Online Compliments and Digital Communication: Sexual Objectication
in Adolescence
Piropos online y comunicación digital: la objetivación sexual en la adolescencia
doxa.comunicación |
nº 42, pp. 479-498
| 479
January-June of 2026
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
How to cite this article:
Martínez Román, R.; Adá Lameiras, A. and Rodríguez Castro, Y. (2026). Online Compliments and Digital Communication: Sexual Objectication
in Adolescence.
Doxa Comunicación
, 42, pp. 479-498.
https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n42a3045
Rosana Martínez Román.
Assistant Profesor in the eory and History of Education area at the Faculty of Education
and Social Work of the University of Vigo (Galicia, Spain). She holds a PhD in Educational and Behavioral Sciences from
the University of Vigo. Her main research line focuses primarily on sexual violence, both in online and oine spaces,
aective-sexual education, and coeducation.
University of Vigo, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID ID: 0000-0002-1122-5585
Yolanda Rodríguez Castro.
Associate Professor in the Area of Personality, Assessment, and Psychological
Treatments of the Faculty of Education and Social Work at the University of Vigo (Galicia, Spain). She earned
her PhD in Psychopedagogy in 2006. She currently serves as Director of the Equality Unit at the University
of Vigo. Her main research focuses on sexual and gender-based violence, both online and oine, gender
stereotypes, sexism, and aective-sexual education
.
University of Vigo, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID ID: 0000-0001-9965-2348
Alba Adá Lameiras.
Assistant Profesor in the Department of Economics and Business at the Rey Juan
Carlos University of Madrid (Spain). She holds a PhD in Communication Sciences from the University of
Vigo. Her research line focuses mainly on the analysis of gender representations in the media and new
technologies.
Rey Juan Carlos University, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID ID: 0000-0002-3092-1463
is content is published under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License. International License CC BY-NC 4.0
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1. Introduction
In the digital age, social media platforms have become leading spaces for cybersocialization among adolescents, playing a
pivotal role in shaping and developing their social, emotional, and communicative bonds (Rodríguez-Castro
et al.
, 2021a).
e use of ICTs has become virtually universal: in Europe, 97% of young people between the ages of 16 and 29 use the Internet
daily, a gure that has grown exponentially since 2015 (Eurostat, 2025). By 2024, 88% of youths within this age group in the
EU were active on social media (Eurostat, 2025). According to the Health Behaviour in School-aged Children (HBSC, 2024)
study by the World Health Organization (WHO, 2024), 36% of adolescents in Europe maintain constant contact with friends
through digital platforms –a proportion that rises to 44% among 15-year-old girls and boys. e most popular platforms among
Europeans aged 13 to 24 are WhatsApp, Instagram, TikTok, Snapchat, and YouTube (Global Digital, 2025).
In the Spanish context, internet use among adolescents is virtually universal: 96% regularly surf the internet or digital platforms
(INE, 2025), and nearly nine out of ten log in several times daily or remain continuously connected. is hyperconnectivity
Recibido: 27/06/2025 - Aceptado: 16/10/2025 - En edición: 24/11/2025 - Publicado: 01/01/2026
Resumen:
El colectivo adolescente utiliza las redes sociales como una herramienta
clave para la comunicación, el inicio y consolidación de las relaciones
interpersonales, así como para la expresión de su sexualidad a través
de la imagen corporal. Los objetivos de este estudio fueron analizar las
experiencias de objetivación a través de los “piropos online” que emite y
recibe el colectivo adolescente en la esfera digital, determinar los compor
-
tamientos de quien emite y recibe estos comentarios, comprender la na
-
lidad de la emisión, y conocer los sentimientos y reacciones que les genera
al colectivo adolescente que recibe piropos en la esfera digital. Los parti
-
cipantes fueron 232 estudiantes (121 chicas y 111 chicos) de Educación
Secundaria y Bachillerato, de entre 15 y 18 años, del noroeste de España,
que participaron en 20 grupos de discusión. Los principales resultados
mostraron que el colectivo adolescente utiliza las redes sociales para com
-
partir sus propias imágenes y vídeos e interactuar socialmente a través de
comentarios objetivantes, especialmente hacia las chicas. De este modo,
la emisión y recepción de piropos online no solamente son una continui
-
dad de las experiencias que se reejan en el contexto oine, sino que son
comportamientos que pueden suceder con más frecuencia y con más du
-
reza en el contexto virtual. Nuestros resultados sugieren la necesidad de
incorporar programas integrales de educación sexual en las escuelas para
promover relaciones socioafectivas sanas y libres de violencia.
Palabras clave:
adolescentes, redes sociales, piropos online, objetivación sexual,
ciberacoso sexual.
Received: 27/06/2025 - Accepted: 16/10/2025 - Early access: 24/11/2025 - Published: 01/01/2026
Abstract:
Adolescents use social media as a key tool for communication,
initiating and maintaining interpersonal relationships, and
expressing their sexuality through bodily self-representation.
is study aimed to analyze experiences of sexual objectication
through “online compliments” exchanged among adolescents in
digital environments; to identify the behaviors of those who send
and receive such comments; to understand the intent behind
their emission; and to explore the feelings and reactions elicited
in adolescents who receive these remarks online. e sample
consisted of 232 students (121 girls and 111 boys) enrolled in
secondary and post-compulsory education in northwestern Spain,
aged between 15 and 18, who participated in 20 focus groups.
e main ndings reveal that adolescents use social media to
share personal images and videos and to engage socially through
objectifying comments, particularly directed at girls. ese online
compliments not only mirror oine experiences but often occur
with greater frequency and intensity in virtual contexts. Our results
underscore the urgent need to implement comprehensive sex
education programs in schools to foster healthy, violence-free
socio-aective relationships.
