“I think I need help”: An analysis of the representation of non-suicidal
self-harm in ctional digital series for adolescents
“Creo que necesito ayuda”: un análisis de la representación de las autolesiones
no suicidas en el entorno digital de cción seriada para adolescentes
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nº 42, pp. 393-417
| 393
January-June of 2026
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
How to cite this article:
Sánchez López, P. and Moraleda Esteban, R. (2026). “I think I need help”: An analysis of the representation of non-suicidal self-harm in ctional
digital series for adolescents.
Doxa Comunicación
, 42, pp. 393-417.
https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n42a3017
Raquel Moraleda-Esteban
. Researcher/Senior Technical Scientic Sta in the Communication and Children Research
Group (COMKIDS-URJC) and pre-PhD in Communication Sciences at the Rey Juan Carlos University (URJC). Graduate
in Sociology from the Complutense University of Madrid (UCM), Graduate in Biology with mention in Health (UCM),
and Master in Biochemistry, Molecular Biology and Biomedicine (UCM). Proposed for the extraordinary TFG award
by the Faculty of Political Science and Sociology (UCM, 2023). She received the second prize for the best TFG by the
Ocial College of Biologists of Madrid in 2016. Recognised in her Master’s studies with the best academic record of the
2016-2017 promotion. She has participated in the national and international research project «Media representation
of children’s self-harm in the media and social networks» (2021-2025), and in the national research project «Teacher
Professionalization: Discourses, Policies and Practices. New approaches and proposals». She is currently working in
the European project SIC-SPAIN 4.0. His current lines of research are self-harm, mental health, adolescents, social
networks, individualization processes in modern societies and their relationships.
Universidad Rey Juan Carlos, Spain
[email protected]
https://orcid.org/0009-0000-2364-566X
Pablo Sánchez López
holds a PhD in Audiovisual Communication with a thesis on the geopolitics of popular
culture. Since 2024 he is Assistant Professor at the Department of Audiovisual Communication and Advertising at the
Universidad Rey Juan Carlos, where he has taught subjects related to business and audiovisual storytelling. He has
also been a professor in dierent subjects related to audiovisual ction in the Master in Production and Management
of Audiovisual Companies in the School of University Arts TAI and the Master in Entertainment Management at the
Audiovisual School –e Core–. He has participated in national and international research projects including “Media
representation of self-injury of minors in the media and networks”; project funded by the State Research Agency, during
the period 2021-2025 (PID2021-124550OB-I00).
Universidad Rey Juan Carlos, Spain
[email protected]
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0113-509X
is content is published under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License. International License CC BY-NC 4.0
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“I think I need help”: An analysis of the representation of non-suicidal self-harm in ctional digital series for adolescents
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
doxa.comunicación
1. Introduction
Fiction, regardless of its form –lm, television shows, or literature– has always been a eld of study for analyzing the
interrelationships and connections between narrative and mental health (Heath, 2019; Holmes, 2014). Within this eld, the
present study focuses on non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI) depicted in 21st-century serial ction. While suicide in audiovisual
ction has been the subject of analysis in various studies (Scalco
et al.
, 2016; Seggi, 2022), the same is not true for NSSI, for
which analysis of its representation in lms or series is almost non-existent in academic literature, beyond mentions in studies
on suicide (Arendt
et al.
, 2019; Kruzan
et al.
, 2025; Mueller, 2019; Scalvini, 2020) or violence related to mental health (Peña
and Sarrionandia, 2023). Moreover, very few narrative analyses are found (Stack and Bowman, 2012) amongst the works on
the representation of suicide in audiovisual ction, making the study presented here one of the rst discursive analyses of the
representation of self-harm in serial ction.
On the other hand, there are numerous studies on self-harm, youth, and online media, such as social media, which analyze
the construction of digital communities where young people talk about self-harm through the creation of their own language
(Atauri
et al.
, 2025; Martín and Atauri, 2024). is can be explained, in part, by the fact that the narratives constructed on these
platforms are mostly controlled by users, whereas in audiovisual ction, control of the narrative is beyond the reach of viewers.
Currently, NSSI are increasingly present in the lives of adolescents, as this behavior is widely known amongst this population
group (Arqueros
et al.
, 2025; Vázquez
et al.
, 2023). is situation has led to concern and alarm among health professionals,
Recibido: 11/06/2025 - Aceptado: 15/10/2025 - En edición: 09/12/2025 - Publicado: 01/01/2026
Resumen:
El ocio digital es un componente fundamental en la vida de los adolescen
-
tes. El objetivo de esta investigación es reunir un corpus de series emitidas
o disponibles en streaming en las que, como parte de su trama, un perso
-
naje se autolesione; y analizar narrativamente el cómo y el porqué de la
autolesión, qué función cumple en el relato y si romantiza el acto autole
-
sivo. La metodología de este estudio se fundamenta en el análisis fílmico
junto con el análisis del discurso, que se aplicará a ocho series selecciona
-
das tras un proceso de criba mediante buscadores tanto generalistas como
especializados. El resultado incluye once personajes y un total de trece ac
-
tos autolesivos en pantalla, actos que varían en cuanto a forma, lugar e
intención. El análisis ha permitido distinguir dos representaciones de la
autolesión, aquellas que se enfocan en aspectos sensacionalistas y las que
optan por un enfoque más responsable. Este estudio pone de maniesto
los problemas que conlleva tratar temas de salud mental protagonizados
por adolescentes dentro de un entorno digital de cción con vocación de
llegar a público amplio.
Palabras clave:
streaming, series de televisión, representaciónn mediática, autolesión
no suicida, autolesiones, narrativa audiovisual.
