Adolescents and social networks: digital identity, self-esteem, and
social validation
Adolescentes y redes sociales: identidad digital, autoestima y validación social
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How to cite this article:
Gutiérrez-Martín, N. and Ordóñez-Olmedo, E. (2026). Adolescents and social networks: digital identity, self-esteem, and social validation.
Doxa
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, 42, pp. 437-455.
Eva Ordóñez-Olmedo.
Graduated Cum Laude with an Extraordinary Award in the Social Sciences Programme at Pablo
de Olavide University. She also holds a Master’s Degree in Education for Development, Social Awareness, and Culture of
Peace, as well as degrees in Psychopedagogy and Primary Education. She is a member of the research group HUM-971
INNOVAGOGÍA. An ANECA-accredited Lecturer, teaching in Education Degree Programs and the Master’s in Teaching
at the International University of La Rioja (UNIR) and the University of Córdoba. She is also an international conferen
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ce speaker on assessment in virtual teaching through a teacher training program at UCAVILA. Her research focuses
on competency-based curricula and innovative methodologies to achieve educational objectives. Author of numerous
high-impact publications, including articles in top-tier journals (JCR Q1, Q2, SCOPUS, etc.) as well as books and chap
-
ters with prestigious publishers. Her primary research interest lies in the acquisition of competencies across dierent
educational stages, with research linked to national and international research stays at renowned institutions, including
Suor Osola Benincasa - Faculty of Education Sciences, Naples (Italy), and the University of Southampton (the United
Kingdom). She is a frequent speaker at international conferences.
Universidad Internacional de La Rioja (UNIR), Spain
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0002-6220-0302
Noelia Gutiérrez-Martín.
She holds a PhD in Social Communication from the Universidad San Pablo CEU and
a Bachelor’s Degree in Information Systems and Engineering from Universidad Católica de Ávila. She has served as
Director of the Data Processing Center at the Universidad Católica Ávila since 2014 and has been part of the team leading
the university’s digital transformation. She is also a Lecturer at the Universidad Católica de Ávila, where she teaches
in the Bachelor’s Degree Program in Computer Engineering and Security Policy, as well as in the Master’s Degree in
Management and Direction of Educational Centers at the same institution. Her current research focuses on digital
transformation in education and the impact of new technologies on social relationships, particularly among minors. She
has presented papers on these topics at several conferences. Dr Gutiérrez-Martin is also the Director of the Educational
Diversity Research Group (GIDE) at the Universidad Católitca de Ávila.
Universidad Católica de Ávila (UCAV), Spain
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0002-3524-1280
is content is published under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License. International License CC BY-NC 4.0
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1. Introduction
In an era of near-constant digital connectivity, adolescents increasingly use social networks to interact, creating proles
on platforms like Instagram, TikTok, Snapchat, or BeReal, which are privileged spaces for personal expression, identity
exploration, and social validation. is phenomenon has given rise to what is known as a general identity, essentially, one’s
curated self-presentation to the world.
Each person’s digital identity and the permanence of this digital footprint over time are central, often controversial themes
whose conscious understanding has become essential.
In line with Zamora-García’s (2024) approach, constant engagement with social networks stems not merely from a need for
communication but also from a pursuit of visibility, which is often conated with the very need to be. e author underscores
that in the digital era, “to exist is to be seen,” a logic of exposure that can recast identity as a display window. Here, the shine- the
likes, comments, and attention- becomes synonymous with personal worth. From this perspective, the construction of digital
identity during adolescence cannot be understood without examining the dynamics of recognition and emotional performance
that characterise these platforms, where the “self” is continually negotiated between authenticity and performance.
Recibido: 30/06/2025 - Aceptado: 10/11/2025 - En edición: 10/12/2025 - Publicado: 01/01/2026
Resumen:
Este estudio analiza la construcción de la identidad digital en adoles
-
centes de 12 a 16 años y su relación con la autoestima y la validación
social. Mediante un diseño mixto que combinó una técnica Delphi de dos
rondas con 14 expertos y dos grupos focales con 32 adolescentes, se iden
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ticaron tendencias hacia la idealización de la autoimagen, la búsqueda
intensiva de reconocimiento social y la adopción de identidades alterna
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tivas bajo anonimato. Los hallazgos muestran que las métricas de visi
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bilidad (likes, seguidores, comentarios) funcionan como reforzadores de
la autoestima y, cuando predominan, aumentan la vulnerabilidad emo
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cional. Se observan además diferencias de género en la hipersexualiza
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ción y la presión estética. Entre las estrategias preventivas mejor valora
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das guran la alfabetización mediática, la mediación parental dialógica
y el fortalecimiento de competencias emocionales y digitales. Se discuten
implicaciones para la intervención educativa y familiar, así como líneas
futuras de investigación que incluyan diseños longitudinales y la con
-
sideración de los efectos algorítmicos sobre la autoimagen adolescente.