Keywords:
Adolescents, social media, online compliments, sexual objectication,
cybersexual harassment.
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intensies with age, as 12% of 14-year-olds spend more than four hours a day online or on digital platforms, a gure that rises
to 21% among 16-year-olds (Save the Children, 2024). It is also worth noting that digital initiation is occurring at increasingly
younger ages –58% begin routinely using the Internet and digital platforms by the age of 11, and nearly one in three start even
before turning ten (Save the Children, 2024).
Social media platforms are the main reason adolescents go online, with 79.8% of Spanish teenagers citing them as their
primary activity, and 13.3% creating content specically to publish on these digital platforms (Save the Children, 2024). e
presence of adolescents on social media is extremely high: 98.5% of Spanish teenagers are registered on at least one social
network, and 83.5% are on three or more (UNICEF, 2022). e most widely used platforms among Spanish adolescents aged 12
to 17 are WhatsApp (95%), Instagram (86%), TikTok (81%), and YouTube (69%) (IAB Spain, 2025). ese gures reveal a clear
preference among adolescents for digital environments characterized by immediacy, interactivity, and constant connectivity,
as opposed to oine spaces. However, hyperconnectivity is not without risks: 33% of Spanish adolescents aged 12 to 16 are at
high risk of compulsive use of digital services, including social media (ONTSI, 2024). In this regard, the European Kids Online
study (O’Neill and Dopona, 2025) ranks Spain as the country with the highest prevalence of problematic Internet use among
young people aged 9 to 18. Specically, 13% of those aged 12 to 18 exhibit cyberaddiction behaviors, and 32% are at risk.
Beyond risks linked to time spent online, concerns are also emerging regarding exposure to sexual content and inappropriate
sexual interactions (O’Neill and Dopona, 2025). According to UNICEF’s latest report (2022), more than 40% of adolescents
reported having received erotic or sexual messages, one in ten has received sexual propositions from adults, and one in
ve could be experiencing cyberbullying. ese gures highlight that, regardless of geographic context, the intensive and
daily use of social media by adolescents worldwide (Bärtl, 2018) transforms these digital environments into key spaces for
understanding new forms of socialization, communication, and the expression of sexuality during adolescence, as well as the
impact these factors have on adolescents’ psychosocial development.
In the virtual sphere, social media platforms constitute highly visual environments, saturated with images and videos focused
on physical appearance and the sexualized body (Bell
et al.
, 2024; Burnell
et al.
, 2021). Adolescents on social media share and
post images and/or videos in which they consider themselves to “look good,” showcasing their bodies and physical attributes
according to the idealized beauty standards promoted by the dominant digital culture (Berne
et al.
, 2014; Burnette
et al.
, 2017).
It is noteworthy that during adolescence, physical appearance is a central element in self-perception and in acceptance and
recognition by peer groups (Mayeux and Kleiser, 2020). On these digital platforms, the main function of images and/or videos
is to encourage interaction through “positive” comments (Paddock
et al.
, 2025; Bell, 2019; Chua and Chang, 2016; Rideout
and Fox, 2018), “likes,” or emojis (Nesi
et al.
, 2018). ese comments can range from objectifying remarks about physical
appearance to explicit insinuations or sexual propositions (Frisén y Berne, 2020).
us, adolescents on social media are constantly exposed to receiving sexualized comments and/or visual reactions (“likes” or
emojis) on their posts from both peers and strangers (Vandenbosch
et al.
, 2022). ese forms of social interaction have become
a common and normalized mode of communication among adolescents (Rodríguez-Castro
et al.
, 2021a). is practice is
embedded within a digital culture that tends to reinforce the objectication of the female body, with girls being the primary
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recipients of such comments, thereby reinforcing gender hierarchies in interpersonal relationships and perpetuating power
dynamics and gender stereotypes (Lameiras
et al.
, 2018, 2024; Rodríguez-Castro
et al.
, 2025).
To understand how Western culture systematically commodies and objecties the bodies or body parts of girls and women,
we rely on Objectication eory developed by Fredrickson and Roberts (1997). is theory explains the consequences of
being a woman in a culture that treats girls and women as sexual objects through body evaluation (e.g., catcalls, staring,
sexual comments), as well as unwanted sexual advances, harassment, and/or sexual abuse (Kozee
et al.
, 2007). e evaluation
of girls’ and women’s bodies through an “objectifying gaze” is dened as the behavior of visually inspecting or staring at
another person’s body or sexual body parts (Gervais
et al.
, 2013), with the purpose of being “used” or “consumed” by others
(Fredrickson y Roberts, 1997). Focusing attention on bodies leads to “literal objectication,” dened as “any situation in which
a person is perceived as an object” (Heick and Goldenberg, 2014, p. 225). In this way, objectication experiences represent a
form of dehumanization, placing those who are objectied at a level inferior to human beings (Gervais
et al.
, 2013).
