The Social Construction of Body Rejection: How Social Media, Family,
and Peers Shape Adolescent Fatphobia
La construcción social del rechazo corporal: Inuencia de las redes sociales,
familia y amigos en la gordofobia adolescente
doxa.comunicación |
nº 42, pp. 419-435
| 419
January-June of 2026
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
How to cite this article:
Lafuente-Pérez, P.; Ladrón-de-Guevara, B. and Feijoo, B. (2026). e Social Construction of Body Rejection: How Social Media, Family, and
Peers Shape Adolescent Fatphobia.
Doxa Comunicación
, 42, pp. 419-435.
https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n42a2971
Patricia Lafuente-Pérez.
She holds a PhD in Communication from the University of Navarra and is a professor
at Universidad Villanueva in Madrid, where she teaches and conducts research in the elds of communication and
sociology. Accredited as a
Profesora Contratada Doctora
(tenure-track lecturer) by ANECA, she is a member of the
research group “Villanueva de Comunicación Social y Análisis de Medios” and of the PROVULDIG2 program of the
Community of Madrid, which focuses on the study of new forms of digital vulnerability. Her recent research examines
the relationship between minors and social media, with particular attention to the role of inuencers in identity
construction, socialization, and the formation of gender stereotypes. She has also studied the phenomenon of kid
inuencers, addressing family involvement, the risks associated with children’s public exposure, and the ethical and
legal dilemmas that arise in the digital era.
Universidad Villanueva, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID: 0000-0002-5556-3228
Begoña Ladrón-de-Guevara.
She holds a PhD in Education and was awarded an ANECA-recognized Research Merit
Assessment (Sexenio de Investigación, 2024). She is also accredited by ANECA as a
Profesora Contratada Doctora
(national tenure-track accreditation). She has a strong academic trajectory in the Social Sciences and Education, with
a focus on instructional innovation, teacher leadership, family engagement in school settings, and the digital divide in
education. She currently serves as the Director of the Institute for Educational Innovation at Universidad Villanueva.
She has taken part in competitive research projects such as PROVULDIG 2 (digital vulnerability and media literacy)
and university networks on Digital Teaching Competence (TPACK). She is the author of over twenty publications in
specialized journals and edited volumes, including work on teacher leadership (International Journal of Educational
Leadership and Management), interdisciplinarity, and family-school relationships. She is also a member of the
Standing Committee of the Spanish State School Council as a distinguished expert and serves on the editorial board of
Participación Educativa
, the journal of the State School Council, consolidating her role as a leading gure in educational
research and knowledge transfer.
Universidad Villanueva, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID: 0000-0001-8067-1450
is content is published under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License. International License CC BY-NC 4.0
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|
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The Social Construction of Body Rejection: How Social Media, Family, and Peers Shape Adolescent Fatphobia
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
doxa.comunicación
Recibido: 01/05/2025 - Aceptado: 21/10/2025 - En edición: 08/12/2025 - Publicado: 01/01/2026
Resumen:
Este estudio analiza la relación entre los niveles de gordofobia en ado
-
lescentes españoles (12-17 años) y la presión percibida sobre el cuerpo
desde tres fuentes principales: redes sociales, familia y grupo de pares.
Con una muestra de 1082 adolescentes, se aplicaron escalas validadas
para medir la gordofobia y la presión ejercida por cada grupo. Los resul
-
tados destacan que la presión desde las redes sociales se asocia signica
-
tivamente con mayores niveles de gordofobia. La presión familiar mues
-
tra un papel dual, puesto que puede tanto mitigar como incrementar la
gordofobia en función del contexto social y familiar especíco, mientras
que la presión de los pares presenta una relación menos clara, aunque
signicativa. Estos hallazgos permiten subrayar la necesidad de abor
-
dar críticamente el impacto diferenciado de las distintas fuentes de pre
-
sión sobre la imagen corporal, sugiriendo implicaciones para progra
-
mas educativos y políticas sociales que busquen reducir la gordofobia
en esta población especialmente vulnerable.