Palabras clave:
Identidad digital, adolescencia, redes sociales, salud mental, Delphi,
focus group.
Received: 30/06/2025 - Accepted: 10/11/2025 - Early access: 10/12/2025 - Published: 01/01/2026
Abstract
is study examines how adolescents aged 12 to 16 construct
digital identities and how these relate to self-esteem and social
validation. A mixed-method design combined a two-round Delphi
with fourteen experts and two focus groups involving thirty-two
adolescents. Findings indicate tendencies toward idealized self-
representations, intensive pursuit of social recognition, and the use
of alternative identities under anonymity. Visibility metrics (likes,
followers, comments) act as reinforcers of self-worth and, when
dominant, increase emotional vulnerability. Gender dierences
emerged in pressures related to hypersexualization and aesthetic
norms. Valued preventive strategies include media literacy,
dialogical parental mediation, and strengthening emotional and
digital competencies. Implications for educational and familial
interventions are discussed, along with recommendations for
longitudinal studies and research on algorithmic impacts on
adolescent self-image.
Keywords:
Digital entity; adolescence, social networks, mental health, Delphi,
focus group.
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Given the profound relevance and permanence of this digital identity, and with social networks mediating the majority of
interactions, it acquires a central role in adolescence. is developmental stage is dened by a search for belonging and self-
armation (Livingstone and Sefton-Green, 2016).
In this context, it becomes imperative to examine how adolescents shape their online identities, what motivations drive their
communicative choices, and what psychosocial risks arise from this process. Recent research has highlighted concerning
phenomena such as self-idealisation, dependence on external validation, overexposure to harmful content, and the
normalisation of stereotypes and hypersexualised behaviour (Nesi and Prinstein, 2015; Twenge, 2023).
Employing a mixed-methods approach, this study combines a Delphi method with experts and a focus group with
adolescents. It is designed to analyze the practices and risks associated with digital identity among adolescents and to inform
psychoeducational guidance within adolescent educational settings.
2. Literature review
Adolescence, a critical period of identity development, is characterized by experimentation and risk-taking as individuals
construct their self-concept and pursue autonomy (Salas, 2018; Zacarés et al., 2009). Today, this developmental process
increasingly unfolds in digital contexts, particularly on social media. ese platforms have become privileged spaces for self-
expression, role exploration, and social interaction.
Digital identity can be dened as the representation of an individual that is projected through digital technologies, particularly
on social media and virtual interaction platforms (García-Galera et al., 2017a). is construction involves multiple factors,
ranging from the curation of personal image and the pursuit of social validation to the adaptation to the specic norms of the
digital environment (Pouwels et al., 2021). Such a context immerses adolescents in intense social dynamics, where immediate
feedback and constant comparison can profoundly shape their self-esteem and sense of identity.
According to Bandura’s (1986) social cognitive theory, human behaviour- including addictive behaviour- is explained by the
interaction of personal, environmental, and behavioural factors. Within this framework, the observation and imitation of
models play a central role. Adolescents may therefore learn and reproduce addictive behaviours they observe in signicant
gures within their environment, whether in person or in digital contexts. Consequently, constant exposure to models of
intensive or dependent social media use can foster the development of addictive patterns of behaviour, underscoring the need
to examine the relationship between digital identity construction and the risk of social media addiction.
2.1. Digital identity and adolescence.
Adolescence is a period marked by the consolidation of self-concept and the progressive construction of self-image (Pérez-
Torres, 2024). During this time, young people frequently turn to digital environments to explore dierent facets of their
identity. Social networks have become spaces where people can develop their own or alternative personas, where styles,
impressions, and ideas can be modied in pursuit of peer validation (Avci et al., 2025). On platforms such as Instagram, TikTok,
or Snapchat, young people not only interact with their peers but also negotiate their social position and construct narratives
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about themselves (Michikyan et al., 2014a). However, this digital representation does not always reect their authentic self; it
often presents an idealized or strategic version of the individual. is discrepancy can generate tensions between the “online
self” and the “oine self”
Various studies, such as those by Lay (2007) and Potterton et al. (2022), demonstrate that this discrepancy between identities
can negatively impact mental health. e tendency to compare oneself with idealised proles, coupled with the pressure to
maintain a consistently appealing social media presence, is associated with heightened anxiety, diminished self-esteem, and
even symptoms of depression (Nesi and Prinstein, 2015; Beyens et al., 2020).
In this context, Becoña (2002) highlights a pattern of experiential avoidance, in which adolescents may turn to social media
to avoid dicult emotions or situations. Over time, this behaviour can solidify into rigid and compulsive patterns of use,
contributing to addictive engagement and negatively aecting mental health and overall well-being.