Experiences of objectication, through comments on women’s physical appearance and sexualized bodies, often begin during
the transition from childhood to adolescence, when girls’ bodies start to attract the gaze, sexualization, and evaluation of boys
and men (Fredrickson y Roberts, 1997; Farquhar y Wasylkiw 2007; Rousseau y Eggermont 2017; Tiggemann y Slater 2015; Ward
et al.
, 2015). is stage of development is particularly relevant to the processes of objectication and self-objectication, as
experiences of sexualization of the female body increase signicantly with the onset of puberty. e physical changes inherent
to this stage not only transform body image but are also accompanied by a growing tendency toward self-objectication,
that is, internalizing the external gaze as a form of self-evaluation of physical appearance and the sexualized body (Mustafa
y Akram, 2022). In this way, girls and women bind their identity to the value assigned to their bodies and are condemned to
dissatisfaction when their bodies do not t beauty standards (Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997). us, for girls and women,
body dissatisfaction is more the rule than the exception, and this “normative discontent” persists in contemporary societies
(Fallon
et al.
, 2014; Lameiras
et al.
, 2018, 2024), both in analog and digital contexts. Consequently, objectication experiences
compromise the identity construction of girls and women, reducing them to their beauty and sexuality and disconnecting
them from their bodies, thoughts, feelings, and desires, turning them into objects of sexual interest and attention from boys
and men (Fredrickson y Roberts, 1997; Rousseau y Eggermont 2017; Tiggemann y Slater 2015; Ward
et al.
, 2015).
Currently, Fredrickson and Roberts’ (1997) objectication theory is particularly relevant in the context of social media, where
adolescents, especially girls, post images and videos of themselves to be viewed, objectied, and subjected to objectifying
comments (Tiggeman and Barbato, 2018). ese often normalized behaviors constitute forms of sexual cyberbullying that
are frequently not recognized as such by those who experience or perpetrate them. us, social media provides a unique
digital platform to deeply study the eects of objectifying comments related to physical appearance and the sexualized body
(Tiggeman y Barbato, 2018).
International scientic literature shows that sexual objectication experiences among adolescents in the online sphere indicate
that both viewing and posting images and/or videos on social media increase experiences of sexual objectication through the
sending and receiving of online compliments focused on physical appearance and the sexualized body (Bell
et al.
, 2019; Burnell
et al.
, 2021; Butkowski
et al.
, 2019; Frisén
et al.
, 2020; Fardouly
et al.
, 2017; Feltman y Szymanski, 2018; Lin
et al.
, 2022; Manago
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et al.
, 2015; Paddock
et al.
, 2024, 2025; Sarabia y Estévez, 2016). Girls are the ones who most frequently experience sexual
objectication through online compliments, while boys are the primary emitters of these comments (Burnell
et al.
, 2021; Lin
et al.
, 2022). International studies show that between 79.2% and 85% of adolescent girls have received objectifying comments
on their social media posts, focused on their physical appearance and sexualized body (Burnell
et al.
, 2021; Paddock
et al.
,
2024, 2025), followed by “likes” and/or emojis (16.7%) (Paddock
et al.
, 2025). ese practices are widely normalized among
adolescents and are associated with indicators of social recognition within peer groups (Paddock
et al.
, 2024).
us, the use of social media platforms such as Instagram and TikTok, which focus on visual content and immediate feedback
through objectifying comments, reinforces and intensies experiences of objectication (Tiggemann and Barbato, 2018; Frisén
and Berne, 2020). ese dynamics carry signicant psychosocial risks, as constant exposure to objectifying comments has been
linked to heightened self-objectication, body surveillance, increased concern about body image, body dissatisfaction, and
lowered self-esteem (Burnell
et al.
, 2021; Rodgers and Melioli, 2016). Moreover, experiences of objectication can also lead to
cyberbullying situations (Berne
et al.
, 2014; Rodgers and Melioli, 2016). Cyberbullying is very common among adolescents,
and according to Rodgers and Melioli’s (2016) study, nearly 90% of adolescents reported knowing someone who has been a
victim of cyberbullying through objectifying comments about their physical appearance, with Instagram identied as the most
frequent digital platform for such incidents.
In Spain, to the best of our knowledge, the study of objectication experiences during adolescence through online compliments
on social media remains an emerging research line. is type of comment, which sexually objecties the body or body parts of
women through compliments, constitutes a form of sexual harassment. Compliments are the most common and normalized
form of sexual harassment in Western cultures, particularly in countries such as Spain, Portugal, and other Spanish-speaking
nations (Bailey
et al.
, 2016; Moya-Garófano
et al.
, 2022), which could lead to these behaviors being perceived as socially positive
by society and/or by the recipients themselves (Moya-Garófano
et al.
, 2021). e recent study by Pérez
et al.
(2024) provides
data on the magnitude and characteristics of this form of sexual harassment through experiences of sexual objectication in
the online sphere. Pérez
et al.
(2024) show that 31.6% of young women aged between 18 and 35 have received comments on
Instagram treating them as sexual objects. Additionally, 27% have received unsolicited sexual content, 38.3% have received
mass messages without responding, 30.5% are aware that someone compulsively views their content, 16.4% have received
intimidating messages, 16% have received insults or messages referring to socially perceived bodily aws, and 2% have suered
threats, extortion, or blackmail involving the publication of sexual content featuring them.
