Anatomy of the pro-sovereignty discourse: comparative thematic and
terminological analysis of texts by EH Bildu and Sinn Féin
Anatomía del discurso soberanista: análisis temático y terminológico comparado
de los textos de EH Bildu y Sinn Féin
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nº 42, pp. 127-148
| 127
January-June of 2026
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
How to cite this article:
Jaspe Nieto, J. and García Muñoz, C. (2026). Anatomy of the pro-sovereignty discourse: comparative thematic and terminological analysis of
texts by EH Bildu and Sinn Féin.
Doxa Comunicación
, 42, pp. 127-148 .
https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n42a3081
César García
Muñoz
I am a communication professor at ESIC University. Before, I was a full professor at Central
Washington University (CWU). I specialize in teaching and research on public relations and strategic communication.
I also have more than a decade of experience in Europe in the public relations industry for international rms such
as Edelman and Pleon. I have published more than 55 peer-reviewed articles, mainly as a single author, in relevant
public relations and global communication journals such as
Public Relations Review
,
Public Relations Inquiry
,
Journal
of Communication Management
,
Public Relations Journal
,
International Journal of Strategic Communication
,
Journal
of International Communication,
and
International Journal of Sport Communication
, among others. A number of
these articles analyze the intersection between public relations, culture, politics, and economics. I have participated
in three I+D+i projects nanced by Spain´s Ministry of Science and Innovation. I have written three books:
American
Psique
(2011),
Historia de un estereotipo. Intelectuales españoles en Estados Unidos (1885-1936)
(2009) y
La Opinión
Pública en Santayana (Public Opinion in Santayana)
(2006). I have authored several chapters as well on the history of
communication in several academic books.
ESIC University, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID: 0000-0003-4866-2970
Javier Jaspe Nieto
holds a PhD in Journalism from the Complutense University of Madrid and is a professor of Economic
History and Consumer Behavior at ESIC University. He is accredited by ANECA as a
Profesor Contratado Doctor
(Tenure-Track Lecturer). He currently serves as the Director of Research at ESIC University. Professor Jaspe specializes
in research and teaching in elds related to social anthropology, the history and sociology of communication, as a
member of his university’s Humanities Department. To date, he has published scientic articles in journals such as
Ilu
,
Pensamiento
,
European Journal of Innovation Management
,
European Public & Social Review
,
Comunicación y
Hombre
, and the
Revista de Pensamiento Estratégico y Seguridad
, among other publications indexed in Web of Science
and Scopus. In addition, he is the author of numerous contributions to collective volumes published by McGraw Hill
and Dykinson, as well as case studies published by ESIC Editorial.
ESIC University, Spain
[email protected]
ORCID: 0000-0001-5406-5692
is content is published under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License. International License CC BY-NC 4.0
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Anatomy of the pro-sovereignty discourse: comparative thematic and terminological analysis of texts by EH Bildu and Sinn Féin
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1. Introduction
Sovereignty is one of the most pressing topics in public opinion. According to the latest CIS barometer (2025), nationalism now
ranks among Spaniards’ top concerns, surpassing wars, drugs, pensions, or climate change. In general terms, Europe’s shifting
demographics and political geography have created a fertile breeding ground for the emergence of identity issues centred on
national sentiment. In fact, longitudinal transnational sociological studies, such as those by Coenders, Lubbers, and Scheepers
(2020), highlight perceptions of national superiority among various groups across the continent. In countries such as Ireland,
where territorial disputes and independence have been constant since its formation as a Nation-State (and even earlier as a
dynastic nation), the relationship between national identity and key cultural institutions, such as religion and the family, takes
on particular importance (Bourke, 2023).
According to Geertz’s anthropological postulates (2017), attitudes towards life and forms of human expression remain
inseparable from the inherited conceptions that societies preserve- conceptions often sustained and amplied by political
Recibido: 03/09/2025 - Aceptado: 09/10/2025 - En edición: 10/12/2025 - Publicado: 01/01/2026
Resumen:
El estudio disecciona la arquitectura discursiva del soberanismo con
-
temporáneo de izquierdas mediante un análisis comparado de 69 textos
(389.531 palabras) publicados por EH Bildu y Sinn Féin entre 2021-
2024. Integrando técnicas de NLP (SpaCy, PhraseMatcher) en base a
un lexicón compuesto por 618 conceptos políticos, se mapearon frecuen
-
cias, coocurrencias y series temporales para responder a dos cuestiones:
a) ¿qué ejes temáticos sostienen sus discursos?; b) ¿qué conguración
terminológica los caracteriza? Los resultados revelan una asimetría
productiva: Sinn Féin triplica el volumen vasco y cubre más del do
-
ble de dominios. EH Bildu concentra un léxico normativo-identitario
mientras excluye vivienda y sanidad; Sinn Féin privilegia un registro
inclusivo-tecnocrático y relega la dimensión industrial. Ambos partidos
comparten marcos de crisis, ética del poder y acción pública, omitiendo
términos vinculados a su pasado terrorista, lo que sugiere una estrate
-
gia convergente de lavado de imagen y legitimación política. El estudio
cubre el vacío teórico sobre la izquierda soberanista post-conicto, co
-
necta framing, agenda-setting e imprimación léxica con análisis de cor
-
pus. Se aporta así un modelo replicable para monitorizar la evolución
discursiva de movimientos nacionalistas actuales y facilitar investiga
-
ciones comparativas futuras en comunicación política europea.
