News content on television and Instagram: A comparative analysis of
Antena 3 News
El contenido informativo televisivo y en Instagram. Un análisis comparativo de
Antena 3 Noticias
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nº 43, pp. 273-296
| 273
July-December of 2026
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
How to cite this article:
Rodríguez-Fidalgo, Mª I. y Paíno-Ambrosio, A. (2026). News content on television and Instagram: A comparative analysis of Antena 3 News.
Doxa Comunicación
, 43, pp. 273-296.
https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.3135
Mª Isabel Rodríguez-Fidalgo
. A PhD from the Universidad de Salamanca, where she also earned a Bachelor’s degree
in Audiovisual Communication and a Diploma in Social Work. Her teaching and research career began in 2003, she
has been aliated with institutions such as IE University and the Universidad de Valladolid. She currently serves as
a Senior lecturer in the Department of Sociology and Communication at the Universidad de Salamanca, in the eld
of Audiovisual Communication and Advertising. She was Vice-Dean of Students in the Faculty of Social Sciences for
eight years. Her research focuses on the analysis of digital narratives, with particular attention on multi-screen content,
hypermedia and transmedia narratives, immersive journalism, and the analysis of digital journalism and social media
content. She is committed to gender perspective and has led a research project entitled “Under a Woman’s Pen” since
2018, focused on the analysis of women’s correspondence with Miguel de Unamuno.
.
Universidad de Salamanca, España
mr
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0001-5167-0272
Adriana Paíno-Ambrosio.
A graduate in Journalism from the Universidad de Valladolid (UVa), with a Master’s degree
in Communication and Creative Industries from the Universidad de Santiago de Compostela (USC), and a PhD in Social
Sciences from the Universidad de Salamanca (USAL), where she graduated Summa Cum Laude for her doctoral thesis
focused on immersive journalism and the potential of virtual reality and 360º video within the current media landscape.
She currently works as a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Sociology and Communication at the Universidad de
Salamanca, having previously taught at the Universidad Europea Miguel de Cervantes. She is a member of the Accredited
Research Group “Audiovisual Narratives and Sociocultural Studies” (GIR NAES). Her main areas of research include the
study of new journalistic formats, immersive journalism, and transmedia narratives, as well as exploring the press as a
historical source, and women’s correspondence with Miguel de Unamuno.
.
Universidad de Salamanca, España
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0003-3817-6071
is content is published under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License. International License CC BY-NC 4.0
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News content on television and Instagram: A comparative analysis of Antena 3 News
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
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Recibido: 19/12/2025- Aceptado: 27/02/2026- En edición: 28/05/2026 - Publicado: 01/07/2026
Resumen:
Se analiza cómo los informativos de la cadena española Antena 3
(“Noticias 1” y “Noticias 2”) se adaptan a los nuevos hábitos de la au
-
diencia. Para ello se comparan los programas emitidos en televisión
entre el 7 y el 11 de octubre de 2024 con los contenidos publicados en Ins
-
tagram (@a3noticias). El objetivo principal es identicar el tratamiento
informativo en ambos formatos y analizar la evolución narrativa de los
contenidos. Se observa una adaptación parcial de Antena 3 Noticias a
la era multipantalla. Destaca la hibridación de formatos y lenguajes
audiovisuales impulsada por las plataformas digitales; aunque se apre
-
cia dinamismo narrativo y uso de tecnologías inmersivas en televisión,
la estrategia en Instagram se limita a replicar contenido televisivo y usar
formatos nativos para hacer contenidos publicitarios. La evolución de
los informativos se orienta hacia la espectacularización, y el consumo
rápido y fragmentado propio de las redes sociales.
Palabras clave:
Antena 3, telediario, noticias, Instagram, redes sociales.
Received: 19/12/2025- Accepted: 27/02/2026- Early access: 28/05/2026 - Published: 01/07/2026
Abstract:
is study analyses how the Spanish television network Antena 3’s
news programmes (“Noticias 1” and “Noticias 2”) are adapting to new
audience habits. e programmes broadcasted between October 7 and
11, 2024 have been compared with the content posted on Instagram
(@a3noticias). e main objective is to identify the news coverage in
both formats and analyse the narrative development of the content.
A partial adaptation of Antena 3 Noticias to the multi-screen era has
been observed. Also worthy of note is the hybridisation of formats and
audiovisual languages driven by digital platforms; although narrative
dynamism and the use of immersive technologies are evident on
television, the Instagram strategy is limited to replicating televisual
content and using native formats for advertising. Changes to the
news programmes are geared towards sensationalism and the rapid,
fragmented consumption characteristic of social media.
Keywords:
Antena 3, TV news programme, news, Instagram, social media.
1. Introduction
News content is a fundamental pillar of media programming and is traditionally associated with its credibility (García-Avilés
et al.
, 2014). e rise of the internet has brought about changes to the mechanisms for informing the population, forcing
traditional media outlets to compete for the attention of an increasingly polarised audience, both ideologically and in terms
of consumption habits and news preferences. Audiovisual language has adapted to this scenario by linking sensationalism
with the concept of
infotainment
(Ramírez-Flores and González-García, 2025). at trend, widely documented in academic
literature, suggests that the media may end up “sacricing a good part of purely journalistic and general-interest news in favour
of sensationalism and spectacle” (Marín, 2020: 14). e proliferation of social media in recent years has created a multi-screen
audience that can choose their platform to access news, relegating traditional media to a secondary role compared to new
digital platforms. As López Frías argues, traditional media’s loss of credibility “coupled with the perception of short videos as an
eective form of communication, has become the driving force behind this shift in the communication paradigm” (2024: 463).