Palabras clave:
Gordofobia, adolescencia, redes sociales, familia, pares.
Received: 01/05/2025 - Accepted: 21/10/2025 - Early access: 08/12/2025 - Published: 01/01/2026
Abstract:
This study examines the relationship between levels of fatphobia
in Spanish adolescents (aged 12-17) and perceived body pressure
from three main sources: social media, family, and peer group.
Using a sample of 1,082 adolescents, validated scales were applied
to measure fatphobia and the pressure exerted by each group.
The results show that pressure from social media is significantly
associated with higher levels of fatphobia. Family pressure plays a
dual role, potentially mitigating or increasing fatphobia depending
on the specific social and familial context, while peer pressure
presents a less linear but still significant relationship. These findings
highlight the need to critically address the differentiated impact of
these sources of pressure on body image, and suggest implications
for educational programs and social policies aimed at reducing
fatphobia in this particularly vulnerable population.
Keywords:
Fatphobia, adolescence, social media, family, peers.
Beatriz Feijoo.
She holds a PhD in Communication and bachelor’s degrees in Advertising and Public Relations and in
Audiovisual Communication from the University of Vigo. Her research focuses on advertising literacy and the digital
education of children and adolescents. Her work examines how young people respond to commercial persuasion in
digital environments and how these experiences inuence their consumer values and overall well-being. She is the
author of more than one hundred scientic publications and has coordinated several competitive national and
international research projects on these topics (Fondecyt No. 11170336 – Government of Chile; ADKIDSMOBILE and
DIGETHICA – Spanish State Research Agency; PENSACRIGITAL – UNIR; DIGITAL_FIT – Fundación Mapfre; TEEN ON
FIT – ITEI-UNIR; Mark&Teen – Fundación BBVA). She is currently an Associate Professor at Universidad Villanueva
(Madrid) and President of the Asociación Infancia y Comunicación.
Universidad Villanueva, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID: 0000-0001-5287-3813
1. Introduction and Background
Fatphobia is generally understood as the rejection and stigma directed toward people with overweight or obesity, also referred
to as weight bias. However, for researchers such as Bastos (2019) and Gallardo (2021), fatphobia goes further, as it denotes a
system of oppression that places higher-weight individuals in situations of disadvantage, injustice, and exclusion –one that
is reproduced systematically. is disapproval becomes evident whenever a body diverges from normative body standards.
us, the prejudice itself, and the consequences it generates, originate in perceptions of the body or physical appearance.
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ese body-related judgments develop throughout life, shaped by personal experiences and by social and cultural inuences
(Ricciardelli & Yager, 2016). Moreover, certain physical changes –together with psychological factors– play a crucial role
(Burychka
et al.
, 2021). Body image is therefore not constructed in isolation; rather, it is the outcome of a complex web of
inuences. Consequently, ideal-body archetypes can be understood as a cultural construct sustained by widely shared
standards that serve to attribute meanings, evaluate physical appearance, and categorize individuals based on their looks
(García-Villanueva & Hernández-Ramírez, 2022). e role of culture in shaping body image is evident, for example, in cultural
representations of beauty in fashion magazines and advertising (Almansa-Martínez & Travesedo-Rojas, 2017; Hormigos &
Ballester, 2020).
According to Puhl (2015), fatphobia is explained largely by underlying prejudices. Studies such as Stoll
et al.
(2022) show that
negative judgments about higher-weight bodies appear at very early ages and intensify over time. is rejection is frequently
legitimized through claims that obesity constitutes an epidemic (Araújo
et al.
, 2018). Higher-weight individuals are also often
perceived as less qualied, lacking self-control, and struggling with interpersonal diculties –perceptions that translate into
reduced success in settings such as job interviews (Kolotkin
et al.
, 2001).
Judgments about what constitutes an “ideal body” are directly related to socially accepted norms and standards. us, while
certain body shapes result in the stigmatization of particular groups, other body types are promoted as more desirable and are
associated with success, happiness, and social acceptance (Feijoo
et al.