2.2. Social media and Self-perception
e dynamic of social validation on social media- operationalised through likes, comments, and follower counts- reinforces a
behavioural platform oriented toward securing external approval (Voggenreiter et al., 2023). is feedback serves as a potent
positive reinforcer of self-esteem, particularly when the content elicits signicant positive engagement. However, it functions as
a double-edged sword: it pressures users to remain perpetually connected and to curate ever more novel or appealing content,
while the absence of such validation can, in turn, undermine self-esteem (Goldberg, 2023). Adolescents often interpret “likes”
and comments as indicators of social acceptance, thereby reinforcing an idealised self-image (Valkenburg et al., 2021).
Research such as that by Longobardi et al. (2020) indicates that intensive social media use is a predictor of heightened upward
social comparison and greater emotional vulnerability. is phenomenon is particularly pronounced on visually dominated
platforms such as Instagram and TikTok, where aesthetics and personal appearance are central to digital interaction. Further
supporting this, Vartanian and Dei (2013) found that engaging in image-based comparison with other users can undermine
self-concept clarity and contribute to body dissatisfaction.
is situation is particularly critical during adolescence, a period when self-concept is still in ux and highly permeable to
external opinions (Pouwels et al., 2021). Villarreal (2024) contends that self-esteem at this developmental stage remains
formative and is heavily inuenced by experiences of external validation. Given that such experiences can have enduring
eects, constant exposure to social judgment via social media yields ambivalent outcomes: while it can strengthen a sense of
belonging, it may also foster an emotional reliance on digital approval.
Moreover, managing a digital self-image demands careful curation of shared content (Masanet et al., 2020), photo editing,
and the maintenance of a consistent aesthetic, practices that can promote a fragmented view of the “self”. is selective self-
construction may generate cognitive dissonance when adolescents perceive a gap between their authentic selves and the
idealized image they project (Choukas-Bradley et al., 2021). e resulting tension between real and digital identity can fuel
a persistent quest for validation through social media, thereby increasing both the time spent online and the frequency of
engagement with these platforms.
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Within this framework, Espada (2015) notes that addictive behaviours extend beyond substance use to include excessive
engagement with technologies. is dynamic holds particular relevance during childhood and adolescence, stages in which
the need for social acceptance and the habit of constant comparison can encourage the emergence of problematic, potentially
addictive patterns of use of social media and the digital environment.
2.3. Self-esteem, self-concept, and social validation in digital environments.
e impact of social media on adolescent identity formation revolves around three interdependent dimensions: self-esteem,
self-concept, and social validation. Self-esteem refers to an individual’s aective evaluation of their own worth, while self-
concept is the cognitive, structured perception of personal identity (Shavelson et al., 1976). Traditionally studied within
educational and developmental psychology, both constructs are now being fundamentally reshaped by digital dynamics.
ese dynamics alter how adolescents perceive themselves, engage in social comparison, and seek external approval (García
and Musitu, 2014).
On social media, social validation serves as a central mechanism for symbolic feedback. Visible metrics of approval – such
as “likes,” comments, and follower counts - serve as tangible indicators of acceptance, directly shaping perceptions of self-
worth and patterns of emotional regulation (Deci and Ryan, 2000; Valkenburg et al., 2022). is continual quest for recognition
can foster a reliance on external approval, thereby reinforcing a self-concept that is more unstable and fragile. Research by
Bernal et al. (2025) demonstrates that intensive use of platforms like Instagram, TikTok, and Snapchat correlates with lower
self-esteem, particularly when adolescents engage in upward social comparisons with peers or inuential gures. However,
the same study also identies positive eects when these networks are used as spaces for emotional connection and mutual
support. is suggests that digital inuence is not uniformly detrimental; its impact depends mainly on the nature of the
interaction and the user’s emotional context.
Furthermore, gender dierences noted by Bernal et al. (2025) and Torrenteras et al. reveal a pronounced divergence: adolescent
girls report greater vulnerability to narrow beauty ideals and media hypersexualisation, while boys tend to associate their self-
esteem more closely with online achievement and social popularity. Shaped by visual culture and the economy of attention,
these dynamics highlight the urgent need to cultivate critical digital competencies and resilience strategies. Such skills are
essential for fostering a more stable self-concept and nurturing a sense of worth that is less contingent upon external judgment.
In summary, social validation serves as a critical bridge between an adolescent’s self-perception and others’ perceived
judgments in the digital realm, actively shaping how identity is constructed and negotiated. is dynamic lies at the heart of
a dening tension in contemporary digital life: that between authenticity and the multiplicity of the online self. Here, identity
becomes an exercise in performative curation- fragmented, adapted, and presented dierently across varied digital contexts
and interactions.
2.4. Authenticity and multiplicity of the digital self
A further key aspect in examining digital identity is the coexistence of multiple proles or digital identities among adolescents.