Palabras clave:
Soberanismo de izquierda, terrorismo, comunicación política, análisis
léxico, framing, agenda-setting.
Received: 03/09/2025 - Accepted: 09/10/2025 - Early access: 10/12/2025 - Published: 01/01/2026
Abstract:
e study dissects the discursive architecture of contemporary left-
wing sovereigntism through a comparative analysis of 69 texts (389,531
words) published by EH Bildu and Sinn Féin between 2021 and 2024.
By integrating NLP techniques (SpaCy, PhraseMatcher) based on a
lexicon of 618 political concepts, frequencies, co-occurrences, and
time series were mapped to address two questions: (a) which thematic
axes underpin their discourses?; (b) what terminological conguration
characterizes them? e results reveal a productive asymmetry: Sinn
Féin produces three times the Basque output and covers more than twice
the number of domains. EH Bildu concentrates on a normative-identity
lexicon while excluding housing and healthcare; Sinn Féin privileges an
inclusive-technocratic register and downplays the industrial dimension.
Both parties share frameworks of crisis, ethics of power, and public
action, while omitting terms linked to their terrorist past, suggesting a
convergent strategy of image cleansing and political legitimation. e
study lls the theoretical gap on post-conict left-wing sovereigntism,
connecting framing, agenda-setting, and lexical priming with corpus
analysis. It thus provides a replicable model to monitor the discursive
evolution of contemporary nationalist movements and to facilitate
future comparative research in European political communication.
Keywords:
Left-wing sovereigntism, terrorism, political communication, lexical.
analysis, framing, agenda-setting.
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propaganda disseminated by political parties. In this context, certain left-leaning political groups have come to recognize the
causal eectiveness of using signiers in constructing an idea of a nation aligned with their political values (Dalle et al., 2022).
Building on this foundation, it is especially relevant to examine the thematic and terminological underpinnings of left-wing
pro-sovereignty parties that have achieved signicant parliamentary representation. Currently, in the XV Legislature, EH
Bildu holds six seats in the Congress of Deputies in Spain (Congreso de los Diputados, 2025)- a notable gure given that the
party originates from the Basque Country, the eighth most populous autonomous community. is is further evidenced by its
prominent presence in the Basque parliament, where EH Bildu is the second-largest group, with 27 deputies, accounting for
36% of the total (Gardena, 2025). Sinn Féin holds 39 seats in Dál Éireann (Houses of Oireachtas, 2025)- the lower house- of
the Republic of Ireland (22.41%), 27 seats in the Northern Ireland Assembly (30%), and seven seats (1.07%) in the UK House
of Commons (Northern Ireland Assembly; UK Parliament, 2025). is reects a broad and consolidated presence at the local
and international levels, from a purely formal standpoint, and underscores the enduring historical and political ties between
Ireland and the United Kingdom.
On the other hand, there is a powerful common denominator linking these parties, namely their genealogy and evolution as
political heirs to paramilitary terrorist groups, in the case of Ireland, the IRA, and in the case of Spain, ETA. While they cannot
be considered identical, there is at least a notable equivalence. e relationship between past armed struggle and present
political activity has unfolded in a relatively parallel manner, and continues to be a focus of social and political controversy
(Cullen, 2024). Given that the now-defunct violent actions of both groups have, one way or another, progressively dissolved
into political discourse, it is pertinent to scrutinise the current state of their narrative.
2. eoretical framework
e coercive power of organised violence is undeniable, and is maximised when it takes the form of terrorist acts. e intense
capacity of these acts to polarise society has been proven experimentally (Bove et al., 2025). However, neither should we
ignore the potential causal ecacy of words in modifying behaviour. According to a weak interpretation of the Sapir-Whorf
hypothesis, the syntactic structures and semantic elds inherent in a message inuence how we perceive and interpret our
environment. Consequently, the lines of argument and lexical conguration used by the sender can be subject to empirical
investigation (Reynoso, 2015).
e framing of information actively shapes the mental representations through which recipients perceive their environment,
particularly in political decision-making, as recently evidenced in the elds of social and language psychology. Strategic lexical
choices can shape ideologies that trigger individual and collective action (Schepf et al., 2021). is nexus between language
and political orientation has been empirically corroborated by Rim, Berman, and Leong (2023). eir research shows that
moral divergence between ideological blocs is encoded not just in the frequency of specic terms, but also in the implicit
moral charge carried by shared vocabulary. is nding reveals that even standard terms can function as political identity
markers, depending on the contexts of enunciation and the moral communities to which they are addressed.
At its core, this is a process of one-way inuence known as framing, where the eects depend entirely on how information is
selected and presented. Strategic communication relies on this pillar to redirect thought patterns and, in turn, consolidate
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desired behaviour models. Flusberg et al. (2024) categorise framing by its objectives and methods. However, all forms depend
on semantic weight- conveyed through rhetorical devices, grammatical structures, and, in particular, word choice (lexical
framing). e latter is especially prevalent, as it uses strategic vocabulary to actively reshape context, with specic impact in
controversial cases, political scandals, and public image campaigns. A clear example is found in Gruber’s (2022) case study
of Austrian Vice-Chancellor H.C. Strache’s resignation speech. By identifying the deliberate use of mitigating terminology,
Gruber shows how lexical framing was employed to justify the circumstances leading to his resignation and align them with
the moral worldview of his ideological aliation.
