Changing news consumption habits among young migrants: How
does the migration process affect them?
Cambio de hábitos de consumo informativo de jóvenes migrantes: ¿Cómo
afecta el proceso migratorio?
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July-December of 2026
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How to cite this article:
Martori Muntsant, A. and Saavedra Domínguez, A. (2026). Changing news consumption habits among young migrants: How does the migration
process aect them?
Doxa Comunicación
, 43, pp. 419-440.
https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.3091
Aida Martori Muntsant
. PhD in Communication from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB). She is currently
a lecturer in the Department of Media, Communication and Culture at UAB, a member of InCom-UAB, the Daniel
Jones Research Group on Communication Structure and Policies, the Management Committee of the European COST
Action CA23105 – Language Plurality in Europe’s Changing Media Sphere (PLURILINGMEDIA), and a researcher in
two R&D projects funded by the Spanish government. Her research interests include public service media, local media
and journalism, media and content creators in minority and minoritized languages, digitalization, and transmedia. She
has been a visiting researcher at the University of Glasgow, the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, and the
Universitat Pompeu Fabra. She has received research awards from the Consell de l’Audiovisual de Catalunya and the
Associació Catalana de Premsa Comarcal, and was awarded the Extraordinary Doctorate Prize. She has published in
academic journals and presented at numerous international conferences.
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, España
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0003-0363-1636
Alejandro Saavedra Domínguez.
Communication researcher and professional. He holds a Master’s degree in Media,
Communication and Culture from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona and a Bachelor’s degree in Corporate
Communication and Image from the Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas. His research interests include news
consumption, news avoidance, media use, and migration. In addition, he has worked in the eld of communication
across various institutions and companies.
Investigador independiente
[email protected]
is content is published under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License. International License CC BY-NC 4.0
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Recibido: 09/09/2025 - Aceptado: 05/03/2026 - En edición: 01/07/2026 - Publicado: 01/07/2026
Resumen:
La migración es un proceso complejo que comporta variaciones en el
consumo informativo de las personas, un elemento crucial para la in
-
tegración y adaptación a un nuevo entorno. Este artículo analiza cómo
el proceso migratorio inuye y genera cambios en los hábitos de consu
-
mir noticias. En concreto, se estudia cómo los jóvenes peruanos que mi
-
gran desde Lima (Perú) hacia Barcelona (España) modican su acceso
a los medios de comunicación y a la información. Se ha utilizado una
metodología cualitativa, consistente en entrevistas semiestructuradas
para explorar las experiencias de los jóvenes migrantes. Los resultados
muestran que el proceso migratorio implica cambios signicativos en
la forma de consumir información, con una tendencia a la evitación de
noticias, sin consumo de información ni del país de origen ni del de re
-
cepción, en el primer periodo después de
migrar.El
interés por noticias
del lugar de residencia va creciendo de forma gradual, para favorecer
la integración social, y el acceso a información tiene lugar sobre todo a
través de redes sociales. Las noticias de política cobran más importan
-
cia en el consumo informativo después de la migración, con un enfoque
más internacional.
Palabras clave:
Migración, consumo informativo, consumo de noticias, evitación de
noticias, identidad.
Received: 09/09/2025 - Accepted: 05/03/2026 - Early access: 01/07/2026 - Published: 01/07/2026
Abstract:
Migration is a complex process that involves changes in information
consumption, a crucial element for integration and adaptation to
a new environment. is article analyses how the migration process
inuences and generates changes in information consumption
habits. Specically, it studies how young Peruvians migrating from
Lima (Peru) to Barcelona (Spain) change how they access the media
and news. A qualitative methodology was used, consisting of semi-
structured interviews to explore the experiences of young migrants.
e results show that the migration process entails signicant changes
in the way information is consumed, with a tendency to avoid news
–without consuming information from either the country of origin or
the receiving country– in the rst period after migration. Interest in
news from the place of residence grows gradually, as migrants perceive
it as benecial for social integration, and access to information takes
place mainly through social media. Political news becomes more
important in information consumption after migration, taking on a
more international dimension.
Keywords:
Migration, information consumption, news consumption, news
avoidance, identity.
1. Introduction
Migration is a complex process that entails adjustments and modications across various aspects of individuals’ lives. One of
these is information consumption, a crucial element for integration and adaptation to a new environment.