, 2024; Gallardo & Franco, 2020).
Among adolescents, data from the UNICEF Spain Childhood and Adolescence Opinion Barometer (Ramos
et al.
, 2025) reveal
that having an attractive physical appearance is important. Adolescents also perceive this as a trait more strongly associated
with girls, pointing to the persistence of gender stereotypes. e combination of bodily changes and development, specic
psychological processes, and interactions with peers helps explain the prominence of physical appearance in this age group.
According to Rocu
et al.
(2025), the need for acceptance and belonging leads adolescents to view physical appearance as a key
dimension.
is trend is further reinforced by the fact that adolescents form part of a generational cohort highly exposed to social-media
content (Sádaba, 2024; IAB, 2024). In Spain, access to the internet and social networks is widespread among children and
adolescents (ONTSI, 2024). Data from the National Institute of Statistics (INE, 2024) show that 94.7% of children use the internet
and 70.6% of those aged 10 to 15 own a mobile phone. Consuming social-media content has become one of the most common
activities among young people in Spain. According to a survey by the digital-safety platform Qustodio (2024) conducted in ve
countries (Spain, the United States, Australia, France, and the United Kingdom), Spanish children and adolescents spend the
most time on social media –more than an hour per day.
Social-media platforms have thus consolidated themselves as key spaces for communication, social development, and
identity formation (Pérez-Torres, 2024; Lajnef, 2023; Tsaliki, 2022). Consequently, there is growing concern about their eects
on adolescents (García-Matilla, 2022; Muñoz Franco
et al.
, 2023; AEPD, 2023), particularly their impact on mental health
(Guzmán & Gélvez, 2023). Adolescents use social media to seek a variety of gratications (Rivas-Herrero & Igartua, 2021;
Tarullo, 2020). For example, they use it to stay informed about dierent topics (Zazo & Martínez-Fresneda, 2024), including
well-being and beauty (Cataldo, 2021; Tiggemann & Zaccardo, 2018). Evidence shows a relationship between perceptions and
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behaviors related to physical appearance and the following of inuencers (Autor
et al.
, 2023; Nuss
et al.
, 2024; Breves
et al.
,
2025).
Considering the negative eects, the algorithmic functioning of social media (Manovich, 2017) can amplify exposure to
content promoting unrealistic beauty standards, reinforcing stereotypes and unattainable expectations (Maldonado, 2024).
Platforms such as Instagram and TikTok often highlight specic beauty ideals –frequently ltered or edited images–that may
foster dissatisfaction and contribute to an increased risk of eating disorders, anxiety, depression, and harmful behaviors as
adolescents attempt to conform to perceived standards (Tiggemann & Slater, 2013). Although both boys and girls experience
appearance-related pressure, expectations may vary signicantly by gender (Fernández & Pedrón, 2022).
While extreme thinness is no longer the dominant aspirational ideal –due partly to its association with disorders such as
anorexia– digital platforms have amplied the visibility of content linked to
tspiration
, promoting bodies that are slim as well
as muscular or toned as models to aspire to (Bell
et al.
, 2024; Talbot
et al.
, 2017). is
tspiration
content results in increased
exposure to material related to physical activity and “healthy” dieting, which can generate high levels of body dissatisfaction
(Carrotte
et al.
, 2017; Cataldo
et al.
, 2021).
Alongside social media, the family plays a key role in transmitting body-image ideals. As De León (2010) explains, the family
serves as the primary reference point in the construction of self-concept and self-esteem, including body perception. e
inuence of family in shaping adolescents’ body image has been documented across multiple studies and is widely recognized
in the current literature. For example, parents’ comments, judgments, and expectations about the body and eating habits can
shape how adolescents perceive their own physical appearance (Rodgers
et al.
, 2019; Ata
et al.
, 2007; Puhl
et al.
, 2015). is
inuence can be either positive or negative, depending on the nature of these messages. Supportive and accepting discourse
can foster a healthy body image and high self-esteem, while constant criticism and unrealistic expectations may contribute to
body dissatisfaction and maladaptive behaviors (Cortez
et al.