Following a similar methodological approach, Rivlin-Angert and Mor-Lan (2025) apply analytical computational discourse
analysis techniques to examine patterns of political delegitimisation in Israeli rhetoric. eir research illustrates how structures
of lexical association are deployed to erode an adversary’s credibility while reinforcing in-group cohesion. is quantitative
approach underscores the utility of Natural Language Processing (NLP) methods for empirically detecting power-oriented
discursive strategies.
Based on current research, political values continue to occupy a stable, highly dierentiated, two-dimensional space shaped
by social class. According to Romero (2023), the right-wing bloc retains its core ideological positions, defending tradition,
opposing decentralisation, expressing varying degrees of scepticism towards immigration, and maintaining sympathy for
economic liberalism. Meanwhile, the left remains broadly anchored in the defense of wealth distribution and working-class
rights, with the addition of progressive causes such as feminism and the environmental movement (Romero, 2023; Londoño y
Guzmán, 2023). In alignment with these broader tendencies, EH Bildu denes itself as a party committed to justice, equality,
feminism, environmentalism, transparency and dialogue, respect, and a fair economy. It further emphasises its commitment
to
euskaldunización
- the advancement of the Basque language and culture- across all spheres of public life in the Basque
Country (EH Bildu, 2025). Similarly, Sinn Féin advocates for national Irish unity, Irish Gaelic education, environmentalism,
LGBTIQ+ rights, wealth redistribution, investment in public services, and international solidarity with sovereignist movements
(Sinn Féin, 2025).
Within this dynamic interplay of party politics, language, ideology, and social engineering. Hoey’s (2005) theory of lexical
priming becomes particularly relevant. Its central thesis holds that frequent co-occurrences and lexicographical colligations
establish deep-seated patterns of meaning, which, through repetition, prime the recipient to favour their use. Consequently,
they condition the perception and reproduction of information, enabling it to be adapted to preconceived ideas (Williams,
2006). ese word-word and word-category links are sensitive aspects in the design of a paragraph, and by extension, an entire
text. ey must be carefully considered when modulating literary genre (Martínez, 2024) and, by analogy, a political line of
argument.
According to Chevalier and Itçaina (2024), the abertzale (Basque nationalist) left, to which EH Bildu belongs, has successfully
expanded its public image beyond that of a nationalist platform linked to terrorism. is transformation has been achieved
through consistent agenda-setting in its political discourse, which regularly highlights a cluster of issues related to
peace struggles, cross-border cooperation, linguistic rights, participatory democracy, sustainability, housing access, and
environmentalism. In the author’s words, the party has constructed a “culture of civic opposition,” allowing it to shed the
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burden of its detrimental past reputation. Sinn Féin has employed similar mechanisms of thematic construction, but has
tailored them to the distinct socioeconomic contexts of the jurisdictions in which it operates. In Northern Ireland, the party’s
discourse tends to emphasize identity issues, constitutional rights, and relations with the south; in the Republic, it focuses more
on the nexus of health, housing, and the economy. is bifurcated communication strategy reects a pragmatic adaptation to
electoral necessities (Arlow, 2024).
Prolonged political conicts are invariably accompanied by a parallel evolution in narrative, as evidenced by shifts in how
Spain’s major newspapers have editorially framed the Catalan independence process over time. e press, according to its
variable ideological leanings, generates uctuating informational packages- shifting stances that can occur even within the
same outlet across dierent periods (Pérez-López and Martín, 2022). is editorial activity does more than report events; it
establishes interpretative frames that actively shape public opinion. Consequently, it heightens the need for involved actors
to produce their own textual content. e aim is to exert greater control over their informational environment, countering the
framing power of alternative agents (Wooley, 2022).
Regarding the intensity of political messaging, authors such as Davies (2021) have asserted that “propaganda repetitions came
to dene political existence”. Along a parallel track, research such as that by Losada and Maneiro (2025) underscores that
communicative intensity not only signals the level of attention elites pay to an organization, but also conditions the impact-
whether positive or negative- of elite judgements on public perceptions of legitimacy. However, agent-based modelling work
by Ding and Xie (2024) introduces a crucial nuance, cautioning that intensity and legitimisation do not necessarily imply a
straightforward, positive correlation. Instead, intensity acts as a critical moderator, whose optimal value depends on audience
psychology and the specic stage of the conict of opinion.
3. Method
Our research adopts a linguistically relativist perspective. e work’s scope does not extend beyond the senders of
communication, rmly situating it within the disciplinary eld of political communication. Nevertheless, we aim to delineate
the composition of left-wing sovereignist discourse across two fundamental levels of complexity: the issues addressed and the
vocabulary employed. Two research questions guide our inquiry:
a) What are the core thematic axes underpinning the political discourse of left-sovereignist nationalist parties?
b) What terminological patterns characterise this discourse?
By addressing these questions, the study seeks to fulll the following objectives:
1. To identify the most salient semantic components in the textual propagandistic output of EH Bildu and Sinn Féin: two
parties of homologous origin and trajectory operating within distinct sociohistorical contexts.
2. To uncover patterns of consistency or variation across their discourses once the rst objective has been met.
3. To interpret the pragmatic nuances of the analysed materials by engaging with the theoretical framework established in the
literature.
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All of this is undertaken to address a theoretical gap identied in the literature review, determined by the absence of comparative
analyses of the post-conict sovereignist left; the insucient integration of framing theory, agenda-setting research, and
corpus linguistics; the lack of longitudinal data connecting discursive volume, themes, and intensity; and the limited dialogue
between linguistic relativism and strategic political communication.