Currently, there are no qualitative studies in the Spanish context that deeply explore objectication experiences through “online
compliments” (sexual comments about physical appearance and the sexual body) on social media directed at adolescents, nor
that conceptualize these behaviors as manifestations of sexual cyberbullying on digital platforms. e objectives of this study
are to analyze the experiences of objectication through the “online compliments” that adolescents both emit and receive
in the digital sphere; to determine the behaviors of those who emit and receive these comments; to understand the purpose
behind the emission; and to explore the feelings and reactions these compliments generate in the adolescent population. All
this with the aim of understanding how adolescents reproduce and adapt traditional gender dynamics from the oine world
to the virtual environment, thereby contributing to the perpetuation of sexual objectication and sexual harassment in their
new digital forms.
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2. Methodology
2.1. Participants
is study involved 232 adolescents (121 girls and 111 boys) who were students in the second cycle of compulsory secondary
education (ESO) and the rst and second years of Bachillerato, attending public secondary education institutes in the
northwest of Spain. eir ages ranged from 15 to 18 years, and they were organized into 20 discussion groups.
2.2. Instrument
For the implementation of the discussion groups, an ad hoc script of questions was developed to address the objectives of this
study. e question script was semi-structured for all discussion groups to ensure uniformity of the information collected. is
script gathered sociodemographic data (age, gender, and academic year) and included open-ended questions on the following
thematic areas: i) online compliments emitted and received in the virtual sphere, ii) the behaviors of adolescents who emit
online compliments, iii) the typology of compliments emitted and received by adolescents in the online sphere, and iv) the
feelings and reactions of adolescents to receiving online compliments.
2.3. Procedure
Data collection took place in eight public secondary schools in northwest Galicia (Spain) during the year 2024. e research
team provided the school management teams with an explanation of the study’s purpose, as well as its voluntary, anonymous,
and condential nature. Regarding ethical considerations, given that the participants were minors, consent was obtained from
academic supervisors and signed authorization from the mothers, fathers, and/or legal guardians for the youths’ participation
in the discussion groups. e discussion group sessions were held at the same schools during school hours and lasted,
approximately, 45-50 minutes.
2.4. Data Analysis
Discussion groups were utilized due to the benets this technique oers in data collection, allowing young participants
to feel more comfortable responding to questions and sharing their perceptions and experiences within their peer group
(Horner, 2000). All discussion group sessions were recorded to later conduct literal transcription and analysis of the collected
information.
e processing of the collected information was carried out using the ATLAS.ti version 24 software, which enables the
management and analysis of large volumes of data, enhancing transparency, coherence, and scientic rigor in the analytical
process (Weitzman, 2000). Furthermore, this software facilitated simultaneous work among the researchers (San-Martín,
2014), allowing data triangulation to manage information processing, ensure coherence, credibility, and content relevance,
and to establish thorough coding and categorization. us, a naturalistic content analysis was conducted following ve basic
rules (Ruiz-Olabuenaga, 2012): i. exhaustiveness (Bardin, 1986), which consists of categorizing all content; ii. exclusivity,
meaning focusing the same idea into a single category; iii. semi-induction, involving careful precategorization or coding; iv.
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category relevance, evaluating whether it is appropriate to maintain the category; and v. objectivity, which was ensured by
cross-checking codications and categorizations of content analysis among the members of the research team. e content
analysis of the adolescent discourse allowed the establishment of the following primary categories: i) Online compliments
emitted by adolescents on social media; ii) Online compliments received by adolescents on social media; and iii) Feelings
and reactions to the reception of online compliments on social media. ese primary categories were further detailed into
secondary categories, through which the results are presented. e coding used for each participant included their gender
followed by the discussion group number (e.g., M, FG3).
3. Results
3.1. Online compliments emitted by adolescents on social medial
3.1.1. Online compliments emitted by boys on social media
In the content analysis, it was identied that more than half of the male participants (n=67 out of 111) showed a tendency to
use social media as platforms to perpetuate the practice of sending online compliments: “I send more compliments on social
media” (M, FG7). Among these, 47 boys (out of 67) indicated that they send online compliments to known girls (e.g., friends or
partners): “I send compliments to girls I know” (M, FG5), and 15 boys stated that they also send compliments to unknown girls
(n=15 boys): “I look at girls’ social media, and those I nd attractive, I say whatever” (M, FG20).
3.1.1.1. Typology of online compliments emitted by boys on social medial
Nearly one third of the boys (n=31 out of 111) reported sending comments regarding the physical appearance and sexualized
bodies of girls, emphasizing physical appearance as the primary focus on social media: “I tell them they have a nice ass, or
something like that…” (M, FG17), “On social media, I don’t hold back anymore, there I even call them ‘horny’ or something…”
(M, FG7). Additionally, 15 boys (out of 111) admitted to sending sexually explicit requests, i.e., comments related to sexual
acts: “I tell them, ‘babygirl, I’m going to give it to you’” (M, FG1).
e content analysis also identied that 28 boys (out of 111) reported sending online compliments related to the physical
beauty of girls: “I write on their Instagram stories ‘beautiful’ or something like that...” (M, FG10) “¡How beautiful you are! You’re
gorgeous, my girl!” (M, FG1).
3.1.1.2. The purpose of boys emitting online compliments on social media
Analysis of the boys’ discourse revealed that 8 boys (out of 111) stated that the primary purpose of sending online compliments
is to “irt” with the recipient: “Yes, I say compliments online to irt” (M, FG7), “I hooked up with my current girlfriend on
social media” (M, FG16)”. Even the boys point out that liking girls’ posts on social media or reacting to their posts by sending
them an emoticon is also considered a form of complimenting: “On Instagram, by reacting to stories with an emoticon or liking
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any post of the girl, you are already irting with her with the intention of starting a conversation and asking her when we meet
in person” (M, FG20).