“Integration is a dynamic, two-way process of mutual accommodation on the part of all migrants and residents of the Member
States. is process requires eorts both from migrants and from receiving societies, and is fundamental to harnessing the
potential of migration and strengthening social cohesion.” (Council of the European Union, 2014, p. 2).
is study focuses on how young Peruvian adults from Lima (Peru) who emigrate to Barcelona (Spain) experience changes in
their news consumption habits, through an analysis of their rst two years of residence. e aim of this research is to discover
how the migration process can inuence such changes and to explore the reasons behind this transformation.
International migration has become an increasingly complex and dynamic phenomenon, having grown notably in recent
decades. As Muñoz (2002: 26) notes, one of the eects of globalisation is that “the volume of emigrants has multiplied over
recent decades and has continued to grow in almost all regions over the past 20 years.”
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To understand the relevance of migrants’ information consumption, Carcelén García et al. (2009) argue that migrants integrate
into a society through two main channels: rst, by acquiring rights, and also by becoming part of the consumer economy, a
process that occurs more rapidly than acquiring rights. is integration takes place, among other means, through the media
that migrants consume daily to meet needs such as information and knowledge (Carcelén García et al., 2009)
e present work is therefore all the more signicant, as migrants’ integration is tied to information consumption and to
awareness of what is happening in the society in which they live.
Another aspect considered in this research is the trend towards news avoidance, given that overall consumption of and interest
in news has declined, according to Newman et al. (2023). In this context, this article investigates whether the news avoidance
phenomenon is exacerbated by the migration process, and whether individuals stop consuming news from their country of
origin or choose not to consume news from their receiving country.
e intersection between migration and communication studies has often focused on analysing media discourse in relation
to migration. ere is, however, little literature on how the migration process aects and modies people’s information habits.
Some research has examined immigrants’ news consumption in various European contexts (Cuartero et al., 2020; Morales,
2017; Villagra García et al., 2009; Adolph, 2022; Metykova, 2010), but this study oers a novel perspective by exploring the
specic changes experienced by Peruvian migrants in Barcelona, with a focus on news avoidance and identity perception —
aspects less explored in the existing literature. An interdisciplinary analysis is considered valuable for studying how migrants’
consumption habits may change, and for exploring the existing patterns as well as the causes behind them.
e objectives of this research are as follows:
–
To discover how information consumption habits change among young Peruvians from Lima, Peru, who emigrate to
Barcelona, Spain, during their rst two years of residence.
–
To determine the reasons why changes in news consumption habits arise in these young migrants.
–
To assess how the consumption of local news aects migrants’ social integration in Barcelona, their sense of belonging and
identity, and whether language barriers may hinder information consumption.
–
To analyse whether changes in information consumption as a result of migration have entailed news avoidance.
2. eoretical Framework
e theoretical framework of this article encompasses the state of the art on the phenomenon of migration –and specically
Peruvian migration in Barcelona (Spain)– drawing on postulates particularly related to access to information and ICTs, and
to information consumption. It also details contributions from communication studies on information habits and their
connection to identity and cultural proximity, as well as a section on news avoidance. is literature review serves as the basis
for the methodological design and the empirical component of this research.
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2.1. e phenomenon of migration
e European Parliament and the Council of the European Union dene emigration as the act of leaving the state in which
one lives with the intention of residing in another for a period of more than one year (European Parliament and Council of
the European Union, 2007). All countries in the world have experienced some degree of international migration, and the
available evidence suggests that the number of countries that are either the origin or destination of signicant migratory ows
–both inward and outward– has been increasing (International Organisation for Migration, 2019). According to Tizón (1989),
migration is understood as a psychosocial conict, involving both the individuals who decide to emigrate and the points of
departure and reception.
In their theory of migration networks, Massey et al. (2000) set out how migration, once it begins, expands as migratory networks
grow. is assists individuals in their migration process, since costs and risks decrease over time, and reduces the inuence of
economic factors –such as wages and employment opportunities– on the decision to migrate. is process presents challenges
for governments, as the network formation process can be dicult to control, and certain immigration policies, such as those
promoting family reunication, may further strengthen these networks.
is theory helps us understand that, when deciding where to migrate, people take into account far broader considerations
than economic ones or the pursuit of a better future. Cultural and linguistic factors are of vital importance for successful
integration. us, having a linguistic anity with informational content may allow people to feel, in some way, closer to home.