It is for that reason that media outlets, including news programmes, have created their own social media proles where they
publish news content while continuing to broadcast traditional newscasts. at digital presence allows networks to not only
aim to attract younger audiences with new consumption habits, but also to deploy strategies to combat the disinformation and
information overload which plague social media platforms. A solid journalistic presence in these environments allows fact-
checked, professionally-backed news to compete more eectively against the viral spread of fake news
(López-Borrull, 2023;
Nasser
et al.
, 2025). Research conducted in recent years shows that new generations no longer seek information on what was
previously considered the rst-choice screen, but largely look to various social media platforms for news (Martínez-Estrella
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et al.
, 2023). According to media market data from the Digital News Report 2025 (Newman
et al.
, 2025) the growth of news
consumption through social media has become rmly established worldwide. e rise of the video format is particularly
noteworthy, having become the main source of news for younger generations, who show a marked preference for those
platforms over direct access to media outlets’ websites. at fact conrms the denitive migration of audiences to new digital
narratives. Online media in Spain (including social media) are still the predominant news source, WhatsApp, Facebook,
YouTube, and Instagram being the platforms Spaniards prefer for news. It is worth noting that the integration of Facebook
and Instagram within the Meta ecosystem facilitates uid technical interaction between the two platforms and optimises the
transmedia dissemination of content. At the same time, users, who were previously the last link in the news distribution chain,
now take on an active role, as they can share content through their social media proles (Díaz-Campo
et al.
, 2021).
is phenomenon has given rise to a new model of news access and consumption, known as News Finds Me
(NFM), which
reects the increasingly widespread belief that people can stay informed about current events by unpremeditated encounters
with news while browsing the internet or interacting on social media (Gil de Zúñiga and Cheng, 2021; Hawkins and Campbell,
2025; Meneu-Borja
et al.
, 2024; Mombeuil, 2024). is is obviously a subject of debate and study in academic literature, given
that other factors, such as the algorithms on which the social media is based, inuence this “unintentional” nding of content
(Gehrke
et al.
, 2024). At the same time, this shift in news consumption habits aects how news is perceived by users (Segado-
Boj
et al.
, 2020).
e mobile phone or smartphone has further solidied its dominance as the primary device for accessing such content,
surpassing computers and tablets
(Newman
et al.
, 2025); a fact that is clearly worrying for traditional television. Second screens
as a new medium for media consumption impose their own characteristics from a narrative and technical perspective, giving
rise to new audiovisual formats that coexist with traditional television content. ese changes will primarily aect form, but
also content; insofar as social media users, and especially those belonging to Gen Z, prefer swift or snackable
micro-content
(Cortés Quesada
et al.
, 2023). ose audiovisual nuggets are designed to be consumed immediately, aiming to capture the
user’s attention through simple narrative structures that foster high engagement
(Ferdinandus and Alvin, 2023).
However, this ties into another issue: disinformation. Such rapid news consumption prevents in-depth analysis and makes it
dicult for consumers to distinguish reliable sources from unreliable ones (Chan, 2024; Olan
et al.
, 2024). e media faces
a challenge here: making news accessible to society in a way appropriate for these platforms, while remaining accurate and
avoiding superuity (Castillo-Yépez and Quezada, 2019). In the words of Román
et al.
, “professional journalists play a key role
in correcting disinformation, since fake news managed to sneak into the agendas of traditional media during the pandemic”
(2022: 133).
Given this media landscape, this study aims to look more closely at the coexistence of traditional and social media, specically
in the case of news programmes. Since more and more outlets are seeking to extend their journalism to social media, it is
vital to consider how news content is produced for those platforms. As detailed in the methodology section, a case study is
proposed, analysing the Antena 3 network’s news programmes “Noticias 1” and “Noticias 2”, and their Instagram prole (@
a3noticias). e study’s main objective is to quantify and describe the principal characteristics of news content produced for
traditional platforms and for the aforementioned social media from a comparative perspective.
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Antena 3 Noticias, part of the Atresmedia group, has for years been committed to incorporating and using new technologies
to make news more engaging, for example, employing augmented reality in its news programmes (Herrero and Jiménez,
2022). ose news programmes are the market leaders in Spain, the most watched on television and the most read online,
according to the latest Reuters Institute report (Newman
et al.
, 2025). Bernal-Triviño
et al.
(2023) found that it was the top news
programme on TikTok, with a type of swiftly-produced content focused on clipping segments from the TV news broadcast. e
comparative study of content shared on social media versus content broadcast on television will shed light on the narrative
development of news content, which, now more than ever, is subject to “new immediacy” and the rapid consumption imposed
by social media (Mujika-Alberdi
et al.
, 2020).
1.1. News content on Instagram
As mentioned above, many media outlets worldwide have made the leap to creating proles to disseminate news on various
social media platforms, where brevity is king. at presents a challenge if the aim is to produce content specically for those
platforms, going beyond simply posting a fragment extracted from a television news broadcast (Rodríguez-Fidalgo
et al.
, 2023).
Furthermore, one must consider that each social media has its own characteristics, so journalists need to adapt their content
to the possibilities oered by each platform, and to their audiences (Hermida and Mellado, 2020). It is not enough to simply
have a presence on social media; a specic strategy for its use is essential, one that involves “innovative approaches, formats,
genres, and production methods in the creation of any type of content, but especially news content” (Etura Hernández
et al.