3.1. Research Design
Our research employed a mixed-methods approach that integrates frequency analysis with lexical pattern detection, leveraging
Natural Language Processing (NLP) techniques. To this end, a lexicon of 618 political concepts was compiled (hereafter, A).
is lexicon was constructed by extracting, integrating, and, where necessary, translating into Spanish and English all entries
from the
International Encyclopedia of Moral and Political Sciences for the 21st Century
(Pendás, 2020). e selection of this
source is grounded in its established status as a reference work within contemporary political science, a position substantiated
by its use in recent peer-reviewed studies such as those by Dahlström and Lapuente (2022), Bailly and Dubrion (2024), Wajzer
and Dragan (2021), Sánchez (2024), Sarmiento (2021) and Rodrigues, Medina and Ribeiro (2025).
Subsequently, all textual documents from the period 2021-2024 were collected from the Dokumentuak (EH Bildu) and Policies
(Sinn Féin) sections of each party’s ocial website. is specic timeframe was selected based on two key criteria: rst, to
ensure the analysis encompassed a suciently broad period for robust conclusions, and, at the same time, to align with the
practical availability of comparable materials. e cut-o at 2024 was necessary because EH Bildu had not yet published
anything else in 2025, and Sinn Féin lacked a sucient volume of 2025 policy documents to support a meaningful periodic
analysis.
e aforementioned website sections function as documentary repositories for texts outlining the political plans and
programmes of both parties. e sample comprises 389,531 words from 69 documents published by each political party (410
pages from EH Bildu and 737 pages from Sinn Féin). Within the specied timeframe, 17 papers (164,165 words) correspond
to EH Bildu, while 52 papers (225, 366) correspond to Sinn Féin. Every eort was made to compile the most robust sample
possible, one that exceeds the established thresholds for documentary reliability and lexical saturation outlined by recent
methodological standards in content analysis (Neuendorf, 2022; Krippendor, 2024).
Once all the analysis material was compiled, it was categorised. First, according to its alignment with the political domain
taxonomy developed by Baumer and Van Horn (2017). Second, content was further organised by area of application, following the
governmental structures of the Government of Spain, the Government of the Republic of Ireland, the Autonomous Government
of the Basque Country, and the
Dublin City Council.
To standardize the categories, the principle of administrative department
equivalence was applied. is involved identifying which governmental departments were thematically represented in our
study materials and explicitly noting those that were absent, namely: Defense, Public Expenditure, Digitalization, Culture,
Tax Oce, and Justice. Furthermore, each element within the sample was assigned a unique alphanumeric code based on its
origin, order of appearance, and thematic category.
Subsequently, the documentary materials from each party were merged in Adobe Acrobat Pro, preserving their publication
order. is process yielded two unied text corpora:
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–
B
EH Bildu
–
C
Sinn Féin
Both B and C then underwent a renement process to remove units lacking independent meaning, ltering exclusively
for nouns, verbs, adjectives, and adverbs (tokens) for subsequent analysis via automated part-of-speech (POS) tagging.
Normalization of Corpora B and C was performed by inserting each into a Python code block executed in Google Colab. is
script used the SpaCy library, a widely adopted tool in contemporary textual analysis (Parks & Peters, 2022; Okhapkin et al.,
2021). e same code block integrated A into both its English and Spanish versions.
e pretrained workow in SpaCy incorporated the following procedures:
1. Tokenization, respecting signs and multi-word expressions
2. Lemmatization of inected forms presented in A.
3. Match detections using the PhraseMatcher tool.
4. Position extraction for all matches to calculate frequencies and average co-occurrence distances. In these calculations,
d
represents the average distance;
k
is the total number of co-occurrences of a concept with a neighbouring term across
the entire corpus.
i
is the
token
index where the concept emerges in one of its appearances
j
k
; is the token index of the
k-th
appearance of the neighbouring term associated with the concept
j
k
– i
; is the absolute distance, in tokens, between the
neighbour’s position and the concept’s position ; averages the distances to obtain
d
.
In a subsequent analytical phase, the following data group comparisons were conducted simultaneously:
–
A
B
–
A
C
ese operations, designed to detect the presence of elements from A and B by C, respectively, also enabled the pairing of each
matched concept with its most frequently co-occuring terms, ranked by distance. e tasks were supported by the
collections.
Counter
,
defaultdict
, and
intertools
modules, which were congured for element counting, frequency denition, and structural
pattern identication. Finally, the synthesis and organisation of results were facilitated by the Pandas library.
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Figure 1. Research Process Flow Diagram
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4. Results
As illustrated in Figure 2, the aggregate volume of content produced by Sinn Féin nearly triples that of EH Bildu. e Basque
party maintains a steady publication output, averaging 4-5 documents per year, except in 2023. In contrast, the Irish party
shows an initial peak in 2021, followed by a period of reduced output in 2022-2023, and a partial recovery in production
volume in 2024.
e thematic structure of EH Bildu’s discourse is organised around four core themes: education, ideology, sovereignty, and
industry. Notably, despite its left-wing orientation, the party’s texts lack any substantive references to housing or healthcare.
In contrast, Sinn Féin clearly prioritizes public services, with a strong emphasis on health, social welfare, and housing. Other
policy domains- such as industry or energy policy- receive comparatively marginal attention in their published materials.
Regarding discursive dynamics, Sinn Féin maintains a consistent narrative strategy centred on social rights, producing at least
one signicant annual contribution on each of the core themes of health, social welfare, and housing. In contrast, EH Bildu
is the sole publisher of content on industrial policy, while omitting other themes present in Sinn Féin’s discourse, such as
administrative policies, agriculture, and citizen safety. Both organisations integrate the themes of international relations and
historical memory into their respective narratives.