Young people often curate distinct versions of themselves tailored to dierent platforms and audiences. is fragmentation,
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driven by the perceived need to modulate self-presentation across varying social contexts and audiences (Kreling and Krämer,
2022), can generate confusion about personal coherence and authenticity (Boyd, 2014).
is negotiation of multiple identities can be a source of exibility and self-exploration, allowing adolescents to experiment
with roles and project diverse aspects of their personality. Yet, this very multiplicity can generate internal tension when these
various self-representations conict. e sustained eort to curate and maintain several coherent, appealing, and audience-
specic identities results in emotional fatigue, heightened social anxiety, and even a profound crisis of authenticity (Michikyan
et al., 2014a).
Recent literature suggests that this multiplicity of identities responds not only to social needs but also to normative pressures
embedded in platform algorithms, which systematically invest in certain forms of expression and visibility. Consequently,
some adolescents cultivate what scholars term a “performative digital self” (Duy and Hund, 2019), a strategically crafted
identity designed to maximise interaction and recognition, rather than to reect an authentic or internal sense of self.
Furthermore, this plurality of identity is mediated by factors such as gender, self-esteem, and digital literacy. Research such as
that by Michikyan et al. (2014b) indicates that adolescent girls tend to craft more visually curated and aesthetically controlled
proles, while boys often prioritise content that is functional, humorous, or that highlights specic skills. is divergence not
only mirrors existing gender stereotypes but also actively reinforces them, shaping how identity is negotiated online.
Ultimately, the coexistence of multiple digital identities during adolescence should not be viewed as a pathological condition,
but rather as an integral feature of the contemporary digital landscape. Understanding how these identities function and
their impact on self-image and psychosocial well-being is essential for designing educational interventions that foster a more
integrated, reective, and healthy digital identity.
In digital environments, authenticity becomes an ambivalent commodity: highly valued yet seldom fully realised, as online
interaction frequently demands conformity to prevailing group norms. e resulting tension between “being oneself” and
“being liked by others” constitutes a source of identity-related stress during adolescence (Erikson, 1968).
is central tension between authenticity and social approval is fundamental to understanding how adolescents negotiate
their identity within ever-shifting digital spaces, a process laden with profound psychological implications.
2.5 .Mental health implications
Multiple meta-analyses have documented a consistent association between social media use and diminished psychological
well-being in adolescents (Odgers and Jensen, 2020). ese studies reveal that prolonged exposure to platforms such as
Instagram, TikTok, or Snapchat has been associated with negative mental health indicators, including increased depressive
symptoms, anxiety, sleep disturbances, and a greater incidence of dysfunctional thoughts related to body image (Keles et al.,
2020).
Nevertheless, the relationship between social media use and psychological well-being is neither universal nor uniform. is
association is signicantly mediated by factors such as the quality of social interactions, the nature of the content consumed,
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the type of engagement (active versus passive), and the adolescent’s individual characteristics- including baseline self-esteem
and emotional regulation capacity (Orben and Przybylski, 2019; Valkenburg et al., 2022).
Moderate social media use can yield positive outcomes, including strengthened social bonds, access to supportive communities,
and opportunities for identity exploration. In fact, research suggests that digital platforms can oer valuable alternative spaces
for socialisation, especially for those who face challenges with integration in oine settings (Best et al., 2014).
However, when social media use becomes compulsive or is primarily driven by the pursuit of validation, these risks intensify.
Adolescents with a high emotional dependence on external approval are particularly vulnerable to sharp declines in self-
esteem when expected likes or positive interactions are absent (Nesi and Prinstein, 2018). In this context, the phenomenon
of Fear of Missing Out (FOMO) has been widely examined as a key mediator linking social media engagement to heightened
levels of perceived stress and anxiety (Elhai et al., 2021).
Another relevant factor is the repeated exposure to idealised content, which can intensify upward social comparison and
contribute to the internalisation of unattainable standards of success, beauty or happiness (Niu et al., 2020). ese processes
can erode self-concept and foster cognitive distortions associated with body dysmorphia and emotional insecurity.
2.6. Education and family
e development of a healthy digital identity requires educational support. Media literacy programmes that foster self-
reection, critical thinking, and emotional regulation are key to helping adolescents understand both the risks and the
potential of their digital footprint (Livingstone et al., 2022a).
Furthermore, parental and educational mediation must extend beyond technical monitoring to foster open and empathetic
dialogue. Morán and Castaños (2021) maintain that strengthening real-world interpersonal connections can mitigate the
adverse eects of social media. Correspondingly, research by Landavazo et al. (2024) indicates that interventions involving
both parents or guardians and educators bolster “digital resistance” by integrating family norms with classroom learning.
Within this framework, active mediation emerges as the most eective strategy for preventing risky online behaviours (Liu et
al., 2023).
For eective mediation between families and adolescents, the process should begin by establishing a foundation of trust
and engaging with genuine curiosity about their children’s online experiences. is initial connection should be followed
by an exploratory phase, in which parents or guardians can better understand the adolescent’s digital environment without
judgment. rough open-ended questions, adults can gain insight into their perspective, fostering healthy attitudes towards
internet use while emphasising the value of real-world interpersonal relationships (Morán and Castaños, 2021).