,
2023: 189). is has led to numerous studies that look at how the media are adapting to the logic of social media and what news
output they oer (Díaz-Lucena and Vicente-Fernández, 2023; Estrada-García and Gamir-Ríos, 2023; Martín Neira
et al.
, 2023;
Sancho Belinchón and Ortega Fernández, 2024).
Visual content is the priority on Instagram; a formula that allows for a more passive consumption of content compared to
other platforms such as X, where short texts take precedence over audiovisual content (Hase
et al.
, 2022) and dialogue between
users is fostered through threads. While initially focused on stills, over time Instagram has implemented various changes in
the types of content it allows users to share, and currently places increasing emphasis on video (Guallar and Traver, 2023).
at shift is an eort to compete with platforms like TikTok, which attract the interest of young people. Among the formats
oered by Instagram are Stories
,
which are ephemeral, visible for only 24 hours, as well as Posts
and Reels, and live streaming.
Such content can also be accompanied by short texts and include hashtags
and mentions. Moreover, from the perspective
of user interaction, it also incorporates mechanisms, such as likes
and comments, and, for some years now, surveys and
questionnaires that allow users to gather feedback from followers. Added to this are corporate links that enable seamless
interaction when posting the same piece on dierent networks such as Facebook, which spreads content very quickly among
the social media audience (Rodríguez Monge
et al.
, 2022).
In summary, Instagram oers a multitude of dierent functions that media outlets can use (Góngora and Lavilla, 2020); but
as Sancho Belinchón points out, its use from a journalistic point of view “calls for a specic form of communication” (2023:
145), which implies that a change in journalists’ practices has to take place to generate content that takes advantage of the full
potential of this type of social platform (Bossio, 2023; Perreault and Hanusch, 2024; Vázquez-Herrero
et al.
, 2019), without
resorting to the mere posting of TV clips.
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Apart from the issues mentioned above, the fact must add be added that, along with TikTok, Instagram is one of the social
media platforms where the consumption of snackables has increased the most, the average attention span for each audiovisual
item not exceeding one minute (Cortés Quesada
et al.
, 2023). Given this abundance of content, and now that news circulates
through so many channels and in such diverse forms, the question arises as to how social media users can dierentiate between
news and non-news. Swart and Broersma (2023) explain that social media platforms act as news intermediaries that combine
diverse sources and merge previously separate media genres. ey also point out that news and related information genres
are no longer tied to specic platforms, devices, or authors, but rather ow across the digital boundaries. is shift towards
media hybridisation makes it increasingly dicult for users to distinguish journalism from other types of information. at
issue is also linked to a message’s reliability and credibility (Zimmermann
et al.
, 2023). All such aspects should be considered
by news professionals when producing content for social media platforms like Instagram. It is precisely in this context where
it becomes necessary to look more closely into how this type of content is being produced.
2. Objectives
is study’s main objective is to quantify and describe the principal characteristics of the news coverage of content in traditional
media and on Instagram by Antena 3 Noticias. is, in turn, leads to the following secondary objectives:
1. Categorise the news content broadcast on the news programmes “Noticias 1” and “Noticias 2” and posted on their
Instagram prole (@a3noticias).
2. Determine the narrative and technical characteristics of the selected news items on the two platforms.
3. Methodology
From a methodological standpoint, an exploratory study was designed based on content analysis (Berelson, 1952; Wimmer
and Dominick, 1996) using a comparative approach to the news programmes “Noticias 1” and “Noticias 2” broadcast on the
Antena 3 television network, and that posted on its Instagram prole (@a3noticias). e sample was limited to a “typical
week”, from October 7 to 11, 2024, that period was selected to ensure the absence of bias from any extraordinary events that
could disrupt the usual media agenda. Weekend news programmes were not included in the study, as they have a dierent
format, called “
Noticias n de semana
” (Weekend News). Antena 3 and its news programmes were chosen due to their leading
the audience ratings. According to the report by the consulting rm Barlovento Comunicación (2024), the Antena 3 news
programmes studied reached an average audience of 1,897,000 viewers giving an 18.1% market share in October 2024, placing
them ahead of those broadcast on RTVE’s public channel (La 1), Telecinco, La Sexta, and Cuatro. In fact, Antena 3’s news
programmes were the most watched on all ve days of the week analysed.
Regarding the demarcation of the sample of television news programmes for analysis, it was ultimately comprised of N=10
programmes, ve broadcast during the afternoon (“
Noticias
1”) and the other ve in the evening (“
Noticias
2”). An
ad hoc
form
was designed for the analysis, inspired by previous models for evaluating journalistic quality, in order to study each of the news
items broadcast in each programme, which considered the variables listed in Table 1.
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Table 1. Analysis of the news programmes “Noticias 1” and “Noticias 2”
News item on the television news
Identifying data
Day of broadcast
Noticias 1 or Noticias 2
Methods employed
Subject
Length
Place: in the headlines of the summary /only in the section
Position it occupies in the running order
Newsreader present when introducing the item: simple
introduction or staged presentation on set
Coverage by the journalist: live or via VTR
Use of audiovisual resources that are not inherent to the format
(graphics and sound)
Use of Augmented Reality
Use of interactive elements (QR codes)
Source: Created by the authors, 2024
e @a3noticias prole had almost 26,000 posts and 816,700 followers on Instagram over the period selected. e news outlet
made a total of N=60 posts in the week under study, averaging twelve per day, which formed the second part of the sample.
It should be made clear that only posts
generated and posted by Antena 3 Noticias were included; posts produced by other
programmes on the network, even if they tagged or mentioned the @a3noticias prole, were not part of the study. An analysis
sheet was also designed for this part of the analysis, incorporating the variables shown in Table 2.