Ravenstein’s “Laws of Migration” is a work of broad empirical scope which, theorised during the nineteenth century,
constitutes the starting point of any review of the theoretical literature on migration (Arango Vila-Belda, 1985). ese laws hold
that migration tends to increase with economic development and with advances in technology and transport. Technological
progress and ease of access to information are therefore factors contributing to the intensication of international migratory
ows, which is why it is important to study whether migrants’ consumption habits remain focused on their place of origin or
shift towards their receiving country.
2.2. Peruvian migration in Barcelona
Peru has become an emigrant-sending country, supported primarily by the more than three million Peruvians living abroad
–a gure representing approximately 10% of the total population, who for several years have represented a signicant source
of economic support for their families (Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática, 2022b)
.
International emigration from Peru has been a constant phenomenon in recent decades. e exodus of people from Peru
intensied from 1990 onwards, driven by the search for better employment opportunities abroad (Maguiña Salinas, 2021),
with a signicant increase in the period 2000–2019. e COVID-19 pandemic temporarily interrupted this trend, but it has
reversed in recent years (Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática, 2022a
).
According to Domínguez Torrejón and Atao Espinoza (2009), Peruvian migration is primarily driven by economic motivation,
reected in the search for employment or the establishment of new businesses. Similarly, other important drivers have
included economic crises, recession, unemployment, ination and political instability. Finally, another factor taken into
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account by Peruvian migrants is that Spain shares a similar language and culture, making it an attractive destination for many
people who have already established networks in the country.
e Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática (2022a) analyses the distribution of Peruvian emigrants by country of
residence, establishing that 15.4% live in Spain –the second most important destination for Peruvians abroad. Within Spain,
3.9% of Peruvian emigrants live in Barcelona, placing it among the most preferred cities for migration. ese gures highlight
the relevance of Spain, and Barcelona in particular, as key destinations for Peruvian emigrants.
2.3. Migration and information consumption
Melella (2014) notes that migrants have adopted technologies to reduce distances and establish new connections with their
communities of origin and destination. Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) have facilitated the maintenance
of closer aective ties and have helped to mitigate the impact of the separation caused by distance.
Likewise, Villagra García et al.
2009
note that Latin American immigrants in Spain consume media of dierent types, though
signicant dierences can be found according to age and sex. Radio is a common medium, whilst the internet is linked
primarily to young audiences, regardless of sex. Latin American women consume more television, associating it with company
and escapism. Men consume a variety of media, with free newspapers being particularly notable as a source of information
of interest to them. Finally, as Latin American immigrants spend more time in Spain, their preferences tend to become more
similar to those of the Spanish public.
In Adolph’s (2022) audience study exploring changes in news consumption among young millennial immigrants from
diverse backgrounds living in Stockholm (Sweden), the ndings demonstrated that individuals tended to change their news
consumption behaviour. e reasons are varied, including the desire to establish their own news routines, the inuence of
people close to them, and the motivation and interest in learning more about the new country. is work, conducted using a
qualitative method through semi-structured interviews, serves as a precedent for the present research, being one of the few
existing studies on this subject.
2.4. Information consumption and digitalisation
López and Gómez (2021) note that individuals belonging to the centennial (or Generation Z) and post-millennial age groups
are modifying their consumption habits, moving away from those associated with previous generations such as millennials.
Members of these generations are described as “heavy users of new technologies,” more individualistic and multitasking in
nature, and consume information through social media and mobile applications (López and Gómez, 2021: 544). is gives
rise, according to the authors, to a digital divide and a shift in the communicative ecosystem.
With regard to millennials, Martínez-Costa et al. (2019) note that a qualitative study of young people aged between 25 and
34 found that information consumption took place through social media, news websites, television programmes and, lastly,
printed newspapers. Furthermore, according to a study by Mujika-Alberdi et al. (2020), millennials may show less interest
in topics related to economics, politics, society and current aairs, and greater interest in sports and international news,
compared with other age groups.
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More recent research (Córdoba-Cabús et al., 2025) points in the same direction, corroborating the consolidation of social
media as the primary means of accessing news content. By contrast, the age groups comprising the Silent Generation, Baby
Boomers and Generation X have a greater familiarity with printed content and content broadcast via television or linear radio,
which formed part of their upbringing (Schulz et al., 2019).
is study focuses on analysing changes in information consumption among young migrants from the centennial and
millennial generations, as will be detailed in the methodology section.