3.1.2. Online compliments emitted by girls on social media
Girls send fewer online compliments compared to boys, with less than one third of them (n=25 out of 121) reporting that they
send them: “I do send compliments on social media” (F, FG11). e girls who send online compliments indicated they send
them to people they know, such as their friends: “On social media, I send compliments to people I know, to my friends, when
they post a story on Instagram, for example, but I don’t say anything rude” (F, FG14), “I also send compliments to my friends on
social media” (F, FG6)”.
Very few adolescent girls (n=3 out of 121) reported sending compliments to strangers via social media,
but they specied that these were famous people: “I send compliments to famous guys that I nd very handsome, and I tell
them, ‘How handsome you are’” (F, FG5)
.
3.1.2.1. Typology of online compliments emitted by girls on social media
Content analysis revealed that 25 girls (n=25 out of 121) sent sexually themed compliments about the sexualized body, or
specic body parts, of the recipient: “Many times I tell my friends, ‘What a hottie’” (F, FG9), “I tell him, ‘What a body’” (F,
FG19). e analysis also found that these girls made comments about the recipient’s physical beauty: “If a friend posts a story
on Instagram, I write ‘handsome’” (F, FG5), followed by comments related to sexual relations: “I tell him, ‘I’ll eat your mouth
or see you tomorrow in bed’ or things like that…” (F, FG3).
3.2. Online compliments received by adolescents on social media
3.2.1. Online compliments received by girls on social media
Almost all the participating girls (n=96 out of 121) reported receiving compliments through social media: “I receive many
compliments on social media” (F, FG3). ey identied Instagram and the instant messaging app WhatsApp as the social
media platforms through which they most frequently receive compliments: “Yes, we receive compliments on social media
such as Instagram or WhatsApp” (F, FG6).
3.2.1.1. From whom girls receive online compliments on social media
Two-thirds of the participants (n=74) indicated from whom they receive online compliments. More than half of these girls
(n=43) stated they receive compliments from known individuals, some (n=12) specifying that these come from their friends,
especially male friends: “e compliments I receive on social media are all, or mostly, from people I know and g
et al.
ng with,
that is guys who follow me and whom I follow, so just acquaintances” (F, FG3), “e compliments we mostly receive on social
media come from friends” (F, FG6).
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Nevertheless, a signicant portion of adolescent girls, just under one third of them (n=31), reported also receiving online
compliments from strangers: “I have received compliments on my social media posts from unknown boys” (F, FG9), “from
unknown boys or even fake accounts you don’t know” (F, FG12). Some girls even reported receiving private messages: “Mostly
from strangers, and not just on a post you upload, sometimes they message you privately” (F, FG12).
3.2.1.2. Typology of online compliments received by girls on social media
One third of the participants (n=36) stated that they receive online comments with sexual content referring to their sexualized
body: “I receive quite a few sexual comments on Instagram or TikTok about my body” (F, FG14).
e participants recognize a
wide range of sexualizing comments, dierentiating between comments they receive about their body, about specic parts of
their body: “ey respond to my Instagram stories saying things like ‘What boobs!’ or something like that” (F, FG15), comments
related to sexual relations: “I posted photos in a bikini on social media and received comments like ‘I’d fuck you all over’” (F,
FG11), “ey say, ‘You’re hot, ¡I’d do anything to you!’” (F, FG5), as well as multimedia reactions to content they previously
posted on social media: “Sometimes they respond with re emojis and you already know what they mean or want...” (F, FG6),
“You get the usual re or devil emojis when I post a story on Instagram” (F, FG15).
e participants reported that they have also received unsolicited multimedia comments of sexual content: “But we also
receive highly sexual photos... that you didn’t ask for” (F, FG15). Some participants even received unwanted sexual requests
asking them to post photos or videos on social media showing their body or parts of their sexualized body: “It has happened
to me that I post a story wearing sweatpants and a huge sweatshirt, and they reply, ‘We want to see your body with a little less
clothing’” (F, FG14).
Furthermore, some of the participating girls (n=10) expressed having received compliments related to their beauty, as well as
multimedia reactions to content they previously posted on social media: “You receive comments like ‘How beautiful!’ or also
an emoticon referring to your beauty” (F, FG9).
3.2.2. Online compliments received by boys on social media
Content analysis identied that less than one-third of boys reported receiving online compliments: “Yes, I do receive
compliments on social media” (M, FG5), “Well, I do receive some online” (M, FG4).
3.2.2.1. From whom boys receive online compliments on social media
Twenty-three boys (out of 111) reported receiving compliments on social media from people they know, such as friends:
“I only receive them from people I know, because I don’t follow strangers” (M, FG5), “ey’re people I know, and only
friends or acquaintances can respond to me” (M, FG10). Nevertheless, eight boys (out of 111) also reported receiving online
compliments from unknown girls: “I’ve received comments from unknown girls who follow me, but I don’t know them, saying
‘How handsome’ and such” (M, FG1), “I’ve received compliments on social media from unknown girls who reply to my posts”
(M, FG20).