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Table 2. Analysis sheet of Instagram posts
Posts on Instagram
Identifying data
Posting date
Format (image, video)
Methods employed
Source (original or extracted from the news report)
Subject
Length
Use of textual elements
Use of infographics
Geolocated content
Use of hashtags
Use of emoticons
Use of mentions
Use of music
Viewings
Comments
Likes
Source: Created by the authors, 2024
Data extraction for this part of the sample was carried out between October 28 and November 1, 2024, using the web analytics
tool Fanpage Karma. is being an active social platform, it is anticipated that the data may change in the future, particularly
regarding interaction data, which cannot be included in this study.
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4. Analysis and results
4.1. News coverage on the programmes “Noticias 1” and “Noticias 2”
As mentioned above, Antena 3’s news programmes, “Noticias 1” and “Noticias 2,” were the television audience’s top choice for
news content during the week under study. e former, presented by journalist Sandra Golpe, airs Monday to Friday at 3:00
p.m., while the latter, hosted by Vicente Vallés and Esther Vaquero, goes out at prime time, 9:00 p.m
.
(Gascón Vera, 2019). e
programmes last an average of 30 minutes—29 minutes at midday and 31 minutes for the evening news—and share similarities
in their approach to content, both narratively and technically; however, dierences have also been identied.
e two programmes cover practically the same topics, as can be seen in Table 3; however, dierences lie in the time dedicated
to each. “
Noticias
2” spent over an hour and a half on international aairs over the week, while “
Noticias
1” dedicated 54
minutes. is signicant dierence aects the other segments, with the midday news programme covering more diverse
subjects and dedicating more time to them. Conversely, the evening news programme has less airtime to cover other subjects.
Table 3. Comparison of the time dedicated to the topics on “Noticias 1” (N1) and “Noticias 2” (N2) in the period under study
Section
Length
Noticias 1Noticias 2
Intro0:15:490:08:23
Domestic politics
0:53:561:30:34
International0:31:350:30:40
Events0:20:250:10:21
Society0:02:120:01:56
Science and technology
0:01:430:02:37
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Culture0:01:000:03:27
Education0:01:190:00:00
e economy
0:02:380:00:00
Sports0:07:080:02:03
“e good news”
0:03:120:00:00
e weather
0:01:290:00:17
Advertising the channel
0:01:290:01:07
Sign-o
0:01:460:03:18
Source: Created by the authors, 2024
It should be noted that “Noticias 1” includes a section called
“
e Good News
”
that does not appear on “Noticias 2”, representing
a departure from the traditional thematic blocks used to classify news stories. It always presents a cheerful outlook and varies
daily based on current events, covering any topic except national and international politics. It always comes in the nal
minutes of the newscast. Furthermore, both newscasts include a segment dedicated to promoting the network itself, although
this is not a regular feature.
In addition to the above, it is of interest to note how the intro and closing segments are presented in both newscasts. e former
is longer in “Noticias 1” –it averages 3 minutes 10 seconds– and includes a greater number of headlines 6.25. e evening
newscast, on the other hand, reduces its intro to 1 minute 41 seconds and only features an average of 3.8 headlines. As for the
closing segment, it is signicant to note that the presenter of “Noticias 2,” Vicente Vallés, ends the newscast with a reection
on what he considers the day’s main story, which has become a signature style for both the journalist and the newscast itself.
is justies its longer duration compared to “Noticias 1,” which uses the traditional closing segment typically employed in
this type of programme.
Turning to the programmes’ formats, one sees see that the main innovations introduced by Antena 3 are not so much related
to the thematic blocks, which keep the traditional “intro”, “in-depth news segment”, “sign-o”, “sports,” and “weather”, but
rather to how these segments are presented. From a narrative perspective, the data reveals no changes in the characteristics
used to structure the news segments. e segments feature an in-studio introduction by the newsreaders, serving as an initial
hook for the stories, which are then developed through live feeds or pre-recorded videos. roughout the entire programme,
use of graphics is paramount as a narrative complement, and it is not only used in the intro or to label sources and reporters
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(journalists and camera operators), but also employed as text in the form of a “headline,” which appears throughout the news
coverage (voice-overs, video, and live broadcasts). It is precisely in these live broadcasts where the unique practice of including
live feeds within the intro has been identied. ese feeds appear on every day analysed in “Noticias 1”, with between one and
three feeds daily; while it is not common on “Noticias 2”, where only one feed within the intro was found, in the case of a report
on Hurricane Milton. Overall, the news programmes feature more live feeds at midday, with an average of 8.4, compared to the
ve feeds on the evening news. If the data is cross-referenced with the variable of the main topics covered, it is apparent that
they are limited to national politics and international news (politics, current events, society, etc.). However, the results reveal
that live coverage of national politics is practically limited to “Noticias 1,” which may be explained by the fact that political
appearances usually take place in the mornings.
From a technical standpoint, innovation is primarily linked to the studio’s function and the use that the newsreader and various
journalists make of it. at is, while the studio has traditionally been seen as a mere medium for transmitting information, it
now steps up to become a central element of the narrative. is is made possible by its transformation into a 180º screen-
studio, where the newsreader abandons the static “talking head” position to physically interact with an immersive set of data
and images. is technical-narrative innovation is complemented by the use of Augmented Reality (AR), which is undoubtedly
one of the most innovative aspects introduced by the news programmes analysed. Its use has been observed frequently in both
the midday and evening editions, although in the sample under study, no real interaction between the presenter and the AR
elements was found. Its incorporation follows one of two formulas: either a text accompanied by some element at real size on
the oor of the set or graphic, or on the newsreader’s desk (Figure 1).