Received: 11/06/2025 - Accepted: 15/10/2025 - Early access: 09/12/2025 - Published: 01/01/2026
Abstract:
Digital leisure constitutes a fundamental component in adolescents’
lives. e aim of this research is to compile a corpus of television series
broadcast or available via streaming in which, as part of the plot, a
character engages in self-harm; and to conduct a narrative analysis
of how and why self-harm occurs, what function it fullls within the
story and whether the act is romanticized.. e methodology of this
study is based on lmic analysis combined with discourse analysis,
applied to eight series selected through a screening process using
both general and specialized search engines. e results include
eleven characters and a total of thirteen on-screen self-harming acts,
which vary in form, place and intent. e analysis makes it possible
to distinguish two representations approaches to self-harm: those
that emphasize sensationalist aspects and those that adopt a more
responsible perspective. is study highlights the challenges involved
in addressing mental health issues among adolescents within a
ctional digital environment designed for a broad audience.
Keywords:
Digital streaming, TV shows, media representation, non suicidal self
injury, self harm, audiovisual storytelling.
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who already describe the current context as a public health problem (Vázquez
et al.
, 2023). Despite the current situation,
self-harm is still a minority narrative element in contemporary audiovisual ction. However, reecting the increase in cases
amongst younth, the appearance of NSSI in ction is becoming increasingly common, mainly in the growing body of work
aimed at young audiences, although it still has little weight in the plot or the characters. ese facts could be explained by the
general lack of knowledge among the adult population regarding self-harming behavior and the virtual absence of the issue
in public debate (Fernández and Martínez-Pastor, 2023; Martínez, Blanco, and Martínez, 2023). e emerging appearance of
self-harm in serial ction, and the fact that it is occurring especially in works aimed at young audiences, creates a need for a
comprehensive analysis that addresses the characteristics of this representation.
1.1. Non-suicidal self-injury
Non-suicidal self-injury refers to deliberate behaviors through which individuals inict physical harm upon themselves
without the intention of dying (Rascón, 2024). ese behaviors appear in early adolescence, around the age of 11 (Martínez-
Pastor
et al.
, 2023), although they are most frequent between the ages of 13 and 16 (Faura-García
et al.
, 2021). e main reason
for self-harm is psychological suering. is is temporarily mitigated through physical pain, serving to self-regulate negative
feelings such as anxiety, stress, or depression (Vázquez
et al.
, 2023). is temporary release can lead adolescents to engage
in cyclical self-harm, turning it into an addictive behavior (Fernandes
et al.
, 2022) and a possible gateway to suicidal ideation
(Rascón, 2024). e main method used is cutting –with sharp or pointed objects– although other methods are also used, such
as burning the skin –with lighters, cigarettes, matches, or other hot objects– scratching or scraping the skin, pulling out hair,
pinching the skin until it bleeds, picking at a wound, inserting objects under the nails or skin, getting tattoos, and hitting the
body (Faura-García
et al.
, 2021; Ose
et al.
, 2021).
ere is no consensus regarding gender, with some studies indicating a higher frequency of self-harm amongst girls (Resett
and González, 2020), while others say that there are no dierences, or that they are not signicant (Victor
et al.
, 2018), and
some even point to a majority of boys depending on the geographical region (Moloney
et al.
, 2024). However, a dierence in
method is detected depending on gender. Girls prefer cutting or scratching, while boys are more prone to hitting or burning
(Rascón, 2024).
Various studies indicate an upward trend in self-harm over the last decade (Arqueros
et al.
, 2025; Vázquez
et al.
, 2023). e
ANAR Foundation (2024) reports a 6.91% increase in calls received for self-harm in the last ve years, from 484 cases in 2019
to 3,348 in 2023. e literature indicates an overall prevalence of self-harm among adolescents of between 15-25% (Frida
et al.
,
2023; Vázquez
et al.
, 2023). However, a wide variety in incidence levels is found depending on the study, due, amongst other
things, to the variety of methods used for analysis (Swannell
et al.
, 2014), although the fundamental reason is that a minority
of adolescents who self-harm (0.21-6.5%) seek help (Faura-García
et al.
, 2021).
1.2. Self-harm and narrative
Until the 1980s, the representation of NSSI in media, specically in ctional stories, focused solely on showing it as a symptom
of mental health problems or disorders that inevitably led to the character’s suicide (Whitlock and Purington, 2010). In the
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21st century, the increase in representations of NSSI in popular culture, mainly in music and lm, grew sharply (Whitlock,
Purington, and Gershkovich, 2009), raising the dilemma of whether it would positively or negatively aect the incidence of
self-harm in the real lives of adolescents exposed to this content.
Unlike the presence of NSSI on social media, when they appear in a lm or series, viewers do not have access to a community,
but rather to a narratively self-contained product, unless they watch it in company and generate a subsequent debate. at
is why the most important eects that ction can have are imitative ones. Whether we are talking about suicide or NSSI,
audiovisual ction could have a negative eect on vulnerable populations (Till
et al.
, 2015), but the opposite can also occur,
serving to prevent these behaviors and even encouraging people with suicidal or self-harming thoughts to seek help (Scalvini
and Rigamonti, 2017). Media representation of suicidal or self-harming behaviors is studied as a factor to be taken into account
in imitative behaviors, but there is no evidence of a causal relationship between scenes or characters that commit self-harm or
suicide and an increase in these behaviors in the real world (Mueller, 2019).
It is not surprising that most studies and representations of self-harm in ction focus on the experiences of young people in
general and adolescents in particular. Adolescence is a period characterized by a certain amount of existential angst in the face
of the challenge of constructing an adult personality, which can easily lead to maladaptive ways of managing anxiety, which
are heavily inuenced by the media (Hawley
et al.