2.5. Cultural proximity and identity
e theory of cultural proximity holds that people tend to be drawn to cultural products that are similar to their own culture,
and to consume local or national content (Straubhaar, 2021). For example, audience preferences tend to lean towards content
that reects their language, appearance, dress, humour, history and shared knowledge.
Furthermore, Straubhaar (2021) highlights the persistence of local and regional identities in an increasingly globalised
world, whilst noting that it is important to consider multiple levels of cultural belonging when analysing human identity.
e relationship between information consumption choices and identity is positioned as a crucial analytical element for
understanding changes in migrants’ interest in and access to news.
Identities are represented through cultural codes (Du Gay et al., 2000) and are understood as points of temporary attachment
related to representations and discursive practices (Hall, 1996). Current research linking place and identity takes into account
that identity is not exclusively territorial, and considers it unstable and in a continuous process of transformation (Román-
Velázquez and Retis, 2020).
e literature on the subject has opened up to “rethinking places and identities as unstable, hybrid and open to transformation”
(Román-Velázquez and Retis, 2020), as a result of processes entailing signicant modications, such as migration.
2.6. News avoidance
News avoidance is an increasingly widespread phenomenon internationally (Newman et al., 2023), consisting of a behaviour
of resistance or active rejection of news on a regular basis (Blekesaune, Elvestad and Aalberg, 2012; Skovsgaard and Andersen,
2020; Woodstock, 2014).
e phenomenon can be classied into two types of avoidance: intentional and unintentional. On the one hand, intentional
avoidance arises when people stop consuming news for various reasons: that it is too negative, that it cannot be trusted, and
that there is an excessive amount of it (Skovsgaard and Andersen, 2020). People who avoid news perceive that information is
presented in a pessimistic manner and that this can negatively aect their mood (Boukes and Vliegenthart, 2017; Newman and
Fletcher, 2017; Zerba, 2011).
On the other hand, unintentional avoidance is a result of the characteristics of the current media environment. In this context,
people choose to avoid consuming news (Skovsgaard and Andersen, 2020) because they have a preference for other types of
content, such as entertainment (Karlsen, Beyer and Steen-Johnsen, 2020).
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Damstra et al. (2023) highlight the negative consequences of this phenomenon: people being less well informed may have
adverse eects on society, such as political polarisation and misinformation-driven decision-making. At the same time, other
literature has analysed the causes of news avoidance, which is compounded by the perception of negativity in the media and
low political trust (Goyanes and Bene, 2024).
A lack of available literature and research regarding news avoidance among people who have migrated has been identied,
and focusing on this aspect will therefore help to address a gap in the eld.
3. Methodology
A qualitative methodology was used, consisting of semi-structured interviews to explore experiences related to changes in
information consumption habits among young adult migrants aged 20 to 34, from Lima (Peru), residing in Barcelona (Spain) at
dierent stages of the migration process. e age range of 20 to 34 years was considered appropriate, encompassing Generation
Z and Millennials. is approach is grounded in the conclusions of López and Gómez (2021), who note that these generations
are currently changing their information consumption habits.
e interviews included questions to explore the motivations, patterns and experiences related to changes in information
consumption habits. e interview framework was structured around questions covering three stages: before migrating,
during migration and after migrating.
e research universe consisted of Peruvians residing in Barcelona. According to municipal data, 38,821 Peruvians live in
the city (Ayuntamiento de Barcelona, 2024a). e foreign population living in Barcelona “is fundamentally a young-adult
population, with high percentages of people aged between 25 and 45” (p. 24).
Taking this information into account, it was decided to conduct semi-structured interviews with a sample of twenty participants
in total. e inclusion criteria were as follows:
–
Participants aged 20 to 34 (young adults).
–
Migrants from Lima, Peru.
–
Residence in Barcelona, Spain.
–
Peruvian nationality.
A sample with balanced gender participation was achieved (eight men and twelve women). In terms of age distribution, six
participants were aged 20–24, four were aged 25–29 and ten were aged 30–34.
Participants were also sought at various stages of their migration process: three were recent arrivals (0–6 months), ve had been
residing in Barcelona for less than a year (7–12 months), nine had been living in the city for between one and two years (13–24
months) and three had been resident in Barcelona for more than two years (over 24 months). is approach was adopted to
achieve representativeness within the sample.
In addition, the snowball method was used via social media in order to identify dierent proles, thereby allowing for a
diversity of perspectives and experiences in the study.