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Figure 1. Use of Augmented Reality in the news studio
prácticamente se limita a “Noticias 1”, que vendría justificado por el hecho de que habitualmente las
comparecencias políticas se llevan a cabo por las mañanas.
En cuanto al punto de vista técnico, se encuentra principalmente ligado a la función que cumple el
plató y el uso que hace el presentador y los distintos periodistas de él. Es decir, mientras que el plató
tradicionalmente ha sido contemplado como un mero medio a la hora de transmitir la información,
ahora se vuelve protagonista como un elemento narrativo más. Esto es posible gracias a su
transformación a un plató
-
pantalla de 180º en el que el presentador abandona la estática posición de
“busto parlante” par
a interactuar físicamente con una escenografía inmersiva de datos e imágenes.
Esta innovación técnico
-
narrativa se completa con el uso de la Realidad Aumentada (RA) que, sin
duda, es uno de los aspectos más innovadores que introducen los informativos analizados. Su uso se
ha observado de manera recurrente tanto en la edición de sobremesa como en la de la noche, aunque
en la muestra objeto de estudio no se ha constatado una verdadera interacción entre el presentador y
los elementos de RA. Su incorporación responde a dos fórmulas: bien un texto acompañado de algún
elemento a tamaño real en el suelo del plató o de un gráfico, o bien utilizado sobre la mesa del
presentador (Figura 1).
Figura 1.
Uso de la Realidad Aumentada en el plató de los informativos.
Fuente:
Informativo “Noticias 2”, emitido el 7 de octubre de 2024 (arriba) y el 8 de octubre de
2024 (abajo).
En la línea de innovaciones técnico
-
narrativas se encuentra la utilización de los códigos QR. Estos
aparecen sobreimpresionados en la esquina inferior izquierda o
-
más habitualmente
-
derecha de la
pantalla de algunas de las piezas informativas y permiten acceder a información adicional contenida
en la web de Antena 3 Noticias (Figura 2). Los QR se mantienen a lo largo de toda la noticia y, en
algunos casos el presentador avisa al telespectador de su presencia, aunque en otros aparece sin
Source: “Noticias 2”, broadcast on October 7, 2024 (top)
and October 8, 2024 (bottom)
QR codes also gure among the technical and narrative innovations. ey appear superimposed in the lower left or –more
commonly– lower right corner of the screen in some news items and link to additional information on the Antena 3 Noticias
website (Figure 2). e QR codes remain visible throughout the news report, in some cases the presenter alerts the viewer to
their presence, while in others they appear without any mention.
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Figure 2. QR codes superimposed on screen within news broadcasts
mención alguna.
Figura 2.
QR sobreimpresionados en pantalla dentro de los informativos.
Fuente:
Informativo “Noticias 1”, emitido el 8 de octubre de 2024 (arriba) y el 11 de octubre de
2024 (abajo).
En los informativos analizados se han observado 33 QR, 18 en “Noticias 1” y 15 en “Noticias 2”.
Esto supone la incorporación de entre
tres
y
cuatro
códigos de media por cada informativo. Los temas
en los que se recurre a este recurso son variados, normalmente vinculados a las noticias más relevantes
del día. En el periodo objeto de estudio se han utilizado, por ejemplo, en las informaciones sobre el
huracán Milton, la borrasca Kirk, diferentes temas vinculados a la política nacional o la guerra en
Oriente Próximo. Sí que se ha identificado un QR recurrente en el informativo de sobremesa, que
aparece diariamente en los últimos segundos del programa y que remite al canal de WhatsApp de
Antena 3 Noticias. Este código no se ha observado en ninguno de los informa
tivos de “Noticias 2”
objeto de estudio.
4.2. El tratamiento informativo de las publicaciones en @a3noticias
La utilización del perfil social de Instagram @a3noticias, se encuentra directamente vinculada al
contenido televisivo de los noticiarios analizados, de tal modo que, la información diaria convive en
formato analógico y digital. El análisis de los
posts
publicados en dicha red social ha permitido
identificar las características de su formato, y por lo tanto conocer el tratamiento que la cadena Antena
3 Noticias hace aquí de los contenidos noticiosos. Todos los
posts
identificados en la muestra
responden al formato de vídeo, y no se han encontrado otro tipo de publicaciones
–
fotografías o
carruseles
–
en el perfil del medio en el periodo analizado. Su duración se sitúa entre los 17 segundos
Source: “Noticias 1”, broadcast on October 8, 2024 (above) and October 11, 2024 (below)
33 QR codes were observed in the news broadcasts analysed: 18 in “Noticias 1”, 15 in “Noticias 2”. is represents an average
of three to four codes per newscast. Numerous topics are covered using this resource, typically related to the day’s top story.
ey were used in the study period in reports on Hurricane Milton, Storm Kirk, various topics related to national politics, and
the war in the Middle East. A recurring QR code was identied in the midday newscast, appearing daily in the nal seconds of
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the programme and linking to the Antena 3 Noticias WhatsApp channel. is code was not observed in any of the “Noticias 2”
newscasts included in the study.