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3.2.2.2. Types of online compliments received by boys on social media
Very few boys (n=7) indicated the types of compliments they receive through social media. All of them stated receiving
comments related to their sexualized body: “Compliments like ‘You’re so horny’” (M, FG4), or they have also received
comments about their physical attractiveness: “I’ve been told I’m handsome” (M, FG16).
e participants pointed out the signicant inuence of digital platforms in receiving compliments, highlighting that they
often receive compliments about their physical appearance through multimedia reactions to content they have previously
posted online. For example, “You get a reply to an Instagram story with a re emoji as a compliment” (M, FG5).
3.3. Feelings and reactions to receiving online compliments on social media
3.3.1. Girls’ feelings and reactions to receiving online compliments on social media
e participating girls reported experiencing more negative than positive feelings when receiving compliments through social
media, highlighting feelings such as displeasure or discomfort as the most common emotional responses.
Regarding negative feelings, one third of the participating girls (n=32) expressed their displeasure at receiving online
compliments: “I don’t like receiving compliments online” (F, FG3), “Receiving them on social media, for example, makes me
feel a bit anxious” (F, FG6), “I nd it disgusting” (F, FG16). Some adolescent girls (n=15) pointed out that they feel particular
discomfort when online compliments focus on their sexualized body; they feel objectied, which contributes to their emotional
distress: “On Instagram, when you start getting to know someone and they immediately start with stu like ‘You’re so hot,’ it
feels bad because you don’t know them at all, and instead of asking about your life, they just start with ‘You’re so hot,’ ‘What
tits you have,’ and that makes you feel awful” (F, FG19), “Because they see us for our looks, treat us like objects, something you
can throw a compliment or a comment at and we’re supposed to like it” (F, FG11).
ese girls predominantly express rejection, especially when the sender is an unknown boy, causing them discomfort and
distress: “It makes you feel uncomfortable” (F, FG9). Furthermore, the girls also refer to the feelings of guilt that such comments
provoke: “And you always think it’s your fault, but it’s never your fault. And I don’t know, it also makes you feel uncomfortable”
(F, FG4).
Regarding positive feelings experienced by adolescent girls when receiving online compliments, very few (n=10) reported
feeling pleased to receive them. However, eight girls revealed that they particularly appreciate compliments from their friends
on social media, suggesting that such comments positively inuence their mood: “Often, it boosts your self-esteem when
people you know tell you how beautiful you are” (F, FG6), “If someone I know pays me compliments respectfully, it doesn’t
bother me” (F, FG15), “If friends compliment me, obviously I love it, but otherwise, no” (F, FG3).
Girls’ reactions to receiving online compliments, 37 participants expressed that they avoid interacting with the sender. More
than half of these students (n=22) reported reacting by ignoring the boy who sent the compliment: “e typical thing is that he
sends you a request or messages you privately and you just don’t respond” (F, FG14). Some of them (n=8) highlighted that they
respond by deleting or blocking the sender on their social media to set clear boundaries and prevent future uncomfortable
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situations: “Sometimes on social media, I prefer to delete them” (F, FG12), “What I do is block them, because rst they send a
compliment, then they respond to your stories with lovestruck emojis, but I block them and move on” (F, FG15).
However, only a few adolescent girls (n=6) highlighted that they had responded by expressing their displeasure to the sender
of the online compliments. ese girls demonstrate their rejection of behaviors that make them feel uncomfortable, such as
receiving online compliments, by providing negative feedback to the sender: “Sometimes on social media, I respond negatively
to convey my feelings” (F, FG12), “If I trust the person, I say, ¡‘Hey! What are you doing?’ and tell them o, because that’s not
acceptable” (F, FG15), “I told him, ¡‘You’re an idiot!’” (F, FG6).
3.3.2. Boys´ feelings and reactions to receiving online compliments on social media
Analysis of the participating boys’ discourses revealed that only a few (n=13) articulated their feelings about receiving online
compliments, with the majority admitting to feeling positive about it. Notably, among the boys who expressed their sentiments,
most reported experiencing pleasure, satisfaction, and even pride upon receiving online compliments: “I felt good” (M, FG1),
“It’s perfect if a stranger tells me, in fact, I keep talking to her. If you’re direct and all that, perfect, I accept everything” (M, FG8),
“I like it. I mean, it makes me proud” (M, FG20).
However, some adolescent boys (n=6) did not express any signicant emotional response, indicating neutral feelings upon
receiving online compliments. None of the participating boys reported negative feelings regarding online compliments,
suggesting a possible absence of adverse experiences in this regard: “I don’t care about receiving online compliments” (M,
FG25), “I don’t pay much attention either, it doesn’t bother me” (M, FG4), “I don’t give them much importance because you
don’t see the person, and you can’t tell if they’re serious or not. rough the screen, you just don’t know” (M, FG5)”.
Regarding boys’ reactions to receiving online compliments, three participants expressed that their response involved deleting
the online compliment or even multimedia sexual content when such inappropriate material appeared on their devices,
especially if parental supervision of their electronic devices was in place: “It was from a girl I didn’t know, and I deleted the
photo” (M, FG16), “I’d look at it rst and then delete it. I have the problem that my mom checks my phone” (M, FG12).