Furthermore, parents need to cultivate educational competencies that facilitate eective communication and constructive
conict resolution. is includes developing an awareness of parenting styles and their developmental implications, as well
as the ability to recognise potential signs of addictive behaviour that may arise in the home environment (Peiró et al., 2019).
Equally important is the conscious creation of leisure alternatives that do not rely on excessive technology use, promoting
activities that reinforce family cohesion and broader social connections (Peiró et al., 2019).
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Finally, coordination between family and school is vital for safeguarding minors from online risks. Interventions that engage
both parents and educators have proven particularly eective in building digital resilience, successfully integrating family
guidance with formal classroom education (Landavazo et al., 2024).
3. Methodology
3.1. Statement of the research problem
e proliferation of digital technologies and the intensive use of social media have given rise to new forms of interaction and
personal expression among adolescents. In this digital context, online identity has become an essential component of self-
concept, reecting how young people present themselves, communicate, and construct their image in virtual environments.
However, research indicates that many adolescents lack full awareness of the implications of their online presence, which can
expose them to risks related to privacy, digital reputation, and the mismanagement of personal data (García-Galena, 2022).
Despite the signicance of this subject, gaps remain in our understanding of how adolescents value their digital identity and
the extent to which this valuation aligns with their actual knowledge and behaviours. Often, there is a disconnect between the
importance they attribute to their online identity and the real-world practices they enact on their social networks or digital
platforms.
is situation underscores the need to investigate how adolescents perceive the importance of their digital identity and
whether this perception aligns with the knowledge and competencies they demonstrate in its management. Consequently, the
objective of this study is to examine adolescents’ assessment of the relevance of their digital identity and to determine whether
this assessment correlates with their actual understanding of the subject.
3.2. Methodological Approach and Research Design
is study employed a mixed-methods approach, integrating quantitative and qualitative techniques to examine how
adolescents manage and conceptualise digital identity, the degree to which their social media practices align with this
understanding, and the impact of these dynamics on self-esteem. A descriptive-correlational methodology was used to
analyse relationships among key variables, supplemented by a phenomenological analysis of participants’ lived experiences
(Creswell and Plano Clark, 2023). is dual perspective facilitates a more holistic understanding by combining statistical
patterns with narrative insights (Bryman, 2023). e research design unfolded in two complementary phases, synthesizing
insights from 14 experts with rst-hand accounts of adolescents themselves. To enhance the validity and depth of the ndings,
methodological triangulation was applied, incorporating evidence from prior studies reviewed during the development of the
theoretical framework. is structured yet exible design ensures that the ndings from each phase inform and enrich one
another, providing a nuanced and comprehensive perspective on the research problem.
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3.3. Participant selection
e sample consisted of 32 adolescents aged 12 to 16. Participants were selected through proportional stratied sampling from
urban and rural educational institutions (Etikan et al., 2023). Inclusion criteria required participants to be active social media
users who voluntarily agreed to participate.
3.4. Digital tools and technology employed
Digital tools were employed for both data collection and analysis, enabling the ecient processing and organization of
substantial datasets (Hamilton et al., 2023). For quantitative data analysis, SPSS was used to conduct descriptive statistical
analyses of the variables (Field, 2023). Measures of central tendency (mean and median) and dispersion (interquartile range)
were calculated to summarise and characterise participants’ responses regarding social media use and its perceived impact on
self-esteem (Creswell & Plano, 2023).
Qualitative data were analysed using a thematic coding approach based on the framework established by Braun and Clarke
(2006), which facilitated the identication of emerging patterns and thematic categories. Finally, methodological triangulation
was then applied to integrate and contrast ndings from both quantitative and qualitative results, thereby strengthening the
validity and reliability of the study’s conclusions (Denzin, 2023). Additionally, the ndings were reviewed by an external
validation committee composed of experts in social psychology to ensure consistency and relevance.
To process the qualitative results, an inductive content analysis was applied to identify, code, and systematise meaningful
units within the participants’ contributions. is analysis was carried out using MAXQDA software, which supported rigorous
coding and thematic structuring. Responses were grouped into categories based on the core ideas expressed, aiding in the
identication of conceptual patterns and enabling comparisons across participants. To establish reliability and focus on
shared insights, only thematic categories mentioned by at least two experts were retained, thereby consolidating the key areas
of consensus within the group.
3.5. Procedure
e study of the development across three phases:
e rst phase corresponds to preparation and development. During this initial stage, a meticulous literature review was
conducted to identify the theories, fundamental concepts, and signicant background supporting the phenomenon under
study. Contemporary research on social media, digital identity, and adolescence was consulted (Cohen et al., 2023; Perlo,
2022), thus establishing a solid conceptual framework. ese instruments were validated by a committee of experts in
psychology and social sciences, who contributed pertinent modications to enhance the clarity and accuracy of the questions
(Robles y Rojas, 2015).
e second phase employed a Delphi methodology, engaging a panel of 14 experts selected through purposive sampling from
elds relevant to the research problem, including psychology, education, and health, to ensure disciplinary diversity.