Sinn Féin addresses more than twice as many distinct topics as EH Bildu, with its publishing activity heavily concentrated on
healthcare. In contrast, EH Bildu’s thematic focus over the same period is more horizontal and diuse. It is notably marked by
strategic omissions in areas typically central to left-wing discourse- such as housing and welfare.
In summary, each organisation exhibits a distinct programmatic prole. EH Bildu concentrates its discursive eorts on
ideology, sovereignty, education, and industry, maintaining a moderate yet stable annual output. In contrast, Sinn Féin deploys
a far more prolic and consistent social welfare discourse (health, welfare, housing), alongside a high degree of thematic
diversication.
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Figure 2. Temporal Distribution of ematic Intensity Across Political Domains in EH Bildu and Sinn Féin Plans
and Programmes (2021-2024)
As indicated in Table 1, EH Bildu constructs and disseminates a normative conception of work that directly links labour rights
to civic duties, eliminating any margin of interpretative ambiguity regarding the demand for decent working conditions. is
approach is reinforced by the centrality of the Church-State Relations, whose semantic eld, such as
Euskera
(the Basque
language),
alimentar
(to nourish/feed), and
profesional
(professional), points to the enduring inuence of Catholic social
values in daily Basque life and the defense of linguistic rights in specic domains such as nutrition and professional practice.
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e thematic axes of Participation and Territory introduce, respectively, the expansion of deliberative channels (increase,
moreover, extensive) and the overcoming of existing spatial restrictions (limitations, undertake, present), aligning both vectors
with a sovereigntist strategy. Against this backdrop, Crisis, qualied as economic-nancial and deepening, functions as a
legitimising device: diagnosing the widening of social fractures. In this context, the node Collaboration (foster, agreement,
public-private) explicitly advocates for the joint mobilisation of resources, while the invocation of the People (show, existence,
educator) congures a visible collective subject endowed with its own historicity and a national pedagogical role. Concepts
such as Responsibility (assume, shared, time) and Power (share, inuence, question) introduce a style of prudent, participatory
leadership oriented toward democratising decision-making.
e moral solidity of the project rests on Values (added, principle, high), which refer to demanding ethical principles. It is
projected critically toward the Party System (its composition, detriment, and structure), which is called upon to recongure
itself to avoid structural dysfunctions. In the administrative sphere, Administration (part, share, correspond) emphasises the
equitable distribution of responsibilities, while Networks (member, solid, web) underscores the need for robust social and
digital frameworks.
e technopolitical component of the discourse is materialised in the concept of Cost-Benet Analysis (provide, relevant,
based on), which legitimizes evidence-based prioritization, and in Planning (responsible, indicative, unied), which demands
accountable bodies and coherent plans. is conceptual architecture culminates in Governance (share, multi-level, sphere),
conceived as a distributed multi-level decision-making system, and in Government (versus, right-wing, framework), which
delineates the ideological confrontation with the right within a clearly dened framework. Finally, Equality (equity, real, foster)
signals a commitment to translating formal equality into tangible outcomes through active policies and precisely distributed
criteria.
Table 1. Analysis of the network of 20 principal political concepts in EH Bildu’s discourse and their most frequent co-occurring terms
ConceptFrequency
Prox1 (f,d)Prox2 (f,d)Prox3 (f,d)
Rights216
duty (6,1.0)respect (5,1.0)labor (4,1.0)
Church-State Relations
134
euskera (2,1.0)feed (2,1.0)professional (2,1.0)
Participation122
increase (3,1.0)furthermore (2,1.0)broad (2,1.0)
Territory114
limitation (3,1.0)take on (2,1.0)present (2,1.0)
Crisis105
deepening (3,1.0)economic-nancial (2,1.0)account (2,1.0)
Collaboration102
foster (3,1.0)agreement (3,1.0)public-private (3,1.0)
People96
show (3,1.0)existence (2,1.0)educator (2,1.0)
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Sovereignty91
favour (5,1.0)achieve (3,1.0)level (3,1.0)
Responsibiluty87
assume (7,1.0)shared (4,1.0)time (4,1.0)
Power84
share (3,1.0)inuence (3,1.0)issue (2,1.0)
Values82
added (17,1.0)principle (7,1.0)high (6,1.0)
Parties82
composed (2,1.0)detriment (2,1.0)structure (2,1.0)
Administration77
part (3,1.0)shared (3,1.0)correspond (2,1.0)
Social media
75
member (2,1.0)solid (2,1.0)web (2,1.0)
Cost-Benet Analysis
58
provide (3,1.0)relevant (3,1.0)starting from (2,1.0)
Planning52
responsible (2,1.0)indicative (2,1.0)unied (1,1.0)
Governance46
shared (2,1.0)multi-level (2,1.0)sphere (2,1.0)
Government45
versus (2,1.0)right-wing (2,1.0)framework (2,1.0)
Equality40
equity (5,1.0)real (2,1.0)promote (2,1.0)
Note: e values associated with cooccurrence terms (columns: Prox 1, Prox 2, and Prox 3) indicate, respectively, the frequency (f)
with which they appear together with the identied political concept and the average distance (d), measured in number of tokens,
between the term and the concept
As Table 2 reveals, Sinn Féin positions People (represent, transgender, percentage) at the core of its political syntax, blending
democratic legitimacy, the visibility of sexual-identity minorities, and empirical validation through demographic metrics.