4. Discussion
e objective of this study has been to analyze the online compliments exchanged by adolescents within the digital realm, to
identify the behaviors of those who send and receive these comments, to understand the purpose behind their delivery, and to
explore the feelings and reactions elicited among the adolescent cohort receiving compliments in the virtual sphere. e study
aims to uncover how adolescents transfer and perpetuate traditional gender dynamics from the oine environment into the
virtual space.
e results obtained clearly demonstrate that online compliments are a common and normalized form of interaction among
adolescents on social media. is practice, far from being harmless or playful, perpetuates dynamics of sexual objectication
(Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997; Burnell
et al.
, 2021; Paddock
et al.
, 2025), reinforces gender hierarchies in interpersonal
relationships, and reproduces gender stereotypes (Lameiras
et al.
, 2018; Rodríguez-Castro
et al.
, 2012, 2025). e adolescent
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participants in our study report frequently sending and receiving online compliments through social networks or other digital
media, with boys identied as the primary senders and girls as the recipients of objectifying and sexualizing comments
regarding their physical appearance and sexualized bodies.
Numerous studies have demonstrated that intensive use of and exposure to the internet and social media among adolescents
is associated with an increase in experiences of sexual objectication, particularly among preadolescent girls, adolescents,
and young university women (Butkowski
et al.
, 2019; Fardouly
et al.
, 2018; Lin
et al.
, 2022; Manago
et al.
, 2015; Tiggemann y
Barbato, 2018; Lin
et al.
, 2022; Rodgers y Melioli, 2016). In particular, Burnell
et al.
(2021) nd that 85% of university students,
mostly girls, frequently receive objectifying comments about their physical appearance and sexualized bodies on social media,
especially on Instagram. Social media thus emerges as a key space for cyber-socialization, where online compliments serve
not only as communication but also reect oine male power and control dynamics (Smahel
et al.
, 2020).
e results of the present study also reveal that boys issue online compliments to both known and unknown girls, whereas girls
tend to direct online compliments primarily to known boys. is nding reects how girls communicate in the online sphere
with greater caution compared to boys, being acutely aware of the risks they face as females when interacting with strangers
online. As Rodgers and Melioli (2016) assert, the anonymity and disinhibition aorded by Information and Communication
Technologies (ICT) facilitate the emergence of cyberbullying scenarios, especially when online interactions pertain to physical
appearance, a phenomenon particularly pernicious for young women and females. Cyberbullying is highly prevalent among
adolescents, with 90% of the adolescent cohort reporting knowing someone who has been a victim of cyberbullying due to
their physical appearance, with girls prominently noted as the primary victims (Rodgers and Melioli, 2016). In this vein, Berne
et al.
(2014) highlight that adolescents tend to normalize cyberbullying situations, accepting that anyone can become a victim
and hence must be prepared to navigate such encounters when engaging on social media platforms.
e types of online compliments exchanged, clear dierences emerge between the sexes. Boys tend to issue online compliments
related to girls’ beauty, physical appearance, and sexualized bodies, with physical appearance being the primary focus for
compliments on social media, followed by comments soliciting sexual relations. On the other hand, girls typically direct
online compliments toward boys’ beauty or physical attractiveness. ese ndings align with previous research demonstrating
that objectication and sexualization of girls’ physical appearance and sexualized bodies in digital spaces is a common and
normalized practice among adolescents (Burnell
et al.
, 2021; Paddock
et al.
, 2024, 2025). In this respect, Burnell
et al.
(2021)
note that 60% of adolescent boys admit to posting sexual comments on social media targeting photos and videos shared by girls,
specically highlighting certain parts of their sexualized bodies or physical appearance. is practice reinforces the notion
that the female body remains the principal object of evaluation and desire in adolescent digital culture, thereby perpetuating
the dynamics of inequality and objectication that characterize both oine and online spaces.
e typology of online compliments received, the study’s ndings identify that the majority of adolescent girls are recipients of
objectifying remarks focused on their beauty, physical appearance, and sexualized bodies, including unsolicited and unwanted
propositions for sexual relations. Such comments came from both known and unknown boys. In contrast, boys predominantly
received online compliments concerning their beauty and/or physical attractiveness, mostly from acquaintances. ese
ndings concur with prior qualitative research (Burnell
et al.
, 2021; Paddock & Bell, 2021, 2024). It is crucial to underline
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that online compliments addressing physical appearance and sexualized bodies reect a troubling trend of objectifying and
sexualized commentary experienced by girls within the virtual sphere, as it epitomizes the reduction of girls’ worth to their
physical appearance and sexualized forms. It is also important to highlight that receiving online compliments can heighten
adolescents’ concern and pressure to conform to the beauty standards promoted on social media (Kvardova
et al.
, 2023;
Saiphoo and Vahedi, 2019), thereby further reinforcing such standards. However, these virtual interactions fulll an additional
social function, as they enable adolescents to gather information about their acceptance and valuation within peer groups
(Chua and Chang, 2016). us, the need to receive comments and “likes” becomes an indicator of approval not only on an
aesthetic level but also socially. Consequently, garnering more “likes” on objectied images can be interpreted as positive
reinforcement, increasing the frequency with which such content is posted (Bell
et al.
, 2019).
e results of the current study invite reection on the role of social media as agents of socialization that reinforce dominant
beauty standards, especially concerning the female body image. During adolescence, physical appearance and sexual
attractiveness become key elements for obtaining social status within peer groups. Girls perceived as attractive, sensual, or
erotic tend to be accepted, while those who do not conform to aesthetic ideals—such as having a slim or athletic body—
may face rejection or exclusion (Mayeux and Kleiser, 2020). is pressure to t into beauty ideals promoted on social media
generates ongoing concern about body image (Calzo
et al.