, 2023). When asked, adolescents recognize the importance of their social
environment and media consumption in emotionally locating self-harming acts (Hill and Dallos, 2012).
2. Method
is research, which focuses on the representation of self-harm in television series, has the following objectives:
–
To study the archetype of characters who self-harm in television series.
–
To interpret the context and consequences of non-suicidal self-harm in the plot from a narrative point of view.
is paper presents a qualitative study based on the narrative and lm analysis developed by Casetti and DiChio (1991). e
authors specify that any analysis of an audiovisual text must be based on representation, communication, and, specically,
narration. For them, narration is “a concatenation of situations in which events take place and characters operate in specic
environments” (Casetti and DiChio, 1991:172). Within the narrative, the basis of this analysis will be the character, as
understood by both Casetti and DiChio (1991) and Chatman (2013:162), who denes the character as “a paradigm of traits,
[the trait being] a stable and enduring personal quality.”
Alongside lm analysis, discourse analysis will also be used, a multidisciplinary tool that serves to analyze cultural texts, in our
case ction series, focusing on the messages they convey (Van, 2001). Fiction series are audiovisual texts that have the capacity
to construct ideological discourses in the society in which they are created, while also receiving the values and ideals of that
same society in a continuous feedback process (Wodak and Fairclough, 1997).
e sample analyzed in this study consists of eight ction series, in which 11 characters are studied who, in total, commit 15
self-harming acts of dierent kinds. Selecting the sample was complex, as examples were sought where the sequence of self-
harm appeared on screen. Characters who, although known to self-harm in the ction, did not show the moment of self-harm
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on screen were not included in the study. Furthermore, given the limited representation of NSSI in ction, even in teen series
–series aimed at young and adolescent audiences (Donstrup, 2022)– it was more dicult to locate a suciently representative
corpus. is sample was selected non-probabilistically, for convenience and strategy, based on the work of Wimmer and
Dominick (1966: 70-71).
e rst step in obtaining the study sample consisted of locating ction series on general search engines (Google) and
specialized search engines (Internet Movie Database-IMDB) using keywords in English and Spanish, such as “autolesión,”
“self-harm,” “self-injury,” “self-inicted injury,” or “cutting.”
e initial search yielded 27 possible ction series that met the essential requirement of being available on a streaming platform
in Spain or, where applicable, having been released on home video (DVD or Blu-Ray) in Spain. e following exclusion criteria
were applied to these 27 series:
–
Self-harm was committed by an adult character and not a young person/teenager.
–
e NSSI led to suicide.
–
e self-harm took place in a fantasy, science ction, or animated ction series, as the search was for representations in series
with realistic contexts.
e nal result was eight selected series, all of which were broadcast on television or streaming platforms operating in Spain in
the 21st century. is group consists of ve American series, two Spanish series, and one Canadian series:
USA
–
Euphoria
(USA, 2019-present). Available on HBO Max.
–
Ginny & Georgia
(USA, 2021-present). Available on Netix.
–
American Horror Story: Murder House
(USA, 2011). Available on Disney+.
–
Castle
(US, 2009-2016). Available on Disney+.
–
Scream
(US, 2015-2019). Available on Netix.
SPAIN
–
HIT
(Spain, 2019-2024). Available on
RTVE.es.
–
Física o Química
(Spain, 2008-2011). Available on Netix, Amazon Prime Video, and ATresPlayer.
CANADA
–
Degrassi: e Next Generation
(Canada, 2001-2015). Available on Apple TV.
Two data tables have been designed to collect information from viewing the series. e rst table shows basic aspects of each
character and details of self-harm, reected in six variables: gender, sexual orientation, and emotional status of the character;
these include type, object, and area of self-harm (Figure 1).
e second table dissects the presence of the main narrative elements within an audiovisual work, which, in this case, is
translated into eight variables focused on the sequences in which self-harm takes place: character type, presence or absence of
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a soundtrack, nature of the space where it takes place, presence or absence of dialogue and, if so, whether it is voice-over or an
exchange between two or more characters; type of lighting; whether or not the frame shows the self-harming act; and, nally,
its narrative function in the story (Figure 2).
e design of this analytical tool follows the conceptualization and typologies expressed by other authors. For Figure 1,
documentary support is sought from reference works such as Evaluation and Clinical Management of Self-Injury in Adolescence:
Evidence-Based Protocol (OPBE Working Group, 2022) and contributions from the DSM-5 (American Psychiatric Association,
2022); García Couceiro (2022); or Trewavas
et al.
(2010). For Figure 2, use is made of the elements of narration typied according
to Cuadrado (2017) and Chatman (2013).
3. Results
3.1. Characters and non-suicidal self-injury
e fteen sequences analyzed correspond to eleven characters from the eight selected shows. In terms of number of
sequences,
Euphoria
has three, two starring the character Jules –Images 1 and 2– and one starring the character Cassie.
Image 1. First sequence in which Jules self-harms in
Euphoria
Source: HBO Max
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Image 2. Second sequence in which Jules self-harms (ashback) in
Euphoria
Source: HBO Max
e Spanish show
HIT
features four sequences, two starring the character Silvia, one starring the character Teo, and another
starring the character Marc, making it the series with the highest number of sequences involving self-harm (Image 3).
Image 3. Silvia self-harming with a box cutter in
HIT
Source:
RTVE.es
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e show
Ginny & Georgia
has two sequences of self-harm featuring the main character, Ginny, as the subject of the self-harm
(Images 4 and 5).
Image 4. Ginny self-harming with a lighter in
Ginny & Georgia
Source: Netix
Image 5. Ginny self-harms with a candle in
Ginny & Georgia
Source: Netix
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e next show is
American Horror Story: Murder House
, with Violet as a character who represents two sequences of self-harm
(Image 6).