Within this same programmatic openness, Planning (invest, change, none) outlines a roadmap grounded in resource
mobilisation and a rejection of stagnation. In tandem, the party projects an idea of Government (accept, implement, goal) that
assumes executive initiative, implements concrete measures, and sets veriable objectives. Simultaneously, the State (brand,
neutral, shortage) is redened through the construction of a new national brand, an aspiration toward neutrality, and the
correction of structural deciencies.
In constructing its narrative, Sinn Féin reects a dissident attitude through the concept of Reform (component, sectorial,
distance), proposing targeted interventions for specic productive sectors- presumably aimed at reducing territorial and
socioeconomic disparities. In parallel, its defense of Rights (entry, withdraw, consumer) articulates a dialectic of access and
protection for the citizen-consumer within a regulated market. e housing issue is crystallised in the concept of Property (low,
therefore, accelerate), which emphasises the urgency of aordable solutions and the need to expedite regulatory reforms. All
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of this is legitimised through the framing of Crisis (hour, grant, now), whose semantics lend immediacy and moral authority
to the party’s action agenda.
Next, emerging with notable intensity in its texts, is the notion of Intervention (key, opportunity, spirit), presented through its
lexical associations as essential for reviving the economy and collective morale. Meanwhile, Regulation (via, aect, oversight)
is positioned as an instrument to restrain private interests and strengthen public supervision. e axiological dimension
surfaces with Values (average, less, volume), which may signal a critique of ethical erosion amid a dominance of quantitative
metrics. It demands an Escalation (pace, eciency, product) of policies that multiply their social impact. e executive phase
is reinforced by Implementation (proposal, inconsistent, provide), which criticises the uneven application of measures and
calls for stable, reliable mechanisms.
A public ethic is projected through the concepts of Responsibility (primary, specialist, safeguard) and Power (safeguard,
application, regulator), understood as the capacity to protect rights through the rm application of regulatory frameworks.
Collective welfare is further supported by the concept of Networks (health, redistribute, function), which calls for health
infrastructures capable of redistributing resources and fullling their essential social function.
e ideal of Progress (instead, hiring, note) is dened by the creation of public employment and the rigorous evaluation
of results. Meanwhile, Parties (also, culpable, actively) introduce an element of political self-criticism and call for a shared
commitment from all political forces to solving public problems. Participation (recognition, woman, tenant) broadens the
representation to include traditionally subordinate groups, and Accountability (training, little, not at all) denounces insucient
institutional oversight. is concludes the discourse with an apparent demand for strengthened transparency.
Table 2. Network Analysis of the Top 20 Political Concepts in Sinn Féin’s Discourse and eir Most Frequent Co-occurring Terms
ConceptFrecuencia
Prox1 (f,d)Prox2 (f,d)Prox3 (f,d)
People533
represent (4, 1.0)transgender (3, 1.0)percentage (2, 1.0)
Planning377
invest (4, 1.0)change (3, 1.0)none (3, 1.0)
Government245
accept (3, 1.0)Put (3, 1.0)objective (2, 1.0)
State213
brand (2, 1.0)neutral (2, 1.0)shortage(2, 1.0)
Reform202
component (3, 1.0)sectorial (3, 1.0)distance (3, 1.0)
Rights139
entry (4, 1.0)withdraw (3, 1.0)consumer (3, 1.0)
Property135
low (5, 1.0)so (4, 1.0)accelerate(2, 1.0)
Crisis116
hour (4, 1.0)concede (3, 1.0)now (2, 1.0)
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Intervention70
key (4, 1.0)opportunity (3, 1.0)mood (2, 1.0)
Regulation59
via (3, 1.0)touch (2, 1.0)supervision (2, 1.0)
Values52
average (2, 1.0)less (2, 1.0)volume (1, 1.0)
Escalation45
pace (6, 1.0)eciency (5, 1.0)product (1, 1.0)
Implementation40
proposal (2, 1.0)inconsistent (2, 1.0)to provide (2, 1.0)
Responsibility36
primary (2, 1.0)specialist (2, 1.0)safeguard (2, 1.0)
Power34
safegaurd (3, 1.0)application (2, 1.0)regulatory (2, 1.0)
Social Media
34
healthcare (3, 1.0)redistribute (2, 1.0)function (2, 1.0)
Progress32
on the other hand (5, 1.0)hiring (5, 1.0)note (2, 1.0)
Parties29
also (2, 1.0)culpable (2, 1.0)actively (2, 1.0)
Participation25
recognition (5, 1.0)woman (5, 1.0)tenant (2, 1.0)
Accountability22
training (1, 1.0)little (1, 1.0)at all (1, 1.0)
Note: e values associated with the co-occurring terms (columns: Prox 1, Prox 2, and Prox 3) indicate, respectively, the frequency (f) with which
they appear together with the identied political concept and the average distance (d), measured in tokens, between the term and that concept
At a more synthetic-analytical level, as seen in Figure 3, EH Bildu’s texts are characterised by concepts linked to cultural
identity, territorial distinction, community governance, and social justice. In contrast, Sein Féin’s conceptual conguration
foregrounds a narrative centred on demography and the State-technocracy nexus. Nevertheless, both political organisations
share specic discursive categories, evident in their overlapping emphasis on concepts concerning public action, the ethics of
power, and crisis narratives, through each party assigns these elements a distinct focus and weight within its overall discourse.