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Table 1. Distribution of participants by age group
NameGenderAge
Time in Barcelona
Age range: 20 to 23 years old
Participant 1
M20
20 months
Participant 2
F21
20 months
Participant 3
F21
16 months
Participant 4
F22
4 months
Participant 5
M22
18 months
Participant 6
F23
8 months
Age range: 24 to 29 years old
Participant 7
F25
8 months
Participant 8
M26
8 months
Participant 9
F27
24 months
Participant 10
F28
20 months
Age range: 30 to 34 years old
Participant 11
F30
21 months
Participant 12
M31
5 months
Participant 13
M32
9 months
Participant 14
F32
2 months
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Participant 15
M32
16 months
Participant 16
F32
24 months
Participant 17
F32
48 months
Participant 18
M32
8 months
Participant 19
M34
42 months
Participant 20
F34
48 months
Source: Authors
is research adopts a qualitative design based on 20 semi-structured interviews, a technique that allows for the capture of
phenomenological richness and the discursive nuances of social actors (Valles, 2002), bearing in mind that “qualitative sampling
does not seek statistical representativeness, but rather the typological and sociostructural representativeness corresponding
to the objectives of the study” (Valles, 2002, p. 68). Whilst interviews as an analytical methodology have limitations, they also
constitute one of the most widely used methods of data collection in communication studies (Croucher and Cronn-Mills, 2014;
Kvale and Brinkmann, 2015), and allow qualitative data to be drawn out in pursuit of the research objectives.
e sample selected ensures that the complexity of the phenomenon can be addressed rigorously, in order to understand the
dynamics and cultural practices of the subjects (Lindlof and Taylor, 2017). is is therefore a sample limited in number, but
representative of the reality and diversity of situations faced by young migrants from Lima arriving in Barcelona, both in terms
of participants’ ages and their stage in the migration process (length of time spent in Barcelona).
4. Results
e results section is organised around themes aligned with the research objectives, including interview extracts that support
the ideas presented.
4.1. Variation in consumption habits as a result of the migration process
Based on the eldwork conducted, this research has identied that the majority of interviewees showed a signicant
variation in their news consumption habits as a result of their migration from Lima (Peru) to Barcelona (Spain). Of the twenty
interviewees, eight stated that they had stopped consuming Peruvian news entirely, whilst nine indicated that the frequency
of their consumption had decreased considerably compared with when they lived in Peru. Consequently, 85% of interviewees
stopped consuming or reduced their access to news about their country of origin as a result of the migration process, compared
with 15% who continued to consume Peruvian news, as shown in Figure 1.
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Figure 1. Information consumption habits after migration
Source: Authors
Furthermore, all interviewees noted that they had stopped using traditional channels such as television and other conventional
media to stay informed, opting instead for social media as their main source of news after migrating. e majority of
participants reported consuming news from Peruvian media less frequently and accessing information through social media
such as Instagram, TikTok or X with greater regularity. is reinforced a trend towards consuming information via social media
that had already begun before migration, given that young adults from Lima already tended to use these channels as a news
source, ahead of traditional media such as television or the press.
“During the rst six months, I kept watching Peruvian TV programmes on YouTube, mostly out of habit, but the frequency gradually
declined as I settled into life here in Barcelona. en I started consuming news on social media like TikTok and Instagram, where
some Spanish news pages started appearing and I began following them.” (Participant 10, 2024, personal interview)
“I no longer open any portal like La República or El Comercio to see the news –I nd out about things through the people I follow on
Instagram or TikTok.” (Participant 13, 2024, personal interview).
“I’ve changed the way I consume information from news outlets a great deal. For example, I used to watch television and now I
only use social media, mainly because of the demands of adapting to a new country and way of life.” (Participant 7, 2024, personal
interview).
“I’ve never been one for watching television, so I nd out about things mainly through social media, and if something specic
interests me, I read about it. I check social media every day.” (Participant 8, 2024, personal interview).
“In Peru it was very common to have the news on during breakfast and also on social media. I received a lot of news through those
channels.” (Participant 2, 2024, personal interview).
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With regard to news consumption about the host city during the rst months after migrating, more than half of the interviewees
–eleven people– mentioned that their news focus was more closely tied to politics, which was the topic generating the most
interest, as had been the case when they were in Peru. Interest in politics increased compared with when they were living in
Lima: before migrating, 40% of participants identied it as their main topic of interest –15 percentage points fewer than after
changing country– as shown in Figure 2. In addition, 70% of interviewees began to consume more international news or news
about Spain in general.