Image 6. Violet self-harms with a razor blade in
American Horror Story: Murder House
Source: Disney +
e rest of the shows analyzed feature a single sequence each. First, we have the show
Degrassi: e Next Generation
, with the
character Ellie as the subject of self-harm (Image 7).
Image 7. Ellie self-harms with a compass in
Degrassi: e Next Generation
Source: Apple TV
Secondly, we have the show
Física o Química
, in which Ruth is the character who self-harms (see Image 8).
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Image 8. Ruth self-harms with a broken piece of glass in
Fisica o Quimica
Source: ATresPlayer
Finally, we included the show
Castle
, with the character Chloe as the subject of self-harm, and the show
Scream
, with Rachel
as a character who self-harms, in the study.
e analysis of the sample sequences will begin by referring to the character-centered elements shown in Figure 1. e sample
consists of eleven characters who commit some type of NSSI, of which nine are girls (81%) and two are boys (19%). All the girls
t the prototype of a young, white, middle-class woman –except for the protagonist of
Ginny & Georgia
– who has traditionally
been the subject of self-harm in ction (Chandler
et al.
, 2011). Interestingly, the only two boys who self-harm are characters
from the same show,
HIT
, produced in Spain. ere are no examples of boys self-harming in the English-language series
included in this study. In terms of sexual orientation, the boys are both heterosexual, while the girls show greater variability,
with eight of them being heterosexual, two bisexual, and one homosexual.
Figure 1. Basic characters’ features and the NSSI analyzed
Characters’ features
NSSI
ShowCharacterGender
Sexual
orientation
Relationship
status
TipologyObject/tool
Body area
Euphoria
Jules
GirlBisexual
SingleCut
Kitchen knife
Forearm
Jules (
ashback
)UnknownCut
Torn soda can
Wrist
CassieGirlHeterosexualMonogamousCutCorkscrewWrist
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Ginny &
Georgia
Ginny
GirlHeterosexualMonogamous
BurnLighterigh
GinnyBurnCandleHand
American
Horror Story
Violet
GirlHeterosexualSingleCutRazorForearm
Violet
HIT
Silvia
Girl
BisexualSingle
BurnLighterForearm
SilviaCutCutterForearm
TeoBoyHeterosexualSingleStapledStaplerHead
MarcBoyHeterosexualSingleCut
Kitchen knife
Forearm
Física o
Química
RuthGirlHeterosexualSingleCut
Broken glass
Wrist
Degrassi
EllieGirlHeterosexualSingleCutCompassForearm
Castle
ChloeGirlHeterosexualSingleCutKnifeigh
Scream
RachelGirlHomosexualMonogamousCutRazorForearm
Total
11 characters
Source: Personal compilation
All characters are teenagers, bearing in mind that their actual age is rarely specied. If the character is in high school, it is easy
to ascertain that they are a teenager, but if, on the contrary, they are not, as in
Castle
or in the third season of
HIT
, we infer their
status of youngster/teenager from the narrative context.
With regard to the characters’ romantic/emotional situations, the analysis has focused on the moment when self-harm occurs,
as measuring this variable is complex for two reasons. On the one hand, in the case of main characters, this situation may
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change throughout the entire series or a season –as in the case of Ginny in
Ginny & Georgia
–. On the other hand, it should be
noted that romantic relationships in teen ction present uid contexts that are hard to t into classic relationship frameworks.
erefore, as can be seen in Figure 1,
Euphoria
(Cassie),
Ginny & Georgia
, and Scream present the characters analyzed within
monogamous relationships. Characters who are single are present in
HIT
,
American Horror Story: Murder House,
Física o
Química
,
Degrassi: e Next Generation
, and
Castle
; while in the case of
Euphoria
, the character of Jules is assumed to be single
in one instance and her status in this regard is unknown in another. erefore, we have a majority of eight characters who are
single at the time they self-harm in the ction.
Figure 1 also includes a description of the nature of self-harm carried out by each character analyzed. Most of them, specically
nine, self-harm by cutting themselves with a sharp object such as razor blades (Violet and Rachel), a box cutter (Silvia), the
remains of a torn soda can (Jules), a compass (Ellie), dierent types of knives (Jules, Marc, Chloe), a corkscrew (Cassie), and a
piece of broken glass (Ruth). e character Ginny (
Ginny & Georgia
) self-harms by burning herself with a lighter and a candle.
Teo, a character in
HIT
, uses a stapler to staple his head. Finally, in terms of the part of the body where the character self-
harms, most do so on the forearm (seven characters), followed by wrists (three characters), thigh (two characters), hand (one
character) and head (one character).
3.2. Narrative elements in self-harm scenes
Figure 2 shows the analysis of the narrative elements of the sequences studied. In terms of the importance of the character in
the plot, three categories can be distinguished: protagonist or co-protagonist, secondary character, and episodic character.
In this sense, we nd Jules and Cassie in
Euphoria
, Ginny in
Ginny & Georgia
, Ruth in
Física o Química
, and Ellie in
Degrassi,
the new generation
as main or co-main characters. Secondary characters in the plot, but present in almost every episode of at
least one season, are Violet in
American Horror Story: Murder House
; and Silvia, Teo, and Marc in
HIT
. Finally, we call those
characters who only appear in one episode of the series episodic, such as Chloe in
Castle
and Rachel in
Scream
. In summary,
of the eleven characters analyzed, ve are main characters, four are secondary characters, and two are episodic characters.