4.2. News coverage in posts on @a3noticias
e use of the Instagram prole @a3noticias is directly linked to the television content of the news programmes analysed, such
that daily news coexists in both analogue and digital formats. Analysis of the posts on that social media platform allowed the
identication of the characteristics of its format and, therefore, gives an understanding of how Antena 3 Noticias handles news
content. All the posts identied in the sample are video formats, and no other types of posts –such as photographs or news
carousels– were found on the media outlet’s prole during the period analysed. ey last from 17 seconds for the shortest to 1
minute and 31 seconds for the longest, with an average of 50 seconds for the entire sample. One of the main characteristics of
this type of content is that most of it comes from the news programmes broadcast daily on television. In the week under study,
thirty-nine posts
(65%) were excerpts from the news broadcast; only twenty-one (35%) were created specically for this social
medium, to cater to the platform’s narrative characteristics. e former come from the various news programmes broadcast
throughout the day and week on the channel itself, which explains the greater number of “Noticias 1” posts, as shown in
Figure 3. ere are on occasions some time discordance between what is broadcast on the programme and when the content
is published on Instagram; for example, that is what happens with the posts
from the weekend news programme, which were
published the following Monday.
Figure 3. Distribution of posts
originating from TV news programmes
Source: Created by the authors, 2024
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From a narrative perspective, varied subjects were covered in the content posted, the most frequent being related to current
events (eight), society (seven), national politics (seven), and international politics (four). It is highly signicant that “current
events” represent the most frequent category; that suggests a selection based on emotional and visual impact over social
utility, which reinforces the infotainment framework. It is also noteworthy that the section called “e Good News”,
seen daily
in the lunchtime programme, as mentioned above, is always transferred to Instagram; thus, one post
per day (ve in the
total sample analysed) contains a fragment of that news item. Regardless of the subject matter, the common characteristic of
these posts is that the content is posted exactly as it appeared on television. e only change is from a horizontal to a vertical
format, without any consideration of the news itself. From a technical-narrative point of view, this results in the content losing
its image composition parameters in terms of framing, and also in the labels and other graphics appearing cut o and not
allowing the information contained therein to be seen properly (Figure 4).
Figure 4. Posts with o-centre content and illegible text, October 8, 2024 (left) and October 10, 2024 (right)
Fuente:
Instagram @a3noticias.
En lo que respecta a las publicaciones “originales”, su temática gira en torno a las siguientes
cuestiones: sucesos (
una
), internacional (
una
), sociedad (
una
), ciencia y tecnología (
dos
) y el tiempo
(diez
). En relación a esta última, son los periodistas que habitualmente ofrecen la información
meteorológica en los informativos televisivos
–
Roberto Brasero y Mercedes Martín
–
los autores de
los
posts
. En estos casos sí que se observa una intención de adaptar el contenido al nuevo soporte.
Concretamente, optan por dividir verticalmente la pantalla; mientras que ellos aparecen hablando a
cámara en la parte superior, en la inferior aparecen imágenes de recurso o el mapa meteorológico. En
las demás publicaciones sobre el resto de temáticas, el formato utilizado consiste en un periodista en
un plano medio o americano que forma parte del equipo de redacción encargado de RRSS con un
fondo con imágenes que
cambian
(fijas o en movimiento) sobre la noticia en cuestión e
incorporan
,
en ocasiones, algún grafismo (Figura 5). Además,
seis
de estos
posts
incluyen música; de hecho, son
los únicos de toda la muestra que incorporan este recurso narrativo. Ahora bien, se trata de música
que ha sido incorporada previamente al vídeo antes de publicarlo, no se ha utilizado en ningún caso
la biblioteca musical que ofrece la plataforma.
Figura 5.
Posts
sobre información meteorológica y pantalla dividida verticalmente, del 9 de octubre
de 2024 (izquierda) y
posts
con cambio de fondo y grafismos (derecha).
Source: Instagram @a3noticias
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e “original” posts have subjects revolving around the following topics: current events (one), international (one), society
(one), science and technology (two), and the weather (ten). Posts on this last are usually made by
Roberto Brasero and
Mercedes Martín, the journalists who regularly present the weather forecast on television news programmes. Weather posts
do normally strive to adapt the content to the new medium. ey divide the screen vertically; while they appear speaking to the
camera in the upper part, stock images or the weather map appear beneath. Posts on the other topics show a journalist from
the social media team in a medium or American shot, with a changing background (still or moving) related to the news story
in question, sometimes incorporating graphics (Figure 5). Furthermore, six of the posts
include music; in fact, they are the only
ones in the entire sample that incorporate that narrative element. However, this is music that was added to the video before it
was posted; the music library oered by the platform was not used in any way.
Figure 5. Posts
about weather information and vertically split screen, from October 9, 2024 (left) and posts
with changing
backgrounds and graphics (right)
Fuente:
Instagram @a3noticias.
Otra cuestión a destacar en lo que respecta a este tipo de publicaciones creadas para Instagram es que
se ha identificado una sección nueva denominada
“Top News”.
Se trata de
posts
en los que aparece
un periodista en un plano medio o plano americano para presentar los principales titulares del día,
pero la singularidad viene en que este contenido informativo es precedido por un contenido
publicitario de patrocinadores (Figura 6). De hecho, es el propio presentador el que avisa al inicio del
vídeo de este co
ntenido con la frase: “un anuncio y empezamos con las noticias”.
Figura 6.
Publicaciones ‘Top News’, 7 de octubre de 2024 (izquierda) y 10 de octubre de 2024
(derecha).
Source: Instagram @a3noticias
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Another noteworthy aspect of these Instagram posts is the emergence of a new section called “Top News”. ese posts feature a
journalist in a medium or American shot presenting the day’s main headlines, but the unique feature is that this news content
is preceded by advertising from sponsors (Figure 6). In fact, the presenter himself announces this at the beginning of the video
with the phrase: “One commercial and we’ll get to the news.”