Figure 2. Percentage of people interested in politics, before and after migrating
Source: Authors
Adaptation to a new environment and social and academic integration were expressed as important factors in the transformation
of migrants’ information habits, with a tendency to consume more information through digital media and social media, and
to access local news from the receiving country on a gradually increasing basis. Indeed, 65% of participants changed their
information consumption habits gradually, particularly during the rst months of residence in the new city.
4.2. News avoidance
During their migration process, half of the interviewees stopped consuming news because they were devoting their time
to other matters and became disconnected from news from both Peru and Spain, partly because they were unfamiliar with
the context of much local news. e other half reported that they did not experience a signicant change in the volume of
news they consumed. Although they reduced their access to news from Peru, they began to consume news from Spain, which
allowed them to remain informed about various aspects relevant to their daily lives. Additionally, one participant stated that
she had not consumed news either before or after migration.
e testimonies indicate that the migration process brings about signicant changes in news consumption habits. ese range
from reduced consumption owing to new priorities and responsibilities, to an increase in the diversity of sources and access
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to international news. e interviewees emphasise the importance of adapting to the new environment whilst balancing the
need to stay informed about their country of origin and their new place of residence.
“I arrived in October and for the rst two or three months I wasn’t consuming news from either side. From the third or fourth month
onwards I started taking more of an interest in local news.” (Participant 13, 2024, personal interview)
“In general, I would say yes –at some point I’ve felt less informed about what’s happening, mainly because my mind is on other
things, and that makes it harder, to some extent, to pay attention to certain news stories. Since I haven’t been following things closely
for a long time now, I don’t understand the context of what’s happening, and I lose interest.” (Participant 2, 2024, personal interview)
“I think I now consume less news overall, but from more places. Before, I only consumed news from Peru and perhaps from too
many outlets. Now, by contrast, I consume fewer outlets, but from both Peru and Europe.” (Participant 16, 2024, personal interview)
e interview with the only participant who reported not consuming news –already before the migration process– reveals
key ndings about the impact of news consumption on mental health and identity perception. She cited stress as a reason,
particularly during a period of crisis in Peru, which led her to choose to eliminate news from her life in order to protect
her mental wellbeing, despite acknowledging the importance of staying informed. e interviewee expressed a sense of
responsibility and guilt about remaining uninformed but prioritised her mental health.
Her experience also highlights how an excess of negative information can aect one’s perception of a country, as the constant
exposure to negative news shaped her pessimistic view of Peru; she proposed a more balanced exposure that would include
news with a more optimistic perspective.
4.3. Reasons for the change in consumption habits
With regard to determining the reasons why changes in news consumption habits arise, 60% of interviewees cited, as the main
reasons for having changed their habits, a focus on other activities such as studying or work, which led them to disconnect
from Peruvian news.
Furthermore, 40% indicated that content from their country of origin had stopped appearing on their social media owing to
geolocation. Changes in social circle also played a role, as their new social environment showed little interest in shared news
topics.
“I think my interest in seeking out and reading news has declined somewhat because in Spain the topic doesn’t come up as much,
and among my friends we don’t discuss much of what’s happening in Peru either. So my interest in looking for news has dropped a
little.” (Participant 15, 2024, personal interview)
e testimonies presented suggest that migration not only alters the media through which news is consumed, but also
information priorities, with a progressive shift of interest towards local news as a means of facilitating integration into society.
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4.4. Strategies for continuing to consume news from the country of origin
e participants showed a degree of divergence in their intention to remain informed about events in Peru. 60% of interviewees
reported following strategies such as monitoring news published by Peruvian media on social media, asking family members
and staying connected to WhatsApp groups of which they were members; compared with 40% who said they did not follow any
specic strategies to keep up with Peruvian current aairs (Figure 3).
Figure 3. Percentage of participants who actively seek out and consume news from Peru after migrating, versus those who do not
Source: Authors
Technology and social media thus play a crucial role in how migrants stay informed about their country of origin from abroad.