Figure 2 also shows the results for the sound, which reveal a signicant division, with seven sequences using the soundtrack
and eight not doing so. ose with soundtrack are:
Castle
,
Física o Química
, the two from
American Horror Story: Murder
House
, the one from
Degrassi: e Next Generation
, and the ashback to Jules’ childhood in
Euphoria
. e case of
Scream
stands out, as it is the only one in which the soundtrack is not instrumental music but a pop song. In the four scenes from
HIT
,
the other two scenes from
Euphoria
, and the two from
Ginny & Georgia
, no soundtrack of any kind is used to accompany the
self-harming act.
e next element to highlight, included in Figure 2, is the space where self-harm takes place. All the spaces shown in the
scenes analyzed are indoors; self-harm never takes place outdoors. Of the fteen scenes analyzed, nine take place inside the
character’s home, four of which occur in the bedroom –the rst one with Ginny in
Ginny & Georgia
, the two with Silvia in
HIT
, and the one with Rachel in
Scream
–three in the bathroom– the second one with Ginny in
Ginny & Georgia
and the two
with Violet in
American Horror Story: Murder Hous
e –and two in the kitchen– the rst one with Jules and the one with Cassie
in
Euphoria
. e remaining six take place outside the family home: in a high school meeting room –Teo in
HIT
–, in a high
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school bathroom –Ellie in
Degrassi: e Next Generation
–, in a rehabilitation center –Marc in
HIT
–, in a hospital for patients
with mental health issues –Ruth in
Física o Química
and Jules’ ashback in
Euphoria
–, and in a laundry room located in the
basement of an apartment building –Chloe in
Castle
–.
Figure 2. Narrative features on every scene
ShowCharacter
Character
catergory
SoundtrackSpaceDialogLighting
Framing/
show NSSI
Narrative
function
Euphoria
Jules
Lead or co-
lead
No
Inside
family
home
YesArticialYes
Advancing
the plot
Jules
ashback
Yes
Outside
family
home
YesArticialNo
Revealing
character
psychology
CassieNo
Inside
family
home
YesArticialNo
Ginny &
Georgia
Ginny
Lead or co-
lead
No
Inside
family
home
NoArticialNo
Revealing
character
psychology
Ginny
Inside
family
home
NoArticialYes
American
Horror Story
Violet
SupportingYes
Inside
family
home
YesArticial
Yes
Revealing
character
psychology
VioletNoArticial
HIT
Silvia
SupportingNo
Inside
family
home
NoArticialNo
Revealing
character
psychology
Silvia
Inside
family
home
YesArticialNo
Advancing the
plot
Teo
Outside
family
home
YesNatural
Yes
Advancing the
plot
Marc
Outside
family
home
YesNatural
Advancing the
plot
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Física o
Química
Ruth
Lead or co-
lead
Yes
Outside
family
home
YesArticialYes
Revealing
character
psychology
Degrassi
Ellie
Lead or co-
lead
Yes
Outside
family
home
YesArticialYes
Revealing
character
psychology
Castle
ChloeEpisodicYes
Outside
family
home
YesArticialYes
Revealing
character
psychology
Scream
RachelEpisodicYes
Inside
family
home
NoArticialYes
Revealing
character
psychology
Source: Personal compilation
e use of dialogue is more widespread in the sequences analyzed, as ten of them contain some form of dialogue, compared to
ve that do not. Understanding a scene as a dramatic unit, dialogue is included in it, regardless of whether it occurs before or
after self-harm, as no examples have been found in which dialogue and self-harm take place at the same time.
Every scene in
Euphoria
includes dialogue, whether between Jules and Nate (another character in the series), Jules and the
orderlies at the hospital where she is admitted, or Cassie with her sister and mother. In
HIT
, Marc and Teo self-harm in the
context of conversations with one person (in Marc’s case) or two people (in Teo’s case), with self-harm being a marker that
breaks the conversational dynamic. e same is true of Ruth in
Física o Química
, who, before cutting herself, nds herself in
a moment of great tension while talking to her legal guardian and her ex-boyfriend. In the rst scene with Violet in
American
Horror Story: Murder House
, the dialogue with another teenager takes place just after she self-harms, unlike in
Degrassi: e
Next Generation
and
Castle
, where the dialogue between the characters takes place just before. e most dicult case to
categorize is the second scene starring Silvia in
HIT
, since the young woman self-harms with the help of a YouTube video in
which another girl comments on the steps to follow to cut her forearm; therefore, it is understood that there is dialogue, which
is fundamental to the development of self-harm, but not within a conversation (Figure 2).
e ve instances of self-harm that are not accompanied by dialogue all take place in the character’s bedroom or bathroom,
showing a private act that is hidden from the other characters, but not from the audience. No examples have been found in
which voice-over is used in these scenes, even in the series
Euphoria
or
Ginny & Georgia
, where the protagonist’s voice-over is
a fundamental element for the narrative.
ere is no evidence that any of the scenes analyzed were lmed in natural light, although the lighting in the cases of Teo and
Marc’s self-harm in
HIT
are the examples where natural light is simulated most realistically.
One of the most controversial aspects of depicting self-harm is how much to show on screen. e framing variable, included
in Figure 2, indicates whether the exact moment of self-harm appears on screen or whether the camera decides to focus on
another part of the character’s body or object, provided that the action is taking place. On ten occasions, the camera always
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lms the moment in close-up, except in the rst scene of Jules –
Euphoria
– shot in medium long. Among the shots where the
viewer witnesses the self-harm rsthand are the scenes from:
Física o Química
,
Castle
,
Scream
,
Degrassi: e Next Generation
,
American Horror Story: Murder House
(both),
HIT
-Teo and Marc-, and the second scene of Ginny in
Ginny & Georgia
-in which
she burns herself with a candle-. In the other cases, the self-harm is lmed o-screen, with the camera focusing mainly on
the character’s face (Ginny burning herself with a lighter in her room in
Ginny & Georgia
, Silvia doing the same in
HIT
) or on
spaces outside the place where it is happening, at that very moment (Cassie, and Jules in their ashback in
Euphoria
and Silvia
cutting her forearm in
HIT
) –Figure 2–.