, 2017). In this regard, the parent–child relationship –particularly
the bond with mothers– may help protect adolescents from the negative eects that social-media use has on body perception
(De Vries
et al.
, 2018).
During adolescence, peer groups also play a signicant role, becoming essential points of reference in shaping body image. e
need for acceptance and belonging leads young people to compare their appearance with that of their friends and classmates
(Jones & Newman, 2009). Peer comments and criticism about the body can aect self-esteem and fuel body dissatisfaction
(Matera
et al.
, 2013; Dohnt & Tiggemann, 2005), acting as a risk factor for both emotional diculties and eating-related
disorders. Peer pressure may be particularly intense at this stage of life, when conforming to group standards often appears
crucial for social acceptance (Amaya-Hernández
et al.
, 2017).
e family–school partnership is fundamental to ensuring holistic and well-rounded education at all stages, especially during
adolescence. In this context, it is crucial for families and educational institutions to work together to provide adolescents with
the skills, tools, and resources that foster satisfaction with their physical appearance. Media-literacy initiatives examining
the inuence of media and social networks can be eective in reducing weight-related stigma and fatphobic attitudes, and in
promoting adolescents’ mental and emotional well-being (Vázquez-Arévalo
et al.
, 2021).
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is study aims to analyze the relationship between levels of fatphobia among Spanish adolescents and the perceived pressure
regarding body image from three specic sources: social media, family, and peers. Accordingly, the following research
questions are posed:
1.
What is the relationship between levels of fatphobia and adolescents’ perception that a muscular or toned body provides
social advantages or success?
2.
To what extent is perceived pressure from social media related to higher levels of fatphobia among adolescents?
3.
How is family pressure associated with levels of fatphobia?
4.
What role does peer pressure play in shaping fatphobic attitudes?
2. Materials and Methods
A cross-sectional design was adopted using a self-administered online-panel survey targeting Spanish adolescents aged 12–
17. A total of 1,082 individuals participated, but the eective sample consisted of 1,032 after excluding 4.9% who reported
receiving professional support or treatment for issues directly related to the study variables, in accordance with the project’s
strict ethical guidelines. ese participants responded only to general questions on digital habits and were not evaluated on
fatphobia measures.
e sample was obtained through two-stage stratied sampling: in the rst stage, geographic areas were selected using uniform
allocation; in the second, proportional stratication was applied based on gender, age, and socioeconomic status (SES). With a
95.5% condence level and p=q=0.5, the maximum sampling error was ±2.98%.
Fatphobia was measured using the validated scale by Bacon
et al.
(2001), which demonstrated high reliability (McDonald’s
ω
= 0.915). e sample was divided into quintiles, generating ve distinct levels of fatphobia: (1) low or none, (2) mild, (3)
average, (4) considerable, and (5) high. Pressure on body image from social media, family, and peers was also assessed using
psychometric constructs with high internal reliability (
ω
= 0.831–0.897). Table 1 presents the variables used.
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Table 1. Description of the variables
VariableItemsScale
Fatphobia
[GF1] Lazy – Hard-working
[GF2] Lacking willpower – Strong willpower
[GF3] Attractive – Unattractive
[GF4] Good self-control – Poor self-control
[GF5] Fast – Slow
[GF6] Physically resistant – Lacking physical resistance
[GF7] Active – Inactive
[GF8] Weak – Strong
[GF9] Self-indulgent – Self-disciplined
[GF10] Doesn’t like food – Likes food
[GF11] No curves/shape – Clearly dened shape
[GF12] Eats little – Eats too much
[GF13] Insecure – Condent
[GF14] Low self-esteem – High self-esteem
Response range: 1–5
1
.
Social Success
To what extent do you think having a toned/muscular body provides
more opportunities or advantages in life?