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As outlined by Charro (2017), the Delphi method involves administering successive questionnaires to an expert panel to
converge toward consensus. e process is designed to yield conclusions that reect collective agreement, while mitigating
the inuence of individual responses through structured, anonymised interaction.
Two successive rounds were conducted. e rst round utilised open-ended questions to elicit broad expert insights on key
themes, including digital identity, self-esteem, hypersexualisation, and external validation, among others. e second round
employed closed-ended questions based on the initial responses.
In the rst round, participants completed an open-ended questionnaire comprising 14 questions designed to gather the
experts’ initial perspectives and key insights on the topic. In the second round, they evaluated a series of derived statements
using a 5-point Likert scale. To measure the degree of consensus, the median and interquartile range (IQR) were calculated for
each statement. Consensus was considered achieved when the IQR was ≤1,5.
e third phase of the study utilized a focus group methodology. Two separate sessions were conducted, involving 32
adolescents (20 girls and 12 boys) aged 12 to 16. A semi-structured discussion guide was used to cover key themes, including
self-image management on social networks, the use of alternative proles, perceptions of external validation, and personal
strategies for self-protection. Participants were encouraged to share openly and spontaneously throughout the sessions. e
sessions were facilitated by trained researchers who ensured a supportive, condential environment that fostered candid,
reective responses.
Furthermore, rigorous ethical protocols were followed, including informed consent and condentiality measures, to safeguard
participants’ rights and privacy (Hernández-Ruiz et al., 2023). Specically, the study was approved by the relevant university
ethics committee. Informed consent was obtained from all expert participants and from the parents or guardians of minors,
ensuring transparency regarding condentiality, anonymity, and the right to withdraw from the study at any time. e sessions
were held in person, recorded, and fully transcribed for analysis.
Focus groups are among the most frequently employed qualitative methodologies in the social sciences. As Merton et al. (1990)
note, a key advantage of this approach is its capacity to generate a greater volume of responses and to uncover perspectives
that might otherwise be overlooked/missed in more structured, expert-led formats. Gil (1992) further emphasizes that the
informal, interactive nature of focus groups fosters a unique spontaneity, allowing participants to express feelings, thoughts,
and ideas that may not surface through other means- making the insights gained particularly distinctive and challenging to
replicate.
3.6. Limitations of the study
Key limitations include reliance on self-reported data, which may be subject to social desirability bias (Best et al., 2023), and
the lack of longitudinal follow-up, which makes it dicult to assess long-term eects (Orth & Robins, 2023). Furthermore,
the sample excludes adolescents without access to social media, limiting the generalizability of the results (Livingstone et al.,
2022b).
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4. Results
Following two rounds of questionnaires with the 14 participants, consensus was achieved on all thematic axes under
investigation, rendering a third round of questions unnecessary.
In the rst Delphi round, participants responded to 11 open-ended questions. Analysis of their responses yielded the following
key themes:
1.
Adolescents are primarily motivated by a desire to be liked by others.
2.
All sought social recognition
3.
Girls, in particular, often feel heightened pressure to present a perfect image.
4.
ey actively construct parallel worlds
5.
eir online life is part of their oine life
6.
Visual self-presentation holds signicant importance
7.
Adolescents frequently alter or curate their image to enhance attractiveness.
8.
A common diculty exists in identifying and maintaining personal boundaries online.
Ideas 1 and 2 were expressed by three experts, who underscored the central role of “likes” and other forms of social recognition
on social media. ey observed that these metrics serve as symbolic indicators of acceptance and belonging, and that their
psychological signicance lies in their active reinforcement of adolescents’ self-esteem.
Idea 3 generated the most debate among participants. Approximately half of the experts perceived no substantial dierence
in how girls and boys behave on social media. In contrast, the other half maintained that traditional gender norms are actively
reproduced in digital interactions. e latter group emphasised that girls, in particular, tend to prioritise appearance and
cultivate an image of perfection over other forms of self-expression.
Regarding ideas 4, 5, and 8, these three relate to a thematic axis concerning behaviour on social media. While some experts
(n=4) suggested there is no dierence between adolescents’ oine and online behaviour, as both spaces are complementary
dimensions of the same social reality for them- other experts (n=3) noted that the digital environment oers adolescents
greater freedom of expression and connection, even facilitating the creation of parallel or idealised identities that reect how
they wish to be perceived.
Regarding idea 6, two experts supported it, noting that the pursuit of physical perfection is a major driver of self-representation
on social media, particularly among adolescents.
Idea 7 was raised by nine of the fourteen experts, who described the process using terms such as “modication”, “posturing”,
“distortion”, or “perfection” to characterise how adolescents deliberately alter their digital identity to project an idealised
self-image.
