When youth choose to disconnect: Dynamics of News Avoidance on
social media
Cuando los jóvenes deciden no informarse. Dinámicas de un no a las noticias en
redes sociales
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nº 43, pp. 395-417
| 395
July-December of 2026
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
How to cite this article:
Gómez, R. and Benavides, C. (2026). When youth choose to disconnect: Dynamics of News Avoidance on social media.
Doxa Comunicación
,
43, pp. 395-417.
https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.3531
Rocío Gómez
is a journalist and holds a PhD in Communication (Universidad de los Andes, Chile). She is currently a
professor at the School of Communication of the Universidad de los Andes, Santiago de Chile. Her research interests
are focused on audiences’ news consumption on social media. In her doctoral dissertation, she studied incidental news
consumption and news avoidance among young people. She is also part of a Latin American research network focused
on understanding the news practices of communication students.
Universidad de los Andes, Chile
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0003-1602-3357
Cristóbal Benavides
is a Full Professor at the School of Communication of the Universidad de los Andes, Santiago de
Chile. He holds a Master in Media Management and a PhD in Communication (University of Navarra). He has been
Visiting Professor at dierent Universities. His research interests are focused on Media Management, Innovation,
Engagement and Leadership. He has published scientic papers in Chile and in international journals, chapters in books
and handbooks edited by prestigious publishers. Professor Benavides is a regular consultant for the media industry, and
he had developed statistical reports and professional training courses for dierent actors of the eld..
Universidad de los Andes, Chile
[email protected]
ORCID:
0000-0001-5573-6785
is content is published under Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License. International License CC BY-NC 4.0
Recibido: 30/12/2025 - Aceptado: 16/03/2026 - En edición: 15/06/2026 - Publicado: 01/07/2026
Resumen:
En un contexto de sobreabundancia de información en el que las audien
-
cias tienen distintas maneras de acceder a la información, la evitación de
noticias se está posicionado como una actividad frecuente, principalmen
-
te para los más jóvenes. Aunque existe una preocupación por su incremen
-
to, aún se requiere evidencia que no sólo caracterice esta práctica, sino
que también considere otras variables del consumo informativo en redes
Received: 30/12/2025 - Accepted: 16/03/2026 - Early access: 15/06/2026 - Published: 01/07/2026
Abstract:
In the context of information overload, where audiences have
multiple ways of accessing information, news avoidance has become
an increasingly frequent activity, particularly among young people.
Although there is concern about its growth, further evidence is still
needed not only to characterize this practice but also to consider other
variables related to news consumption on social media. In this regard,
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1. Introduction
News avoidance is a growing practice in digital environments, partly due to the possibility of accessing information through
various platforms and the role of algorithms in the volume of content displayed on social media (Weeks and Lane, 2020; Lege
and Ibrahim, 2024). As a result, a sense of information overload has been established among audiences (Ohme
et al.
, 2022;
Schäfer
et al.
, 2024). As evidenced by the Digital News Report (Newman
et al.
, 2025), levels of news avoidance are the highest
on record, reaching 40% globally.
Although this is a topic of study that has generated interest for research, there are still no conclusive ndings regarding its
conceptualisation (Palmer
et al.
, 2023; Vliegenthart
et al.
, 2025). Neither has it regarded its impacts, for example, on journalistic
work (Andersen
et al.
, 2024; Sui
et al.
, 2024; Palmer and Edgerly, 2024), on politics or on disinformation (Damstra
et al.
, 2023;
Hasell and Halversen, 2024).
Whilst the reasons behind this have been identied (Carbone
et al.
, 2024), less research has reviewed the dierent types
of avoidance and audiences (Skovsgaard and Andersen, 2020; Edgerly, 2023; Hopmann
et al.
, 2024). Findings to date have
focused more on the United States and Europe than on Latin America (Orchard
et al.
, 2025). us further exploration becomes
necessary (To and Kalogeropoulos, 2020; Gorski and omas, 2022; To
et al.
, 2023; Li
et al.
, 2024).
In this regard, this study aims to analyse news avoidance among young Chileans, as this group is among those who most
frequently report avoiding current aairs in Latin America (Newman
et al.
