics, public safety, and
education—and the content began circulating on a variety of social networks such as Instagram, TikTok, and Kwai. In addition,
articial intelligence began to be used to make the process more sophisticated and convincing.
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3.2.4. Distinctive aspects of local fact-checking initiatives
According to the founder of COAR Noticias, what sets them apart from national agencies such as Lupa and Aos Fatos is not
the quality of the work nor the impact achieved. Alencar (2024) highlights that during participation in programs like GNI
Audience, it was conrmed that the data handled by COAR displayed a level of rigor and quality comparable to that of these
leading initiatives. ey have also demonstrated signicant engagement with their audience.
e main dierence lies in the area of funding. While these well-established organizations have access to resources from major
funders, corporate partners, etc., COAR Noticias operates through donations, one-o grants, or participation in programs run
by big tech companies. is aspect, according to the journalist, represents a complex and often controversial relationship.
On one hand, they play an important role in supporting the training and development of journalists, as well as providing nancial
assistance through initiatives such as the Google News Initiative (GNI). However, the transformation of the media market is
undeniable, with the centralization of information trac and the rise of pseudo-journalistic content production. In the local and
regional context, the loss of subscribers and advertising revenue was a key factor in the closure of many media outlets (Alencar, 2024).
Cunha (2024) focuses on the specicity of the content, as Bereia is the only initiative thematically specialized in digital religious
environments. She also highlights the need to fact-check mainstream media coverage on this topic. Due to the signicant
amount of disinformation produced by these outlets –either because of ideological anities with certain religious gures who
are promoted and amplied by traditional media, or due to a lack of expertise among journalists not specialized in religion– a
series of recurring errors emerge in coverage of this eld.
e coordinators of Verica RS and Agência Tatu agree that the relationship with the local community is a key distinguishing
factor: “understanding the local context is essential to eectively combat disinformation and establish direct dialogue with the
aected populations” (França, 2025).
3.2.5. The role of the RNCD in the work of fact-checking initiatives
Cunha (2024) acknowledges the fundamental role of this network in bringing together projects dedicated to fact-checking and
the ght against disinformation, especially in the educational sphere. e contacts and collaborations facilitated by the RNCD
have enabled the development of activities and materials focused on media literacy and training to combat disinformation. It
allows shared initiatives to serve as a foundation and reference for developing more eective strategies in this eld.
For Alencar (2024), the RNCD plays a crucial role in promoting three key pillars: education, the ght against disinformation,
and the defense of democratic rights. One of the network’s greatest achievements is fostering cooperation among participants,
thereby strengthening collective impact. ese exchanges among colleagues and partners are essential for bringing initiatives
to places that previously would have been unimaginable –such as the most remote areas of northern and northeastern Brazil.
“e network not only connects people and projects, but also expands the reach of actions, reaching vulnerable communities
that are often underserved.”
Regarding the role of the RNCD, França (2025) states that all initiatives aiming to carry out fact-checking with clear and
professional methodologies are highly necessary. For Seibt (2025), the network helps strengthen partnerships and share best
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practices. e bot developed in collaboration with Aletheia.Fact, for example, operates through the RNCD. It is, therefore, a key
space for coordination among the various initiatives spread across the country.
4. Discussion and conclusions
e National Network to Combat Disinformation (RNCD Brazil) is, as has been demonstrated, an autonomous organization
that joins six regional and local fact-checking services within the Brazilian landscape. Analyzing its structure and methods
of operation has provided insight into the project’s actual scope and revelaed the motivations behind its cration, thereby
addressing Reserch Question 1 (RQ1). In addition to the reasons cited throughout this study by its founder, Brazil is a country
that urgently requires measures to combat disinformation. A clear example is the normalization of disinformation as a
political tool, as denounced by the President of the Brazilian Superior Electoral Court: “in the 2022 elections, the number of
disinformation complaints submitted to digital platforms increased by 1,671% compared to the 2020 elections” (TSE, 2022).
Nevertheless, despite the pressing need for anti-disinformation measures, most of the entities within the RNCD were designed
for specic, time-bound fact-checking eorts in response to surges in fake news –such as during election periods, natural
disasters, or health crises. Most do not have ongoing operations, with the exception of the four initiatives analyzed in this
study: COAR Noticias, Coletivo Bereia, Verica RS, and Agência Tatu.
Regarding RQ2, the approach and purpose of these initiatives in carrying out fact-checking processes tend to reect a
professional commitment to the work, even though this must often be balanced with the challenges of operating without
permanent nancial infrastructure. As a result, the entities rely on donations, occasional private grants, or participation in big
tech funding programs. e initiatives studied share three core objectives: debunking false information on sensitive topics that
signicantly impact Brazilian communities (especially regarding fake healing rituals and anti-scientic discourse); providing
accurate and rigorous journalistic coverage in “news deserts,” particularly in remote regions of northern and northeastern
Brazil; and transferring knowledge to communities through media literacy campaigns and materials designed to ght
disinformation.