(1) No additional opportunities
(2) Few additional opportunities
(3) Quite a few additional
opportunities
(4) Many additional opportunities
Pressure from
Social Media
Indicate your level of agreement with these statements referring to
your environment:
1. I feel pressure from social media to appear more physically t.
2. Social media pressure me to appear thinner.
3. Social media pressure me to improve my appearance.
4. I feel pressured by social media to reduce my body-fat level.
5. I feel pressured by social media to be more muscular.
6. I feel pressured by social media to increase the size or denition of
my muscles.
(1) Strongly disagree – (5) Strongly
agree
1
Step 1: For items 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 10, and 12, score as follows: 1 2 3 4 5. Step 2: For items 1, 2, 8, 9, 11, 13, and 14, apply reverse scoring: 5 4 3 2 1. Step 3: Sum the scores
of all items to obtain the total score, then divide by 14. Higher scores indicate greater fatphobia, whereas lower scores reect lower levels of fatphobia (Bacon
et
al.
, 2001).
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Family Pressure
Indicate your level of agreement with these statements referring to
your environment:
1. I feel pressured by social media to reduce my body-fat level.
2. I feel pressured by social media to be more muscular.
3. I feel pressured by social media to increase the size or denition of
my muscles.
(1) Strongly disagree – (5) Strongly
agree
Peer Pressure
Indicate your level of agreement with these statements referring to
your environment:
1. I feel pressure from my peers to reduce my body-fat level.
2. I feel pressure from my peers to get in better shape.
3. I feel pressure from my peers to improve my appearance.
Source: Data compiled by the authors
Descriptive analyses were conducted, along with Chi-square tests of independence (using Cramér’s V as the eect size) for
nominal variables, and one-way ANOVA (with
η
² as the eect size) for group comparisons. Data were analyzed using the SPSS
software.
e study was carried out in accordance with the ethical guidelines established in the Declaration of Helsinki and was
approved by the Research Ethics Committee of the host university (Ref. PI:066/2023). All participants and their legal guardians
were informed about the study’s objectives, procedures, and data-condentiality measures, and provided informed consent
prior to participation.
3. Analysis and Results
e distribution of the sample across the ve levels of fatphobia identied by the scale used (Bacon
et al.
, 2001) is presented
in Table 2. e largest group corresponds to the mild fatphobia level (n = 282), followed closely by the considerable fatphobia
group (n = 204) and the low or no fatphobia group (n = 203). e moderate fatphobia group is the smallest (n = 142), while the
high fatphobia group is similar in size to the considerable level (n = 201).
Regarding the mean scores obtained for each group, there is a clear upward progression from Group 1 (2.19 points), representing
low or no fatphobia, to Group 5 (4.29 points), which reects the highest intensity of negative attitudes toward individuals
who are overweight. is pattern indicates that participants classied into higher levels exhibit stronger prejudices or more
negative attitudes toward bodies that deviate from the normative body ideal.
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Tabla 2. Niveles de gordofobia
GroupDenitionN
Group Mean
1
Low or no fatphobia
2032.19
2
Mild fatphobia
2822.94
3
Average fatphobia
1423.17
4
Considerable fatphobia
2043.56
5
High fatphobia
2014.29
Source: Data compiled by the authors
3.1. Fatphobia and the Perception of a Toned Body as a Marker of Success
A signicant association was identied between levels of fatphobia and the perception that having a muscular or toned body
provides clear social advantages (
χ
²(12, N = 1032) = 49.066, p < .001, V = .11). Among adolescents with the highest levels of
fatphobia, 40.5% rmly believe that a muscular body oers more opportunities or advantages in life. is nding indicates that
the internalization of success-oriented body ideals is closely associated with more negative attitudes toward diverse bodies—
particularly higher-weight individuals.
Figure 1. Degree to which a toned/muscular body provides more opportunities or advantages in life, according to level of fatphobia (%)
9
Figure 1. Degree to which a toned/muscular body provides more opportunities or
advantages in life, according to level of fatphobia (%)
Source: Data compiled by the authors
3.2. Perceived Pressure from Social Media, Family, and Peer Groups
Statistically significant differences were found between the different levels of fatphobia and the
perceived pressure on body image from three key sources: social media, family, and peers.