Finally, the most complex variable to analyze is the narrative function, included in Figure 2, understood as the role played by
the narrative unit, in this case the scene, within the story (Propp, 1968). In most cases (eleven sequences), the scenes in which
the character self-harms serve to reveal the character’s personality or highlight an element of their personality that is hidden
from the other characters or the viewer. ese eleven cases are: the rst starring Silvia in
HIT
, Jules’ ashback and Cassie’s
self-harm in
Euphoria
, the two in
Ginny & Georgia
, the two in
American Horror Story: Murder House
, and those in
Degrassi: e
Next Generation
,
Castle
,
Scream
, and
Física o Química
.
Four of the scenes serve the narrative function of advancing the plot. ese are: the scene in
Euphoria
where Jules cuts her
forearm to escape Nate’s aggressive behavior; Silvia in
HIT
cutting herself and subsequently fainting, which leads her parents
to discover what she has been doing in the privacy of her room; Teo stabbing himself in the head with a stapler and Marc
cutting his forearm, both in
HIT
, prompting a reaction from the teacher’s leading character (Figure 2).
In the ction analyzed as a whole, there is a general tendency to focus on drama and narrative conict, without addressing
in depth the underlying causes of self-harming behavior, such as anxiety, depression, or other emotional disorders. e
representation of self-harm suers, in general terms, from an excess of eectiveness and, in some cases, a certain degree of
sensationalism.
Eectiveness manifests itself in the use of NSSI as a dramatic device intended to provoke an intense emotional reaction in the
viewer, rather than to generate reection on the psychological issues that motivate it. Except for
Ginny & Georgia
, there is no
evidence of an interest on the part of the screenwriters in exploring a therapeutic, pharmacological, or psychiatric resolution
to the symptoms that lead to self-harm. Although the existence of medical treatments or interventions is implied, these are
rarely shown explicitly on screen or mentioned in dialogues. In
HIT
, Silvia is admitted to the hospital after cutting her forearm
and fainting, only to reappear two episodes later telling her classmates that she has been discharged after being “stued with
pills.” Only in three of the NSSI cases analyzed does a health professional appear, two of them psychologists –
Euphoria
,
Ginny
& Georgia
, and
Física o Química
– which shows a lack of interest in the physical and psychological consequences of self-harm
on the aected character.
ese shows are not interested in discussing NSSI within the plot, narratively isolating self-harm by presenting it as an act
performed in private and hidden from the other characters by loose-tting clothing that covers the injured areas, mainly the
forearms and wrists, which helps to keep the phenomenon in the private sphere and avoid its explicit problematization within
the story.
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Based on an analysis of the characters who engage in NSSI in the selected works of ction, it can be said that the archetype
of the adolescent who self-harms is mostly that of a girl with symptoms of anxiety and a marked sense of alienation from
her environment, whether family or social. In the narrative development, this archetype usually plays a leading or relevant
secondary role, with the character self-harming using sharp objects –knives, razor blades– on their upper limbs –forearms or
wrists.
4. Discussion
e series analyzed in this study present women as the main subjects who engage in self-harm. If we review academic
literature, this fact would be consistent with some published works that point to a higher incidence of self-harm in girls than in
boys (Resett and González, 2020). However, there are also studies that point to a higher incidence in boys (Moloney
et al.
, 2024)
or the same prevalence for both genders (Victor
et al.
, 2018). Given the discrepancy in the research, the sequences studied
establish a link between women and self-harm based on the stereotype, rather than scientic evidence, of women as “crazy”
or “hysterical” (Sánchez, 2021), more susceptible to mental disorders than men. is form of representation has not yet been
overcome in general audiovisual production (Klin and Lemish, 2008).
Regarding sexual orientation, it is mainly heterosexual characters who self-harm, compared to two cases of bisexual people
and one homosexual. In this regard, although the incidence levels reported in the literature are contradictory (Lim
et al.
,
2024; Liu, 2019), it is positive that there is no overrepresentation of self-harm amongst LGTBIQ+ adolescents, as this avoids
creating causal relationships and reduces the group stigmatization. Likewise, the presence of heterosexual characters who
self-harm helps to understand that any youngster is susceptible to this behavior, and not exclusively the most vulnerable
groups, enabling the viewer to understand self-harm as a behavior that can extend to any adolescent.
In terms of the methods used for self-harm, the characters mainly cut themselves with sharp or pointed objects and, less
frequently, use other methods, such as burning or stapling themselves; a representation consistent with published data
(Faura-García
et al.
, 2022). Likewise, if we consider the age of the characters, they meet the parameters of higher frequency of
self-harm assigned by the literature to the adolescent stage (Faura-García
et al.
, 2021; Martínez-Pastor
et al.
, 2023).
e main reason behind self-harm is emotional suering (Vázquez
et al.