Among the interviewees’ most notable comments was the view that maintaining connections with family and friends was one
of the main reasons they continued to consume Peruvian news, and that in any case they did not wish to lose their ties to their
country entirely.
ese testimonies show how Peruvian migrants in Barcelona adapt their news consumption habits to the new context, without
losing sight of their thematic interests and personal connections, using a combination of local and international media
alongside social media to stay informed. e frequency of news consumption among participants varied considerably, with
no clear or dominant trend.
“I still have certain WhatsApp groups that were informative about news, for example.” (Participant 2, 2024, personal interview)
“I keep following the outlets I already knew, such as El Comercio and La República, and I also sometimes access other platforms like
YouTube. I try to tune in a little more to local channels, such as El Comercio’s channel or Latina Noticias, which oers news reports,
to stay informed.” (Participant 1, 2024, personal interview)
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4.5. News consumption and identity
e consumption of local news from the host city generates varied perceptions regarding the sense of belonging and identity
among Peruvian migrants in Barcelona. Half of the interviewees stated that they considered consuming local news to be
benecial for building relationships with local residents or people living in Barcelona. Eight of the twenty interviewees,
meanwhile, noted that whilst they considered it important to stay well informed through the news, they did so primarily to
understand the reality of the place where they live. Finally, two people mentioned that they did not notice any signicant
inuence on their daily lives as a result of news consumption (Figure 4).
Figure 4. Perceptions of how consuming local news from the host city aects migrants after migration
Source: Authors
e majority of participants agreed that staying informed about local news helps them to integrate better into the society of
the receiving country. It is worth noting that several interviewees mentioned that consuming local news from Barcelona or
international news made them feel more intercultural and gave them a greater awareness of what was happening in various
parts of the world.
“Being better informed about what’s happening in Barcelona has, I think, helped me to connect more with the people around me –to
have something to talk about, to know what to discuss. In other words, to feel included in the group and to know what’s going on
where I’m living now, rather than still being in my Peruvian bubble.” (Participant 4, 2024, personal interview)
“When I’m in a group where most people are Spanish or have been living here for a long time and they bring up some relevant topic
about what’s happening, at least I’m already a little bit informed about what’s going on in this country and I can contribute ideas to
the conversation.” (Participant 5, 2024, personal interview)
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“I think that being informed about what’s happening in the country where I’m now living, and specically in Catalonia, helps me to
have a better understanding of what’s going on around me. at helps me to get on better with my friends at university.” (Participant
3, 2024, personal interview)
e majority of Peruvian migrants in Barcelona have not felt disconnected from Peru. Specically, thirteen of the twenty
interviewees said they still felt connected to the country, primarily because they could easily nd information and news from
Peru, especially through social media such as WhatsApp groups and conversations with family members. It is worth noting,
however, that seven people did experience a sense of disconnection from what was happening in the country, mainly due
to their low consumption of Peruvian news, which led them to stop understanding current aspects of their country of origin
(Figure 5).
Figure 5. Percentage of participants who feel disconnected from their country of origin, Peru, versus those who do not
Source: Authors
e interviewees’ testimonies reveal a range of experiences among Peruvian migrants in relation to their connection with Peru
and their sense of identity. Some have a strong emotional bond and are aected by news from Peru, whilst others experience
a sense of disconnection from their country, although this does not necessarily inuence their sense of identity. is suggests
that national identity can remain stable and strongly linked to the country of origin despite the migration process and the
fact of no longer residing there, and that the process of becoming disconnected from current aairs in the country does not
necessarily aect one’s sense of identity.
“Although I’m far away, I feel that my connection with my country of origin is still strong. Although perhaps I don’t experience as
intense a sense of loss in relation to my Peruvian identity whilst living in another country for a long time, I still care about what
happens there and it aects me emotionally when I hear impactful news. I have many ties to my country and, because of family
traditions, I developed a sense of national pride from a young age.” (Participant 2, 2024, personal interview)
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“Maybe I miss some cultural references or in-jokes from Peru, but it doesn’t aect my identity. It’s more like not being in on the gossip
–it doesn’t aect my sense of identity.” (Participant 11, 2024, personal interview)
Despite some migrants feeling more connected and consuming more content from their country of origin than others, their
sense of identity generally remains rooted in their country of origin.
4.6. News consumption and language barriers
For 65% of the interviewees, the presence of news in Catalan –a co-ocial language in Catalonia– did not represent an obstacle
to accessing local news (Figure 6). e main reasons cited included the possibility of translating news viewed on social media
using articial intelligence or Google Translate, as well as the availability of television news programmes broadcast in Spanish
rather than exclusively in Catalan.