In the second round, these thematic insights were translated into a series of statements, which participants then rated on a
Likert scale to indicate their level of agreement. Key ndings from this round included the following:
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–
Adolescents do not adequately understand the concept of digital identity. Experts showed they “Agree” with an Interquartile
Standard Deviation (IQSD)= 0.25.
–
Adolescents present themselves attractively and suggestively on social media as a consequence of societal hypersexualisa
-
tion, participants indicated they “Strongly Agree”, with an IQSD=1
–
e majority of content shared by adolescents consists of personal images and information. Experts indicated they agree with
an IQSD= 1.25
–
Minors share erotic or sexualised content. Experts indicated they “Agree”, with an IQSD=1.
–
Minors are aware of the consequences of their actions on the Internet and, by extension, on social media. Participants indica
-
ted they “Disagree” with an IQSD= =0.
–
Adolescents do not believe that lying on social media has the same consequences as lying in real life. Regarding this state
-
ment, participants were neither in agreement nor in disagreement, IQSD= 1
–
Adolescents ask for permission before sharing other people’s content on social media. Experts indicated they “Strongly disa
-
gree”, with an IQSD= 1.
e focus group enabled the identication of key concepts, perceptions, and ideas adolescents hold about the phenomenon
under study, thereby providing a more profound understanding grounded in their lived experiences. Participant contributions
were analysed using content analysis, with responses grouped into conceptual categories that reected central shared themes.
Categories mentioned by more than one participant were given particular consideration, which strengthened the validity and
representativeness of the ndings. Below are verbatim excerpts from the discussions that illustrate and support each emerging
idea.
“If a photo doesn’t get a hundred likes, I delete it because I’m embarrassed” (girl, 15 years old). Participants described social metrics
(likes, followers, views) as a visible, quantiable barometer of acceptance, one that can provoke anxiety and feelings of inferiority
relative to their peers.
“It’s for seeking attention, or I don’t know, to be liked. ey’re at it all the time, constantly... “(boy, 16 years old) and “Well, there are
people who like it be known, for the ‘look how cool I am, look how many people follow me” (Girl, 12 years old).
Participants observed behavioural patterns common among their peers in which the primary objective is social recognition.
Within these patterns, acceptance and social validation emerge as central drivers of adolescent online engagement.
“I have another account where I post things, I don’t want my parents to see” (Boy, 14 years old), “then there are people who have a
fake account, but fake, fake- not pretending to be themselves but for stalking” (Girl-16 years old); and “My friend, C. has a hoodie
account. She doesn’t use it for anything, just to follow people, so that those people don’t see that it’s you” (Girl, 16 years old).
e strategic management of “ocial” and “alternative” accounts with varying privacy settings was acknowledged as a way to
segment audiences and modulate self-presentation. Some adolescents noted that this practice helps them to “try out who they
want to be”, while others admitted to feeling confused about “what is real and what isn’t”.
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“To look prettier in photos” (Girl, 16 years old), “Girls are always posting pictures and saying what they’re doing” (Boy, 15 years old);
“You’re all such posers” (Boy, 13 years old) and “We like taking pictures of ourselves, and we retake them... a hundred times” (Girl,
15 years old).
Girls described feeling pressured to project an image of “perfection” and to sexualise their appearance. At the same time, boys
reported experiencing less pressure and acknowledged that, for girls, the use of lters to meet social media beauty standards
is particularly salient.
“If someone gets upset, we stop” (Girl, 15 years old), “But you have to have friends, and they go after those who don’t” (Girl, 15 years
old); and “If it’s a joke, yes, but if it will hurt them, then no” (Boy, 16 years old).
Despite the risks, a range of reective behaviours emerges. Adolescents report using nicknames, customising privacy settings,
removing compromising content, and seeking peer support, which serve as self-protection strategies.
“ey record themselves climbing on cars acting like idiots and post it online. I mean, on top of doing something wrong, you go and
post it; you really need to use your head” (Girl, 16 years old) and “Maybe right now it seems ne to them, but in three years they won’t
like that it’s still out there” (Girl, 16 years old).
Focus group participants reected on the process of constructing their digital identities, noting that these identities are actively
shaped by behaviours, interactions, and posts within virtual spaces. ey demonstrated an awareness that every online action
contributes to the persona they project to others. However, they also observed that this level of awareness is not uniform across
their peer group, highlighting signicant diversity in adolescents’ digital reection and sense of responsibility.
“I have a lot of friends I’ve made on Instagram” (Boy, 15 years old); “You talk with tonnes of people... and if not... well... you don’t...
you meet dierent people, and that’s (sic) good” (Girl, 16 years old) and “Sometimes you play games just with friends, it’s like hanging
out, but this way we’re at home” (Girl, 12 years old).
Participants expressed that their online lives complement their oine lives, providing them with opportunities and spaces for
interaction and engagement that are not always accessible in their immediate physical environments.