Perceived pressure originating from social media showed a clear association with higher levels of
fatphobia (F(4, 983) = 2.89, p = .021,
η
² = .012). This association was particularly pronounced among
adolescents with considerable or high fatphobia, suggesting that greater consumption of and exposure
to idealized body content on social media is linked to stronger rejection of higher
-
weight bo
dies.
Family pressure also showed a significant association, although with a more complex pattern (F(4,
996) = 2.64, p = .032,
η
² = .011). Adolescents with the lowest levels of fatphobia reported high levels
of family pressure, possibly due to protective concerns. However, pressure was similarly elevated
among those with considerable or high fatphobia, suggesting that family messages may play both
protective and reinforcing roles depending on the body
-
and health
-
related narratives that
predominate within the hou
sehold.
With respect to peer pressure, a significant but non
-
linear relationship emerged (F(4, 989) = 2.65, p
= .032,
η
² = .011). The analysis showed higher levels of perceived pressure at the extremes
—
among
adolescents with either very low or very high fatphobia. This pattern suggests a multifaceted
influence of the peer group, which may either reinforce or mitigate fatphobic attitudes depending on
the adolescent’s specific relational and social context.
17,6
17,1
21,9
20,3
38,4
27,4
26,2
11,4
13,8
18,1
12,2
6,3
18,2
20,0
19,8
21,5
11,9
17,4
19,8
40,5
Provides no additional opportunities
Provides few additional opportunities
Provides quite a few more opportunities
Provides many more opportunities
Low or not fatphobia
Mild fatphobia
Average fatphobia
Considerable fatphobia
High fatphobia
Source: Data compiled by the authors
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| 427
3.2. Perceived Pressure from Social Media, Family, and Peer Groups
Statistically signicant dierences were found between the dierent levels of fatphobia and the perceived pressure on body
image from three key sources: social media, family, and peers.
Perceived pressure originating from social media showed a clear association with higher levels of fatphobia (F(4, 983) = 2.89,
p = .021,
η
² = .012). is association was particularly pronounced among adolescents with considerable or high fatphobia,
suggesting that greater consumption of and exposure to idealized body content on social media is linked to stronger rejection
of higher-weight bodies.
Family pressure also showed a signicant association, although with a more complex pattern (F(4, 996) = 2.64, p = .032,
η
²
= .011). Adolescents with the lowest levels of fatphobia reported high levels of family pressure, possibly due to protective
concerns. However, pressure was similarly elevated among those with considerable or high fatphobia, suggesting that
family messages may play both protective and reinforcing roles depending on the body- and health-related narratives that
predominate within the household.
With respect to peer pressure, a signicant but non-linear relationship emerged (F(4, 989) = 2.65, p = .032, η² = .011). e
analysis showed higher levels of perceived pressure at the extremes—among adolescents with either very low or very high
fatphobia. is pattern suggests a multifaceted inuence of the peer group, which may either reinforce or mitigate fatphobic
attitudes depending on the adolescent’s specic relational and social context.
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Figure 2. Degree of perceived pressure by level of fatphobia (mean values)
10
Figure 2. Degree of perceived pressure by level of fatphobia (mean values)
Source: Data compiled by the authors
Finally, a direct comparison of the perceived pressures originating from social media, family, and
peers revealed notable differences. Among adolescents with the highest levels of fatphobia, perceived
pressure from social media was significantly greater, exceeding, on average, peer pressure by
approximately 0.20 points and family pressure by 0.17 points. In contrast, among adolescents with
moderate or low levels of fatphobia, family pressure emerged with values equal to
—
or even higher
than—
those perceived from social media, suggesting a possible protective or mediating role of the
family environment in relation to the potentially negative influence of body
-
and appearance
-
related
digital content.