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Figure 3. Comparative Distribution of Lexical Frequency for Principal Political Concepts in EH Bildu and Sinn Féin Discourses
Note: Each point in the diagram corresponds to an identied political concept from A in EH Bildu’s discourses (X axis) and Sinn Féin (Y axis). e
size of the marker is proportional to the total mentions (sum of both frequencies)
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5. Discussion
As noted at the outset of this work, the latest sociological data (CIS, 2025) ranks nationalism among Spaniards’ central
concerns. In light of our results, we can see that EH Bildu is not overlooking this reality, as a third of its core lexicon revolves
around the conceptual triad of Sovereignty-Territory-People. In the absence of an analogous barometer in the Irish case,
which would allow for a direct comparison, it is nonetheless noteworthy that Sinn Féin constructs the pairing People-State
as the spearhead of its narrative. Despite the qualitative dierence, both organisations emphasise, through their conceptual
selection, the uniqueness of their respective communities. ey consistently invoke themes that denote distinction, suggesting
a self-perceived national superiority that aligns with Coenders, Lubbers, and Scheepers’ (2020) theory.
e nation, understood as the totality of shared social institutions, permeates-whether more explicitly in EH Bildu’s case or
more subtly in Sinn Féin’s- the discourse of both parties. Basque and Irish nationalists alike remain anchored in mobilising
concepts that are tied to religion, politics, society, housing, and property. While there is accidental variation, the two parties
share a discourse with traditional undertones across numerous core dimensions. is, despite its apparent ideological
inconsistency, reinforces Bourke’s thesis (2023) that the weight of historical cultural institutions endures through social
changes that aect processes of political evolution. While EH Bildu and Sinn Féin are recognisably progressive parties and
occupy that stable position on the political spectrum (Romero 2023; Londoño & Guzmán 2023), the inherited conceptions
embedded in their foundational tenets- as theorised by Geertz (2017)- continue to shape the very expression of their lexicon.
Nevertheless, both parties channel the sovereigntist narrative in ways aligned with contemporary left-wing values. ey reframe
Participation and Territory as expressions of democratic sovereignty (EH Bildu) and link People and Planning through the lens
of social welfare discourse. In doing so, a leftist reimagining of the idea of nation becomes evident- one that remains rooted in
traditional notions of sovereignty and communal distinctiveness while adapting to the ideological elements theorised by Dalle
Mulle and Kernalegenn (2022).
At the level of communication output, both similarities and instructive variations emerge. Although EH Bildu and Sinn Féin
maintain consistent publishing practices, suggesting a deliberate eort to shape their public image and counter alternative
narratives (Wooley, 2022; Pérez-López & Martín, 2022), a notable quantitative dierence exists. is gap is explained by Sinn
Féin’s multi-level presence across local, regional, and national institutions, in contrast to EH Bildu’s primary connement to
the Basque regional sphere and its limited extension to the Spanish national parliament. Accordingly, Sinn Féin’s output triples
EH Bildu’s and spans more than twice as many thematic domains, reecting its broader institutional footprint. Nevertheless,
the two parties operate in parallel when it comes to omitting even remote references to their armed past. ere is a marked
absence of conceptual clusters around relevant and contentious themes, such as Security or Defense (Cullen, 2024). ese are
instead replaced by levers of discursive polarisation (Bove et al., 2025), such as the term “Crisis,” followed by socially resonant
triggers like “Deepening” (EH Bildu) and “Now” (Sinn Féin).
e absence of belligerent language in favour of a restrained yet assertive discourse underscores the inuence of lexical
choice on audience perception (Reynoso, 2015). e contrast between a marked militant past and a present narrative hardly
distinguishable from other sovereigntist parties- free of such burden- points to a deliberate reconstruction of image through
lexical framing tactics (Schepf, Christmann, and Groeben, 2021; Flusberg, 2024). In this sense, our ndings support Gruber’s
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(2022) postulates: not so much through presence as through absence, strategic lexical discrimination can foster mitigating
eects in the face of controversy, with corresponding benets in electoral and public opinion terms. Within this hypothetical
strategy, the series of repeated lexical pairs we identied would align. Even if unintentional, they prove eective in consolidating
cognitive associations, as predicted by Hoey (2005), Williams (2006), and Martínez (2024) across various spheres of linguistic
inuence. Particularly signicant are the binomials “Responsibility-sharing” (EH Bildu) and “Planning-investing” (Sinn Féin),
which, together, evoke the collectivist orientation of both organisations. is terminological architecture is compatible with an
agenda design (Chevalier and Itçana, 2024) tailored to the electoral interests of the moment (Arlow, 2024).
On the other hand, the pattern of thematic reiteration appears to conrm Davies’s (2021) observation. Judging by its text-
based publications, Sinn Féin is invested in a political identity anchored in the triad of Health, housing, and welfare. At the
same time, EH Bildu focuses on the axis of Sovereignty-Industry-Education. e repeated invocation of these core themes and
the persistent use of their associated vocabulary reinforces the idea that both parties seek to publicly legitimise themselves
(Losada and Maneiro, 2025) as guarantors of citizen well-being (in the Irish case) and of independence- in a broad sense-
and eective management (in the Basque case). Notably, however, the volume of output does not grow uncontrollably but
is maintained at a plausible optimum of intensity (Ding and Xie, 2024). After a peak in 2021, Sinn Féin deliberately reduced
its output in 2022-2023, resuming at a moderate level in 2024. While EH Bildu never exceeds six major texts per year. Both
trajectories suggest a strategic eort to balance visibility against the risk of negative saturation.