One of the most novel contributions of this research relates to RQ3, which addresses the specic characteristics and aims of
these initiatives in relation to their local contexts. It is clear that local conditions greatly inuence the work being done, which
reinforces the relevance of these glocal initiatives –local in scope, but addressing a global problem. Some of the most notable
context-driven features in their fact-checking strategies are the following: hyper-specialization in content is a key feature– for
example, in the case of Coletivo Bereia, journalistic work focuses on verifying fake news circulated in religious media and
sources related to religions and their leaders. is is particularly relevant in Brazilian communities, as during the 2018–2022
legislative period, “more than 15% of elected politicians were aliated with highly conservative evangelical movements. If
we include conservative-charismatic Catholic politicians –approximately 10 deputies– more than 20% of Congress falls into
the conservative-Christian-reactionary category” (Sena da Silveira, 2022, p. 64). eir political and sociocultural inuence is
therefore evident, especially in local communities that maintain close ties with their religious leaders.
Another local specicity is found in content production routines; for example, content is assigned for verication between
Monday and Wednesday, due to the higher volume of disinformation typically produced during that time frame. e context
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also shapes verication strategies and content creation. is is particularly evident in the northern and northeastern regions
of Brazil, where there is a total or partial absence of professional journalism.
Additional distinctive features of these local fact-checking initiatives are closely linked ot their specic environments. ese
include the use of regionally adapted language that reects the cultural specicities of northeastern Brazil—a linguistic and
cultural adaptation aimed at promoting e-citizen empowerment and equity through media literacy; the use of personal sources
for information verication, which is feasible in local contexts but not on a national scale; the creation of online communities
via personal communication channels such as WhatsApp; and direct contact with local communicators (bloggers and
inuencers) who can help amplify the reach of veried content.
Regarding RQ4, the main dierences found among the analyzed initiatives lie in the thematic areas they cover and the specic
purpose of each platform –whether it is more focused on journalistic work and the verication of content within a particular
eld, or on the creation of educational materials to foster practical media literacy. In this sense, collaboration with schools,
associations, and community centers is essential to empower users to become potential fact-checkers themselves. Another
point of dierentiation is the stability and size of each project. Some initiatives operate on a more occasional basis and are
made up entirely of volunteers.
e analysis conducted in RQ5 –concerning the future outlook of these verication platforms– reveals that one of the main
challenges they face is the instability of their funding structures, which threatens their long-term sustainability. Often, projects
like these are supported through grants for specic reporting topics, providing only temporary nancial support that does not
allow for the creation of stable sta or infrastructure. Moreover, there is a paradox: while companies like Google and Meta have
funded these anti-disinformation initiatives, Meta –the parent company of Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp– announced
in January 2025 the termination of its fact-checking programs, which had been active on its platforms since 2016.
is study has focused on the RNCD initiatives that have remained active beyond one-o projects or isolated events, although
Verica RS is a more recent eort. As a main conclusion, we can outline the fact-checking strategy these local initiatives
follow, which generally involves the following steps: identifying content that requires verication based on its reach and
public relevance; locating and analyzing the primary source of the information; assessing prior context; verifying data through
reputable ocial, personal, and documentary sources; contextualizing the veried information; and evaluating and labeling
the content with a specic tag indicating the degree of manipulation or disinformation present.
roughout this study, it has become clear that for those interviewed, prioritizing speed in verifying and publishing accurate
information is more eective than attempting to persuade those who spread disinformation. As a result, these initiatives focus
their eorts on reducing verication times and using interpersonal channels (such as WhatsApp) to build online communities
that make communication more direct and eective. Contact with radio stations and local communicators and inuencers is
also essential for disseminating veried content.
Additionally, experimenting with accessible and agile formats has proven essential for eectively transmitting information to
the public. ese initiatives have implemented the use of short WhatsApp audio clips—up to three minutes long—containing
veried content, designed to be clear, concise, easy to understand, and easily shareable. Special emphasis is also placed on
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creating content for Instagram, the most impactful social media platform in Brazil. is shapes the language, visual style, and
aesthetic design of the content, which must suit a platform where imagery plays a dominant role.
Since these four are the most active and enduring initiatives within the RNCD, this study has focused on them to allow for a
more in-depth examination, prioritizing the analysis of their fact-checking methodologies and the particularities imposed
by their local contexts. However, this research may serve as the beginning of a largely unexplored area of study and could
be expanded by including more entities and evaluating specic verication processes during periods of high informational
instability.
5. Acknowledgements
is article has been translated into English by Eva Bunbury to whom we are grateful for her work.
is article was produced by the Digital Communication and Information Research Group (GICID) at the University of Zaragoza,
recognised as a leading group by the Government of Aragon with the code S29_23R (No. 62 of BOA, dated 28/04/2023), within
the area of Social Sciences and funded by the European Social Fund for Regional Development, ERDF, ‘Building Europe from
Aragon’.
6. Specic contributions of each author
Names and Surname
Conception and design of the workJulieti Sussi de Oliveira and Antonia Isabel Nogales-Bocio
Methodology
Carmen Marta-Lazo and Julieti Sussi de Oliveira
Data collection and analysisJulieti Sussi de Oliveira
Discussion and conclusionsAntonia Isabel Nogales-Bocio and Carmen Marta-Lazo
Drafting, formatting, version review and approvalAntonia Isabel Nogales-Bocio
7. Conict of interest
e authors declare that there is no conict of interest contained in this article.
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