, 2023). Nevertheless, the series studied do not develop
the characters in a way that shows their suering and the reasons for it. ere is a practical absence of a “language of suering”
(Brinkmann, 2014), used with an educational intention, and with the viewer in mind. is points to a certain irresponsibility
on the part of those who produce these shows regarding the consequences that content such as that studied may have without
contextualization and understanding of the causes that lead the characters to feel the need to self-harm. is irresponsibility is
even greater when we consider that all the content analyzed is categorized as teen series, i.e., aimed at young and adolescent
audiences.
e romanticization of self-destructive behaviors, such as suicide attempts and NSSI, in audiovisual ction is associated with the
glamorous and aesthetically appealing representation of the destructive act, the person performing it, or both. Romanticizing
or glamorizing the act of self-harm means giving it a meaning that goes beyond the action and its consequences –the wound,
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the treatment, the psychopharmacological response–; a meaning in which the act and/or the person who commits it become
objects of desire for the viewer (Faubert, 2018).
e step prior to romanticization is what we call sensationalism, that is, “the narration of events related to taboos in the
public sphere in a way that intentionally obstructs the rationalization of these issues by the public” (Fernández, 1999: 254).
Sensationalist portrayals of self-harm involve stereotypical representations, associating it, for example, with “uncontrolled”
women, and showing it solely to have the greatest possible emotional impact on the viewer.
Much of the self-harm that appears in the selected shows can be classied as scenes with sensationalist elements or intent.
Furthermore, this sensationalism is based on a key element: the association between self-harm and mental health problems.
e characters classied as episodic are framed within this way of narrating self-harm. In
Scream
, Rachel is a young woman
who has been humiliated and embarrassed by a video of her posted on social media. e camera shows us several scars from
cuts on her arms just before she cuts herself again. e representation is sensationalist and only serves to show a person in
pain and without the tools to manage their emotional problems. is pattern is repeated with few variations in the rest of the
examples analyzed. In
Castle
, Chole is a youngster who, in love and pregnant by the father of the baby she was babysitting,
murders a friend who had replaced her as a babysitter in the same family. As the police corner her in the laundry room of an
apartment building, Chloe cuts her thigh with a knife as if it were a nervous tic that shows her mental instability. Something
similar, without leading to homicidal impulses, happens to the character of Ruth in
Física o Química
. Ruth suers from eating
disorders and what the series describes as severe anxiety, culminating in her admission to a clinic where, in a confrontation
with her adoptive mother and her boyfriend, she cuts her forearm with a knife before being subdued and disarmed.
e example that focuses most intensely on morbid fascination is
American Horror Story: Murder House
. In this horror
thriller, a family moves into an old house that is apparently under the inuence of a certain evil presence. e daughter of this
family, Violet, cuts her wrists –on screen– twice (Image 6) in response to depression, in sequences that mix the erotic with the
unhealthy and are related to Violet’s attraction to another young man named Tate.
Sensationalism is a common response in the representation of NSSI in media, whilst romanticization is more common in
shared forums such as social media (Jadayel
et al.
, 2018). But how does an act that causes suering become something aesthetic
and narratively appealing in ction? First, there must be elements that are eye-catching and appealing to young audiences,
such as the self-harming character having normative beauty, being socially integrated, and not being an outcast amongst their
peers (Jadayel
et al.
, 2018). In addition, it is important that the self-harm itself is framed as a ‘positive’ act within the narrative
context. However, romanticization is perceived through creative decisions, such as the selection and duration of shots, the
rhythm of the editing, and, above all, the music.
All these elements come together in the case of Jules –
Euphoria
–, a transgender girl who, in one of the scenes, makes very
unusual use of self-harm within the ction. In the pilot episode, Jules crashes a party and is aggressively confronted by a boy, to
which she responds by cutting her forearm with a knife (Image 1) in front of all the people gathered around the two characters
during the argument. In this sequence, Jules makes utilitarian use of self-harm, using it as a weapon against someone who
threatens to hurt her. Self-harm as a form of protection is extremely rare in ction, whether audiovisual or not (Heney, 2024;
Stack and Bowman, 2012).
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We can nd another example of sensationalism with Cassie in
Euphoria
. In second season, Cassie suers several anxiety
attacks, one of them in her kitchen where she cuts her wrist with a corkscrew. e show presents the character as an out-of-
control woman, whom her own family, especially her sister, treat as if she were crazy (“she’s unbalanced,” her sister says at
one point in the series), receiving no aection from her loved ones and, in general, being ignored. e narrative shows Cassie
from the end of the rst season as a girl subjected to stress and potentially traumatic situations (abortion, abandonment by
her partner, alienation from her group of friends), but no solution to her problems is ever proposed. Instead, the series plays
on putting her in a sensationalist self-destructive spiral. All of this reinforces the stereotype of the hysterical woman (Woods,
2012) which, based on what is shown in this scene, is far from having been overcome in ction, as argued above.
When it comes to romanticization, the best example of those studied can be found in the fourth episode of the rst season
of
Euphoria
, in an extensive ashback showing Jules in her early teens, where she appears to be unhappy with her body and
her desire to transition. Jules’ mother deceitfully locks her daughter in a psychiatric institution, and Jules cuts her wrists with
the remains of a soda can (Image 2). In this scene, we see the romanticization of self-harm, above all through the voiceover
that emphasizes Jules’ discomfort and her desire to escape her body/reality, and high-pitched music, with vocals but no
lyrics, which is skillfully mixed with fast-paced editing that nevertheless clearly conveys the story. e scene is shocking but
aesthetically appealing, with plays of light and shadow and camera movements with very eective transitions, such as the one
that ends Jules’ stay in her forced connement.
ere is, however, one exception in the case of
Ginny & Georgia
. is show, with two seasons released on Netix, stars a mother
and her teenage daughter who, on their own, start a new life in a new city. Ginny is 15 years old and self-harms by burning
herself with a lighter on the inside of her thigh (Image 4). e scars from old burns are clearly visible, indicating a pattern of
repeated behavior. During the rst season, the young woman suers several episodes whose symptoms are consistent with
what we know as anxiety attacks (Mardomingo, 2001), which in the narrative explains the self-harm. Even so, the issue is never
addressed in the series’ plot and remains unresolved until season 2, when Ginny confesses her self-harming behavior to her
father, from whom her mother separated many years ago. anks to her father, Ginny begins therapy with a psychologist who
will help her deal with stress and anxiety. Ginny’s recovery is based on the support of her family and friends, professional help,
and her own commitment to improving as a patient. All of these are essential ways to help her overcome her self-harming
behaviors, as identied by psychologists and psychiatrists and supported as fundamental by published literature (Duarte-
Tánori
et al.