6. Conclusions
By distilling the narrative output of the analyzed parties, we can map their terminological-conceptual composition. Our
research has identied a set of stable patterns and strategic variations at the discursive level in both parties. e ndings
carry several practical implications worth emphasizing. First, the uncovered thematic matrix can serve as a diagnostic tool for
political positioning, oering various actors a roadmap to address discursive gaps and calibrate the intensity of their published
communication. Conversely, both civil society and the media can benet from our contribution by accessing the specic
framing techniques of left-wing sovereigntist discourse, enabling more precise accountability, the production of informed
counter-frames, and a richer civic debate. Furthermore, our work reinforces broader explanatory frameworks in political
communication, highlighting, in this case, specic mechanisms such as reframing post-terrorist identity, the reimagining of
the nation, and agenda-setting through the tactical use of recurring, strategically weighted key vocabulary.
By way of synthesis, we have identied the following thematic axes within left-wing sovereigntist discourse:
EH Bildu
–
Sovereignty and cultural and territorial identity
–
Ideology and values
–
Education and citizen participation
–
Industry and public-private collaboration
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Sinn Féin
–
Public services
–
Planning and governance
–
Reforms. Regulations and interventions.
–
Demography and inclusion
–
State and national branding
Furthermore, both formations asymmetrically share framing related to crisis, the ethics of power, and public action. Analysis
of co-occurrence networks and longitudinal thematic frequencies further reveals a series of distinctive communicative traits
summarised below:
EH Bildu employs a normative civic lexicon, densely linking concepts of duty, participation, and cultural sovereignty, which is
further legitimised through a technical discourse of planning and governance. Its distinctive prole on the left is marked by a
Catholic-linguistic (Basque) cultural imprint and a notable absence of social welfare vocabulary.
Sinn Féin develops an inclusive-technocratic lexicon centering its discourse on people, social rights, and executive planning.
Verbs of immediate action and frameworks of state intervention and regulation characterise this. Its terminological signature
is completed by a strong reiteration of demographic and inclusive terms, alongside a deliberate relativisation of the industrial
dimension.
Both parties appear to employ intentional lexical framing: EH Bildu combines institutional nouns with verbs of reciprocity
(e.g., share, assume), while Sinn Féin associates public policy with verbs of executive action (e.g., implement, accelerate).
e intensive repetition of these co-occurrences suggests deliberate reinforcement of a priori-dened cognitive frames. In
summary, despite their distinct proles, both parties share a common lexicon of normative legitimisation and public action,
anchored in the conceptual pillars of rights, values, crisis, and government. Moreover, their discourse employs verbs of
collective agency, avoids any reference to a violent past, and deploys a technical, managerial style that relegates political
and moral dimensions to the background. ese shared traits underpin a broader strategic convergence within post-conict
nationalist leftism- namely, the replacement of armed confrontation with a new form of discursive authority, grounded in civic
ethics and governmental ecacy.
Beyond the specic ndings concerning lexical distribution and discursive structure, this study makes a substantial
contribution to political communication by demonstrating how content analysis of electoral materials can illuminate the
mechanisms of public perception and electoral strategy in parties emerging from violent contexts, such as Sinn Féin and EH
Bildu. By highlighting the systematic replacement of a confrontational, militant repertoire with a language of management,
ethics, and technocracy, the article reveals how left-wing sovereignist parties recongure their political identity to broaden
their social and electoral appeal. is process, empirically traceable through their conceptual choices, suggests that post-
conict managerial communication functions as a mechanism for moral legitimation and institutional accession to power.
In this regard, the study advances the theoretical understanding of the link between discourse, reputation, and voting. It also
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provides a methodological foundation for future research into the impact of lexical framing on public-image transformation
and the electoral competitiveness of European nationalist actors.
7. Limitations
e present study acknowledges several limitations, which are outlined below:
e quantitative imbalance between materials derived from the primary sources used could be interpreted as potentially
leading to a coverage bias. However, this is a circumstantial constraint, as every eort was made to compile all available
materials for both parties within a consistent thematic and temporal scope.
e asymmetry in the analysed corpus for both political formations (52 documents from Sinn Féin compared to 17 from
EH Bildu) may inuence the comparability of results. Future research should address this by extending the temporal scope,
incorporating complementary materials, or applying statistical normalisation techniques to better account for dierences in
textual volume.
e study’s timeframe restricts the ability to draw long-term conclusions, which would require a broader and currently
unavailable data set, given that the earliest downloadable records for EH Bildu date from 2021, unlike Sinn Féin’s more
extensive historical repository.
As this research is primarily focused on lexical and conceptual components, it does not capture pragmatic nuances and
other linguistic and discursive markers. Moreover, by relying on written materials, visual elements- potentially present in the
documents with their corresponding semiotic signicance were not considered. Nevertheless, the inclusion of such materials
is noted as a valuable avenue for subsequent expansions of this work, given the inherent complexity of the phenomenon under
study.
8. Acknowledgements
is article has been translated into Sophie Phillips, to whom we are grateful for her work.
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9. Specic contributions from each author
Nombre y apellido
s
Conception and design of workJavier Jaspe / César García Muñoz
Methodology
Javier Jaspe
Data collection and análisisJavier Jaspe
Discussion and conclusionsCésar García Muñoz / Javier Jaspe
Drafting, formatting, review and approval
of versions
César García Muñoz / Javier Jaspe
10. Conict of interest
e authors declare no conict of interest.
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nº 42, pp. 127-148
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January-June of 2026
Anatomy of the pro-sovereignty discourse: comparative thematic and terminological analysis of texts by EH Bildu and Sinn Féin
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