, 2012; Mayeux and Kleiser, 2020), which can become a persistent
issue extending into adulthood (Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997).
Diverse studies highlight that frequent objectifying comments in the digital sphere about women’s physical appearance and
sexualized bodies are linked to elevated levels of self-objectication, surveillance, and body dissatisfaction (Rodgers and
Melioli, 2016; Wang
et al.
, 2022). As Paddock
et al.
(2025) note, such sexualized comments may foster a widespread perception
that physical appearance and the sexualized body are the most important personal attributes, particularly for girls. is
dynamic can inuence the construction of female gender roles and drive the need for girls to conform to traditional gender
norms when receiving or soliciting compliments about their physical appearance and sexualized bodies (Ward and Grower,
2020).
e results of this study highlight an interesting aspect of adolescent digital interaction: objectifying comments are not only
recognized as online compliments but also interpreted through “likes” and emoticons as forms of sexual interaction. Bell
et
al.
(2019) explain that various social media interactions serve multiple purposes, with sending or receiving “likes” on sexual
content being equivalent in meaning to objectifying comments. Kaye
et al.
(2016) further note that emoticons function to
nuance sexual comments, adding emotional intensity to the messages. It is critical to emphasize that sexual comments
about physical appearance and sexualized bodies on social media are constant, unbounded, and can be publicly viewed and
reinforced through “likes” and emoticons, thereby amplifying their psychosocial impact on adolescents (Burnell
et al.
, 2021;
Vendemia and DeAndrea, 2021). is evolving semiotic system involves the use of emojis as coded language expressing sexual
meanings among youth, signicantly shaping their digital socialization and identity development.
e ndings of this study highlight the divergent emotional responses that online compliments provoke among adolescents.
Boys exclusively reported positive emotions upon receiving online compliments, such as pleasure and satisfaction. Conversely,
the majority of girls expressed predominantly negative feelings, including displeasure, discomfort, distress, and even fear.
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ese outcomes align with the qualitative study by Paddock
et al.
(2025), which illustrates that girls frequently experience
negative emotions in response to objectifying remarks concerning their physical appearance or sexualized bodies on social
media. e study also found that 10 adolescent girls expressed positive attitudes toward receiving online compliments from
acquaintances, but not from unknown boys or men. However, Moya-Garófono
et al.
(2021) caution that even when compliments
are perceived positively, they may have harmful short- or medium-term eects for girls and women by reinforcing body shame
and promoting sexual self-objectication, surveillance, and control. Regarding reactions to online compliments, adolescents
reported defensive behaviors such as rejecting, ignoring, or blocking the sender on social media. Only 6 girls indicated they
explicitly expressed dislike toward the compliment sender. is aligns with Pérez
et al.
(2024), who found that victims of
cyberbullying typically choose to delete or block their harassers as a primary coping strategy.
e results of this study reect that adolescents use social media as a key tool for communication, initiating and consolidating
interpersonal relationships, and particularly for constructing their identity, including expressing their sexuality through body
image (Boyd, 2014). Social media play a signicant role in perpetuating sexual discrimination and sexual violence behaviors
toward girls and women. e study also points to a concerning situation where adolescents actively share their own images and
videos, engaging socially through objectifying and hypersexualizing comments, especially directed at girls. us, the sending
and receiving of online compliments are not only a continuation of oine experiences but can also happen more frequently
and with greater severity in the virtual context due to the features and functionalities of digital platforms.
5. Conclusions
e present study highlights how experiences of sexual objectication through online compliments (sexual comments about
physical appearance and the sexual body) among adolescents constitute a subtle yet persistent form of sexual objectication
directed at girls. ese experiences transfer, reinforce, and perpetuate oine gender stereotypes, power dynamics, and
inequalities into the virtual world (Rodríguez-Castro
et al.
, 2025). Notably, social media not only replicate but may also amplify
such objectifying behaviors toward girls, normalizing sexual (cyber)harassment behaviors. Hence, there is an urgent need
to promote and implement aective-sexual education interventions with a gender perspective focused on digital literacy.
Such programs would empower adolescents to identify, transform, and eradicate experiences of sexual objectication in both
oine and digital realms (Rodríguez-Castro
et al.
, 2021b). e ultimate goal is to build egalitarian analog and digital societies
free from sexual objectication targeting girls and women.
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6. Specic contributions of each author:
Name and surname
Conception and design of the stuydRosana Martínez Román and Yolanda Rodríguez Castro
Methodology
Rosana Martínez Román and Yolanda Rodríguez Castro
Data collection and analysis
Rosana Martínez Román, Alba Adá Lameiras and
Yolanda Rodríguez Castro
Discussion and conclusions
Rosana Martínez Román, Alba Adá Lameiras and
Yolanda Rodríguez Castro
Writing, formatting, revisión and approval of
versions
Rosana Martínez Román, Alba Adá Lameiras and
Yolanda Rodríguez Castro
7. Conicts of Interest
e author(s) declare(s) that there is no conict of interest regarding the publication of this paper.
8. Funding and acknowledgments
e Government of Spain (Ministry of Science and Innovation) supported this work in the 2019 call (reference
PID2019-109613RB-I00).
We also thank Nuria Magro Jiménez for the English translation of this manuscript.
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