1,94
1,78
1,74
1,83
1,94
2,07
1,91
1,83
1,97
1,97
2,03
1,90
1,93
2,00
2,14
Low or no fatphobia
Mild fatphobia
Average fatphobia
Considerable fatphobia
High fatphobia
Low or no fatphobia
Mild fatphobia
Average fatphobia
Considerable fatphobia
High fatphobia
Low or no fatphobia
Mild fatphobia
Average fatphobia
Considerable fatphobia
High fatphobia
PeersFamilly
Social Media
Source: Data compiled by the authors
Finally, a direct comparison of the perceived pressures originating from social media, family, and peers revealed notable
dierences. Among adolescents with the highest levels of fatphobia, perceived pressure from social media was signicantly
greater, exceeding, on average, peer pressure by approximately 0.20 points and family pressure by 0.17 points. In contrast,
among adolescents with moderate or low levels of fatphobia, family pressure emerged with values equal to –or even higher
than– those perceived from social media, suggesting a possible protective or mediating role of the family environment in
relation to the potentially negative inuence of body- and appearance-related digital content.
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Figure 3. Degree of perceived pressure by level of fatphobia (mean values)
11
Figure 3. Degree of perceived pressure by level of fatphobia (mean values)
Source: Data compiled by the authors
4. Conclusions
This study provides evidence of how different sources of pressure
—
social, family
-
based, and
digital—
differentially influence levels of fatphobia among Spanish adolescents.
The strong association between viewing a toned or muscular body as a marker of success and higher
levels of fatphobia is particularly noteworthy. It confirms that the internalization of aesthetic
standards can foster prejudice toward bodies that diverge from normative ideals, in line with previous
research (Ata et al., 2007; Tiggemann & Anderberg, 2020). This association helps explain how the
social construction of the ideal body may be linked to discriminatory behaviors and the negative
internalization of diverse or higher
-
weight bodies.
One of the most significant findings concerns the predominant influence of social media as a source
of body
-
image pressure associated with elevated levels of fatphobia. This result reinforces prior
studies (Fardouly & Vartanian, 2016; Holland & Tiggemann, 2016) showing that digital platforms
play a central role in disseminating rigid, normative, and often unrealistic body ideals. High exposure
to this type of content appears to strengthen prejudices toward bodies that depart from these
standards, generating substantial negative effects on body acceptance and attitudes toward higher
-
weight individuals.
2,03
1,90
1,93
2,00
2,14
2,07
1,91
1,83
1,97
1,97
1,94
1,78
1,74
1,83
1,94
2,01
1,86
1,83
1,93
2,02
Low or not fatphobia
Mild fatphobia
Average fatphobia
Considerable fatphobia
High fatphobia
Average of the 3 indices
Peer groups
Families
Social Media
Source: Data compiled by the authors
4. Conclusions
is study provides evidence of how dierent sources of pressure –social, family-based, and digital– dierentially inuence
levels of fatphobia among Spanish adolescents.
e strong association between viewing a toned or muscular body as a marker of success and higher levels of fatphobia is
particularly noteworthy. It conrms that the internalization of aesthetic standards can foster prejudice toward bodies that
diverge from normative ideals, in line with previous research (Ata
et al.
, 2007; Tiggemann & Anderberg, 2020). is association
helps explain how the social construction of the ideal body may be linked to discriminatory behaviors and the negative
internalization of diverse or higher-weight bodies.
One of the most signicant ndings concerns the predominant inuence of social media as a source of body-image pressure
associated with elevated levels of fatphobia. is result reinforces prior studies (Fardouly & Vartanian, 2016; Holland &
Tiggemann, 2016) showing that digital platforms play a central role in disseminating rigid, normative, and often unrealistic
body ideals. High exposure to this type of content appears to strengthen prejudices toward bodies that depart from these
standards, generating substantial negative eects on body acceptance and attitudes toward higher-weight individuals.
430 |
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Family pressure showed a more complex pattern, functioning as both a protective and an amplifying factor depending
on the specic context. is nding aligns with earlier research (Neumark-Sztainer
et al.