Figure 6. ‘Top News’ posts, October 7, 2024 (left) and October 10, 2024 (right)
Fuente:
Instagram @a3noticias.
Estas no son las únicas publicaciones publicitarias identificadas en el perfil de @a3noticias, sino que
también se han contabilizado otras
tres
puramente publicitarias. Tanto estas como las anteriores
aparecen con el
hashtag
#publi en su descripción. Ahora bien, a la hora de analizar la interacción que
han recibido el conjunto de publicaciones de Antena 3 Noticias se ha comprobado que este tipo de
contenido no es bien recibido por parte de los usuarios de redes sociales. De hecho, son los que peores
valores han registrado en cuanto a
likes
y comentarios del global de la muestra, como posteriormente
se abordará.
En relación a la utilización de etiquetas o
hashtags
, menciones y emoticonos, los resultados reflejan
que este tipo de recursos aparecen en todas las publicaciones, aunque con diferente presencia. En lo
que respecta a las etiquetas, han sido utilizadas en cincuenta y nueve de los
sesenta
posts
analizados
(el 98,3 %). Estas aparecen en el texto que acompaña al contenido audiovisual, y son los más repetidos
los que aparecen en la tabla 3. Lo mismo sucede con los emoticonos, cuya presencia se ha encontrado
en cincuenta y ocho publicaciones. Por el contrario, las menciones no han sido tan frecuentes, y se
utilizan
solo en
veinticinco
posts
. Las más repetidas en este caso han sido las realizadas a los
presentadores de los informativos Vicente Vallés
–
@vicentevallestv
–
(cuatro
) y Sandra Golpe
–
@sandra_golpe
–
(tres
) y a los meteorólogos Roberto Brasero
–
@tiempobrasero
–
(tres
) y Mercedes
Martín
–
@mercedesmartin_
–
(tres
). Ahora bien, no se observa el seguimiento de una estrategia a la
hora de decidir cuándo aparecen las menciones y cuándo no, sino que parece algo más bien aleatorio.
Respecto a la opción de geolocalizar que ofrece Instagram, no ha sido utilizada en ninguna
publicación de la muestra objeto de estudio.
Hashtags
Número
#antena3noticias
56
#news
35
#noticias
35
#españa
25
#actualidad
21
Source: Instagram @a3noticias
ese are not the only sponsored posts identied on the @a3noticias prole; three other purely promotional posts were also
observed. Both these and the previous ones feature the hashtag
#publi
. However, when analysing the interaction with all of
Antena 3 Noticias’ posts, it was found that this type of content is not well-received by social media users. In fact, they registered
the worst values in terms of likes
and comments of the entire sample, as will be discussed later.
e results show that such resources as hashtags
,
mentions, and emoticons appear in all the posts, although with varying
frequency. Hashtags were used in 59 of the 60 posts
analysed (98.3%). ey appear in the text accompanying the audiovisual
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content, the most frequently used are those listed in Table 4. e same is true for emoticons, found in 58 posts. In contrast,
mentions were not as frequent, appearing in only 25 posts. e most frequent mentions in this case were of news anchors
Vicente Vallés –@vicentevallestv– (four) and Sandra Golpe –@sandra_golpe– (three), and meteorologists Roberto Brasero
–@tiempobrasero– (three) and Mercedes Martín –@mercedesmartin– (three). However, there appears to be no strategy behind
the timing of mentions; it seems rather random. Instagram’s geolocation feature was not used in any of the posts within the
study sample.
Table 4. Most used hashtags
in posts
HashtagsNumber
#antena3noticias56
#news35
#noticias35
#españa25
#actualidad21
Source: Created by the authors, 2024
As regards user interaction with the posts, the ones under study received an average of 86,300 views, 1,774 likes, and 45
comments. However, there is a signicant dierence between the posts
with the best interaction gures and those that
performed worst. A comparison reveals that the ve posts with the fewest user reactions were the advertising posts mentioned
earlier. Conversely, the ve
with the most interactions are far more diverse. e one with the most reactions was an “original”
Instagram post about the weather, concerning Storm Kirk; while the next four posts in terms of interaction volume were from
the cultural news programme itself, also about the weather.
Finally, it is interesting to note that both the “recycled” news posts
and the native ones created for Instagram include subtitles;
an option that this social media platform currently oers and that allows their automatic inclusion in all videos, a technical-
narrative example of taking advantage of the potential that Instagram oers when posting.
5. Conclusions
Decades have passed since the rst television news broadcasts, in which the newsreader remained seated at all times, a
talking head, reading the news directly to camera from a printed sheet of paper. News programmes have gradually adapted
and changed, driven by technological advances, especially those of the last decade linked to digital convergence, which has
led to increasingly demanding audiences (Marín, 2020). Consequently, research on the subject requires constant updating.
e analysis carried out here on Antena 3 Noticias (“Noticias 1” and “Noticias 2”) has allowed the identication of similarities
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and, more so, dierences between the narrative structure of their television news broadcasts and that of the posts on their
Instagram prole, addressing both format disparities and narrative divergences. But not only that. e main distinguishing
feature of the study is its comparative perspective with the posts on the Instagram prole (@a3noticias). is is because the
current strategy is to oer news through a multi-screen system that captures the attention of younger people who have stopped
consuming it on television (Martínez-Estrella
et al.
, 2023). is reality, in turn, necessitates studies that allow for theoretical
advancement, since, among other things, social media platforms imply a new way of narrating and, therefore, of creating news
content, linked to the technical potential oered by these platforms (Rodríguez-Fidalgo
et al.