“We don’t care about little seles” (Boy, 14 years old), “Boys are more about ghting” (Girl, 13 years old), and “Girls are always
posting photos and saying what they’re doing. Boys care less about that” (Boy, 14 years old).
Some participants explicitly highlighted the existence of attitudes linked to traditional gender stereotypes within their observed
digital interaction dynamics.
5. Discussion
e results obtained through our mixed-methods approach- integrating the Delphi technique with two focus groups- facilitate
a comprehensive understanding of how adolescents construct their digital identity and how this process intersects with self-
esteem, self-perception, and social validation dynamics.
Both expert analysis and adolescent self-report converge on a central nding: the pursuit of external approval and the strategic
management of multiple proles are central axes in conguring the digital “self”. is selective self-representation is primarily
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driven by the quest for social recognition through quantiable indicators- “likes”, followers, and comments- a nding that is
consistent with previous studies (Nesi and Prinstein, 2015).
From a psychosocial perspective, this dynamic cultivates identity tensions that can foster a fragmented self-perception and
an increasing reliance on external validation. e underlying logic of visibility (Han, 2012) and the framework of digital
performativity (Butler, 1990; Duy and Hund, 2019) help to explain why social media environments incentivise strategic
representations of “self “over authentic expression. Repeated exposure to approval metrics can result in unstable self-esteem
and heightened emotional vulnerability (Valkenburg et al., 2021).
e use of alternative proles emerges as an adaptive strategy for identity experimentation and audience segmentation.
However, sustaining multiple, distinct personas can generate internal dissonance and impede the development of a cohesive
identity narrative, a risk underscored by Michikyan et al. (2014a). e experts participating in this study recognise this inherent
ambivalence and advocate for approaches that arm youth agency without pathologising digital practices.
e gender analysis revealed distinct patterns in how digital identity is managed: adolescent girls reported experiencing greater
pressure to meet aesthetic standards and navigate processes of hypersexualisation, whereas boys tended to prioritise playful
and achievement-oriented dimensions. ese ndings align with and reinforce patterns of gender stereotyping observed in
recent literature (García-Galera et al., 2017b; Espinoza et al., 2024). Consequently, educational interventions must be designed
to address these dierences and foster targeted resilience strategies.
Finally, the divergence between adult interpretation (who tend to view specic online behaviour as problematic) and
adolescents’ perceptions (who largely view them as adaptive socialisation practices) underscores the need for policies and
programmes that combine prevention and active listening. Consequently, educational policies should promote critical media
literacy, encourage dialogic parental mediation, and strengthen core socioemotional competencies to reduce potential harms
while preserving opportunities for digital socialisation.
6. Conclusions
is study demonstrates that digital identity constitutes a central component of adolescent psychosocial development, shaped
by an interplay of social, emotional and technological factors. Social media functions as a primary arena for projecting and
validating the “self”. While the pursuit of recognition and constant engagement in these spaces can facilitate self-expression, it
also heightens emotional vulnerability and fosters a dependence on external approval.
e mixed-methods approach enabled the triangulation of expert analysis with adolescents’ lived experience, providing a
complementary perspective that enriches interpretations of risks and potential prevention strategies. is approach provides
robust empirical evidence to inform targeted educational programmes and family-based interventions.
e implementation of media literacy programmes focused on critical thinking and emotional regulation is strongly
recommended. is should be accompanied by promoting dialogic, non-punitive parental mediation and by systematically
integrating content on digital identity and emotional well-being into school curricula. Furthermore, all interventions must be
designed with sensitivity to gender dierences and the broad diversity of youth experiences.
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e study’s limitations- notably its reliance on self-reported data and the absence of longitudinal follow-up- underscore the
need for future research to employ longitudinal designs with larger, more diverse samples. It is also pertinent to examine the
role of articial intelligence and visibility algorithms in shaping adolescent self-image.
In summary, understanding and supporting the development of digital identity requires an interdisciplinary approach
that combines emotional education, media literacy, and active parental mediation to promote safer, more inclusive digital
environments that foster the well-being of new generations.
7. Acknowledgments
We also thank Sophie Phillips for the English translation of this manuscript.
8. Specic contributions of each author:
Author Contribution
s
Conceptualization and study designNoelia Gutiérrez-Martín y Eva Ordóñez-Olmedo
Methodology
Noelia Gutiérrez-Martín y Eva Ordóñez-Olmedo
Data collection and analysisNoelia Gutiérrez-Martín y Eva Ordóñez-Olmedo
Discussion and conclusionsNoelia Gutiérrez-Martín y Eva Ordóñez-Olmedo
Writing, formatting, revision, and approval of
manuscript versions
Noelia Gutiérrez-Martín y Eva Ordóñez-Olmedo
9. Conict of interest
e authors declare that they have no conict of interest.
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doxa.comunicación |
nº 42, pp. 437-455
January-June of 2026
Noelia Gutiérrez-Martín and Eva Ordóñez-Olmedo
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
| 455
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