, 2010; Rodgers & Chabrol, 2009)
underscoring the family’s central role in shaping and mediating body ideals. Family inuence thus depends largely on the
narratives and messages prevalent within the home: positive, acceptance-oriented messages may buer the negative eect of
external pressures, whereas negative or highly demanding messages about the body may reinforce fatphobia. is highlights
the critical importance of educational interventions aimed at parents and caregivers, strengthening their role in preventing
discriminatory attitudes toward diverse bodies.
Regarding peer pressure, the results were less clear-cut, showing non-linear yet signicant relationships. is pattern is
consistent with prior literature suggesting that peer inuence is multifaceted and highly dependent on adolescents’ social
and relational dynamics (Jones & Crawford, 2006; Ricciardelli & McCabe, 2001). One possible explanation is the diversity of
peer contexts (close friends, schoolmates, sports groups, etc.) and the distinct ways in which these social environments may
moderate fatphobic attitudes.
From an applied perspective, these ndings underscore the importance of addressing fatphobia in both educational and
institutional settings and within the family environment. e results suggest that the family can act as a protective agent
against predominant fatphobic messages, but also—as shown in certain contexts—as a channel that inadvertently reinforces
such messages if not addressed consciously. It is therefore essential to foster opportunities for open, non-judgmental
conversation at home about body diversity, the value of the body beyond appearance, and the impact of aesthetic pressure on
adolescents’ mental health. Promoting such dialogue about body image, social norms, and exposure to social-media content
is a key strategy for preventing the internalization of fatphobic attitudes and fostering well-being. is conclusion aligns with
recommendations from previous studies, including the Teen On Fit report (2024), which emphasizes that family dialogue
helps cultivate a more critical, empathetic, and healthy understanding of one’s own body and that of others.
Among the limitations of this study, the cross-sectional design stands out, as it prevents the establishment of clear causal
relationships between variables. Additionally, the use of self-administered questionnaires may introduce biases linked to
social desirability or to diculties in acknowledging one’s own negative attitudes. A particularly promising direction for
future research is the incorporation of qualitative approaches that delve more deeply into how attitudes toward the body
are constructed and transmitted within the household. Conducting dyadic interviews (e.g., mother–daughter or father–son)
would allow researchers to capture how families talk about—or avoid talking about—body image. is shared lens would oer
a more nuanced understanding of the family’s role as a key context for reproducing or challenging fatphobic discourse, and
would contribute to the design of more sensitive and contextually informed interventions.
is study conrms that adolescent fatphobia is closely related to social pressure arising from multiple contexts, particularly
social media, which emerge as the primary source of negative inuence on body image. Adolescents exposed to higher levels
of pressure from digital platforms tend to display more negative attitudes toward higher-weight bodies, thereby reinforcing
prejudice and discriminatory behaviors.
Furthermore, the ndings indicate that the family context plays a complex and dual role, capable of both buering and
reinforcing fatphobic attitudes depending on the dominant discourses and values within the household. is insight
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underscores the strategic importance of families in preventing and reducing body-related prejudice and highlights the need to
promote educational programs specically targeted at parents and caregivers.
5. Specic contributions of each author:
Author Contribution
s
Conceptualization and study design
Patricia Lafuente-Pérez, Begoña Ladrón-de-Guevara,
Beatriz Feijoo.
Methodology
Beatriz Feijoo.
Data collection and analysisBeatriz Feijoo.
Discussion and conclusionsPatricia Lafuente-Pérez, Begoña Ladrón-de-Guevara
Writing, formatting, revision, and approval of manuscript versionsPatricia Lafuente-Pérez, Begoña Ladrón-de-Guevara.
6. Conicts of Interest
e authors declare that they have no conict of interest.
7. Acknowledgments
is study forms part of the project
“Youth Hatred. Digital Literacy among Adolescents in Relation to the Impact of Fatphobia
on Social Media (known by its Spanish acronym OJUVE)”
, funded by the 2024–2025 Competitive Research Grants Program of
Universidad Villanueva.
We also thank Angela Gearhart for the English translation of this manuscript.
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