, 2023).
e results obtained indicate that advances related to the format and handling of news content in television news programmes
stem from a pursuit of narrative dynamism that aects both form and content. While typical sections such as society, and
national and international politics are still present, new ones like “e Good News” are emerging. ese are presented in
increasingly shorter formats with constant visual changes that aect, among other things, the role of the presenter, who
now has the freedom to move around the 180º screen-studio, directly aecting news presentation within this mise-en-scène
(García
et al.
, 2023; Molares Cardoso
et al.
, 2020). In other words, the news programmes analysed are characterised, in
terms of their television production, by visual dynamism, planned staging, presenters who stand and interact with the large
screens, continuous live connections, and a greater presence of graphics. e ndings of this study align with research on the
sensationalisation of news on television (Mori, 2020), a phenomenon that, in light of the results obtained, far from waning,
appears to be intensifying. Closely related to this trend, the use of immersive technologies such as AR in news broadcasts
raises new questions about their practical application and their impact on news storytelling. e ndings of this study
coincide with those of Marín (2020), who points to a trend toward the sensationalisation of news programmes, thanks in part
to the incorporation of all these resources. In that author’s words, “those responsible for television news, especially on the
major networks, must strive increasingly to oer something new and impactful” (Marín, 2020, p. 13). e analysis conducted
has shown that AR primarily serves an aesthetic function, insofar as there has been no real use of this resource in terms of
interaction by journalists (Herrero de la Fuente and Jiménez Narros, 2022). is contrasts with the ndings of other authors,
such as Gastaka
et al.
(2020), who did identify its use from a narrative perspective through the presenter’s interaction with AR
in Antena 3’s news coverage of the ‘Julen case’. e integration of this narrative resource highlights the genre’s development,
where relevance now lies not so much in the sensationalisation of content, but fundamentally in the technical improvement of
how journalists handle it (Martín Ramallal and Micaletto Belda, 2022).
Production of multi-screen content is closely related to the object of study; it is a phenomenon stemming from the consolidation
of digital technologies that has diversied news consumption across multiple devices. One of the recent challenges for television
networks has been to oer their content accessibly and at any time, something that came to the fore with the arrival of mobile
phones and the now well-established use of social media. However, results have revealed a novel narrative strategy in the
identication of QR codes introduced by the network. is resource attracts web trac to the website by redirecting viewers
so they can access more information on another platform, thereby also increasing their audience on that medium (Gallardo-
Camacho and Melendo-Rodríguez-Carmona, 2023). It is therefore evident that users consume content on multiple devices
simultaneously, but in dierent ways. e trend is reected in the shift of practices previously conned to social media toward
new on-screen narrative resources, which require the use of mobile phones to interact with the content. is phenomenon
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allows for a reinterpretation of the classic concept of meta-narrative, encompassing both the potential for consumption across
multiple platforms and the fragmented nature of the message itself. However, this research adopts a critical stance toward the
use of QR codes in news broadcasts, dening them as a transmedia experiment that functions more as a tool of “perceived
modernity” than as a resource of real functional utility within the eld of journalism. e lack of clear evidence as to whether
the audience actually interrupts linear consumption to scan these codes calls into question their true eectiveness in the
information process.
Considering the comparative perspective combined with the ndings related to news coverage on Instagram, this study
allows for a discussion of the extent to which Antena 3 Noticias is leveraging the tools oered by this social medium, but
not by television broadcasts. e above comparison reveals a lack of a narrative strategy for creating content tailored to the
platform. is is evident when TV news items are simply “dumped” onto Instagram without considering, for example, the
vertical format required for videos on the platform. In general, recommendations related to digital writing are not followed,
specically regarding the strategic use of hashtags
,
mentions, and geolocation to achieve greater impact on the social media
audience and thus viralise content. Based on these ndings, this study concurs with Luginbühl (2024) that media outlets—
such as Antena 3 Noticias—attempt to adapt to the logic of social media, but ultimately continue to rely on established news
practices. Regarding native Instagram content, while it presents a better narrative approach to news, it is striking that it is used
not as a new format, but as an advertising vehicle for the network’s sponsors. is hinders the proper application of audiovisual
storytelling, understood as adapting language to the platform’s capabilities without compromising informational rigour. ese
ndings prompt further reection on whether the obligation to be present on all platforms better informs citizens or not,
especially if it results in the decient use of audiovisual storytelling in favour of advertising logic.
Finally, this study has some limitations, stemming from both the small sample size and its primarily exploratory nature.
Nevertheless, the results obtained open up several avenues for future research: it would be worthwhile to extend the analysis
period and incorporate qualitative interviews with producers to gain a deeper understanding of the organisational structure of
newsrooms. Similarly, comparative studies with other networks are suggested to determine the extent to which this model of
content recycling and subordination of quality to sensationalism constitutes a widespread practice in contemporary Spanish
digital journalism.
6. Acknowledgements
is article was translated by Brian O’Halloran, whom we thank for his work.
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7. Specic contributions by each author
First name
&
surname
Conception & design of the studyMª Isabel Rodríguez Fidalgo y Adriana Paíno Ambrosio
Methodology
Mª Isabel Rodríguez Fidalgo y Adriana Paíno Ambrosio
Data collection & analysisAdriana Paíno Ambrosio y Adriana Paíno Ambrosio
Discussion & conclusionsMª Isabel Rodríguez Fidalgo y Adriana Paíno Ambrosio
Writing, formatting, revision & approval of versionsAdriana Paíno Ambrosio y Mª Isabel Rodríguez Fidalgo
8. Conict of interest
e authors declare that they have no conict of interest.
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