, 2023; Wang
et al.
, 2019, Berger
et al.
, 2014) reveal how young people themselves recognize that what helps
them most to overcome self-harm is having a safe environment where they are listened to without judgment. e series also
reminds us that those who self-harm must be active participants in their own recovery, a point that echoes published studies
(Berger
et al.
2014; Fortune
et al.
, 2008). Far from appearing as an idyllic solution,
Ginny & Georgia
is the best example of those
analyzed in this study of how to approach self-harm cases. Less than half of the representations of self-harming behaviors
in the ction analyzed show a psychopharmacological response and even fewer show support from the social context.
Psychopharmacological treatment is usually taken for granted, as in the case of Ruth in
Física o Química
or Silvia in
HIT
–
when she is admitted to the hospital. Despite attempts in
HIT
to address mental health issues from an adult and responsible
perspective, in the series, self-harming behaviors do not lead to solutions that could promote the prevention and treatment of
these behaviors, as they are treated supercially and resolved o-screen, after fullling their mission of supporting the plot of a
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specic episode. erefore, the sensationalist representation of self-harm in the scenes analyzed coincides with the denition
given by Trevawas (2010) and Martin (1998), authors who associate this form of representation with a greater risk of imitative
behavior on the part of the viewer.
Despite the possibilities oered by serial ction, there is a total absence of voice-over narration, which prevents the viewer
from learning about the character’s self-narrative (Chandler, 2014) regarding their own self-harming behavior. With regard to
the prototype of the self-harming character, the insistence on presenting them as female is consistent with existing academic
literature (Biempica, 2025; Chandler and Simopoulou, 2021; Salisbury, 2018).
Finally, given the inuence of audiovisual culture on the viewer’s interpretation of reality, it would be important to extend
Scalvini’s (2020) call to producers regarding their moral responsibility when including representations of self-harm in their
audiovisual productions to directors and screenwriters, and even to the platforms or channels that broadcast this content, as
they also bear this responsibility.
5. Conclusion
After analyzing the selection of characters that are the focus of this research, it can be said, returning to the rst objective of the
study, that the archetype of the adolescent gure who self-harms in serial ction focuses on a girl with anxiety problems who
feels alienated from her family environment or social circle. Within the narrative, this archetype is completed with a leading or
secondary role, which also self-harms with a sharp object, mainly a knife, on the upper limbs (forearm or wrist). Regarding the
second proposed objective, the representation of self-harm serves, above all, a dramatic purpose, so elements that could serve
as a reference for real people aected by the same problem are minimized, if not directly absent from the plot.
e context of self-harm is marked by the importance of the character in the story (whether protagonist or not) and the time
devoted to explaining or showing the possible causes of their behavior, which is generally limited and based on psychological
problems that are assumed to aect the character. As for the consequences of self-harm, post-act psycho-pharmacological
intervention is inferred but rarely discussed in detail, leaving the solution to the problem aside once the self-harming action
has fullled its dramatic function. Only on rare occasions will the victim be shown hospitalized or visiting a mental health
professional.
Narrative analysis allows us to conclude that scenes depicting self-harm are generally characterized by not including the use
of a soundtrack, being shot with articial light in indoor spaces, presenting situations with dialogue between characters but
without the use of voice-overs, showing the self-harm on screen, and, nally, having a narrative function focused on revealing
the character’s psychology, either to the audience, to another character, or both.
On the other hand, the ctional works studied tend to fall into aesthetic romanticism, as in the case of
Euphoria
, or into the
pathologization of self-harm, as in
Castle
or
American Horror Story: Murder House
. Very rarely are models of detection and
action in response to self-harm presented that could help vulnerable populations who access these shows. In most, but not all,
of the cases studied, self-harm is a response, with varying degrees of conditioned behavior, to anxiety problems that manifest
themselves in isolation or accompanied by other pathologies.
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Overall, we must consider whether the responsible and non-sensationalist representation of self-harm in serial ction can
be the standard rather than the exception when it comes to creating stories that engage teenage and young adult audiences.
erefore, it is important to return to
Ginny & Georgia
, an example of contemporary storytelling that appeals to this audience
and is capable of exposing the problem in such a way that the viewer empathizes with the character and understands their
recovery process.
is article proposes the rst narrative analysis of the representation of self-harm in serial ction, but at the same time, it
would be desirable for it to lead to future lines of research, such as the relationship between the examples of romanticization
and sensationalization presented here and the response of vulnerable populations to viewing these series. Other areas of work
could focus on the language used –or not used– in audiovisual ction to talk about self-harm, which Brinkmann (2014) calls
“the language of suering” and which is almost non-existent in the examples analyzed. ese gaps show that this research is
only a rst approximation to a social problem that is more widespread than its presence in ction.
6. Acknowledgements
is article has been translated into English by Santana Lois Poch Butler, to whom we are grateful for her work.
7. Specic contributions from each author
Name and surnam
e
Conception and design of workPablo Sánchez
Methodology
Pablo Sánchez
Data collection and análisisPablo Sánchez y Raquel Moraleda
Discussion and conclusionsPablo Sánchez y Raquel Moraleda
Drafting, formatting, review and approval of versionsPablo Sánchez
8. Conict of interest
e authors declare no conict of interest.
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