On the other hand, as shown in Figure 6, 35% of interviewees reported having had diculties accessing news in Catalan
because they did not understand what was being said on television when they turned it on, or the content on social media or
in newspapers.
Figure 6. Proportion of interviewees for whom Catalan did not represent a barrier to accessing local news, versus those for whom it did
Source: Authors
ese experiences indicate that the language barrier can be a signicant challenge for migrants but also demonstrate the
various strategies and tools that help to mitigate this obstacle. A willingness to learn the local language, the use of translation
technologies and immersion in the everyday environment are key factors that facilitate integration and access to information
in a new country.
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“ere are some news items in Catalan that I can’t read because I don’t know the language. But social media helps a lot. On Instagram,
for example, you can turn on the option to translate into Spanish. e same goes for Google Chrome, which can translate a news item
or an entire portal. at makes things much easier for me.” (Participant 15, 2024, personal interview)
“At the start I could say I didn’t understand anything. I signed up for Catalan classes for a month, but then I stopped and little by little
I got used to it, and now I understand it very well. Also because I live with people who speak Catalan. So I’ve got quite familiar with
it.” (Participant 9, 2024, personal interview)
Consuming news in Catalan is also seen by some interviewees as a way of learning the language.
5. Discussion and Conclusions
is research concludes that the migration process leads young migrants to modify their news consumption habits. 85% of
interviewees stopped consuming Peruvian news or reduced their consumption as a result of the migration process. In addition,
the use of social media to access news intensied –in line with previous studies such as that of Metykova (2010)– and interest
in political topics increased, taking on a more international dimension. Migrants also experienced a reduction in content from
their country of origin appearing on social media platforms owing to geolocation.
With regard to news avoidance, it is observed that half of the participants exhibited intentional news avoidance, consistent
with the classication of Skovsgaard and Andersen (2020), particularly during the rst months after migration. It can therefore
be concluded that the migration process contributes to news avoidance in relation to both the receiving country and the
country of origin, especially during the rst period after migration.
However, as migrants integrated into Spanish society, they increased their interest in local news and perceived the consumption
of such information as improving their integration and knowledge of the place where they live. is shift is interpreted as a
process of adaptation and cultural approximation to the new environment, highlighting the inuence of cultural proximity
(Straubhaar, 2021) on their media choices. Despite these connections with the receiving country, migrants’ sense of identity
remained rooted in their country of origin.
e research ndings are consistent with the work of Adolph (2022) and Morales (2017), demonstrating that migrants change
their information habits as a result of their desire to establish new study or work routines, their intention to learn more about
their place of residence and their wish to participate in conversations within their social circle. Adaptation to a new environment
and social integration are relevant drivers of changes in migrants’ information habits, with a tendency to gradually consume
more local news from the receiving country.
During the migration process, staying up to date with information about the place of residence is perceived as positive by 90%
of interviewees for building social relationships and for understanding the reality of the place where they live.
is article contributes meaningfully to understanding how the migration process changes information consumption habits
in young people and exacerbates the tendency towards news avoidance. It contributes, from an interdisciplinary perspective,
to understanding the changes brought about by international migration –a process that substantially inuences the media
and information consumption of young people. e research oers insight into how access to local news from the host city
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contributes positively to cultural approximation and the strengthening of social relationships, and is –in short– an element of
integration. e work makes an original contribution to the limited existing literature on the consequences of the migratory
phenomenon for information consumption, and connects it to contemporary dynamics and challenges, such as news
consumption via social media and the tendency towards intentional news avoidance.
Future research could extend the study to other geographical areas and expand the empirical scope. Further investigation is
also needed into how linguistic diversity shapes migrants’ access to news; other variables worth exploring include occupation
and educational level, to assess whether these signicantly inuence information consumption habits.
6. Acknowledgements
is article was translated by Gorka Hodson, whom we thank for his work.
7. Specic contributions by each author
First name
&
surname
Conception & design of the studyAida Martori Muntsant and Alejandro Saavedra
Methodology
Aida Martori Muntsant and Alejandro Saavedra
Data collection & analysisAlejandro Saavedra
Discussion & conclusionsAida Martori Muntsant and Alejandro Saavedra
Writing, formatting, revision & approval of versionsAida Martori Muntsant
8. Conict of interest
e authors declare that they have no conict of interest.
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