, 2025). Based on 385 surveys, the study examines
the characteristics of news consumption among this group, identifying the types of avoidance (selective and occasional), the
main reasons behind the practice, and the specic actions that they take to distance themselves from the content.
sociales. En esa línea, esta investigación pretende analizar la evitación de
noticias de los jóvenes entre los 18 y 24 años de la Región Metropolitana
de Chile. Los resultados de 385 encuestas muestran que la evitación con
-
sistente es poco frecuente y que más bien, este grupo intenta alejarse de los
contenidos de manera selectiva y ocasional, cuando las noticias les pare
-
cen muy negativas o porque tienen un impacto en su salud mental. Para
lograrlo, desarrollan acciones especícas en sus redes sociales, las que van
desde el scroll hasta dejar de seguir cuentas de medios. Estos hallazgos
contribuyen en la comprensión de la evasión desde la autoidenticación,
para distinguirla del nivel de revisión de medios y el consumo incidental.
Además, entrega nuevos antecedentes en América Latina, región en la que
el tema ha sido escasamente abordado.
Palabras clave:
Evitación de noticias, jóvenes, prácticas informativas, redes sociales,
consumo informativo.
this study aims to analyze news avoidance among young people aged
18 to 24 in the Metropolitan Region of Chile. e results of 385 surveys
show that consistent avoidance is infrequent; instead, this group tends
to distance itself from news content in a selective and occasional,
particularly when news perceived as highly negative or when it aects
their mental health. To do so, they develop specic actions on social
media, ranging from scrolling past content to unfollowing news media
accounts. ese ndings contribute to the understanding of news
avoidance from a self-identication perspective, distinguishing it
from levels of news consumption while considering incidental news.
In addition, the study provides new evidence from Latin America, a
region where this topic has been scarcely addressed.
Keywords:
News avoidance, young people, news practice, news consumption.
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Analysing young people’s news-related practices can generate valuable data to guide the media industry and support its
sustainability (Catalina-García
et al.
, 2021). is group has the potential to reect news trends in the near future (Eddy,
2023; Goirizelaia
et al.
, 2025) and drive innovation in news formats, given the prevalent role that the media play as sources of
information (Duvekot
et al.
, 2024; Itzkowitz
et al.
, 2024).
2. eoretical framework
2.1. Conceptualisation and typology of news avoidance
e denition of news avoidance has taken various approaches, depending on consumption patterns or the frequency with
which individuals claim to distance themselves from current aairs (Palmer and To, 2020; Edgerly, 2022) and its understanding
as a practice integrated with other news-related activities (To and Kalogeropoulus, 2020; Aharoni
et al.
, 2020; Vandenplas
et
al.
, 2021).
One of the commonly used denitions is that proposed by Skovsgaard and Andersen (2020), who understand it as a low level of
intentional news consumption over a period. However, this phenomenon has recently been approached through consumption
proles to distinguish the various nuances associated with avoidance (De Bruin
et al.
, 2025; Vliegenthart
et al.
, 2025).
In this sense, avoidance can take dierent forms. One of these focuses on intentionality, where people decide to distance
themselves from the news or prefer other content (Skovsgaard and Andersen, 2020; Edgerly, 2023; Gorski, 2023).
Alternatively, assessment of this practice could involve its temporal nature. Such approach evaluates whether it occurs
consistently or continuously over time (Skovsgaard and Andersen, 2022; Newman
et al.
, 2023; Andersen
et al.
, 2024) or whether
it occurs in specic or occasional circumstances (Skovsgaard and Andersen, 2022; Andersen
et al.
, 2024) Furthermore, it may
arise selectively in response to topics (Schäfer
et al.
, 2024) that generate saturation (Boczkowski, 2022) or negative emotions in
audiences (Ohme
et al.
, 2022; Villi
et al.
, 2021; De Bruin
et al.
, 2024).
ese distinctions demonstrate that avoidance is a practice dependent on multiple factors. Research in this eld has
categorised these into contextual and individual factors (Villi
et al.
, 2021; Skovsgaard and Andersen, 2022; Gorski, 2023). At
the contextual level, the media supply and system (Palmer and To, 2022; Villi
et al.
, 2021) and elements related to news
consumption cultures (To and Kalogeropoulos, 2020; Lee, 2024) exert an inuence.
On the other hand, individual factors are linked to demographic characteristics such as age or gender, being more prevalent
among young people (Espeland, 2024; Hopmann
et al.
, 2024) and women (Chan
et al.
, 2021; Beattie
et al.
, 2024). Moreover, the
media perceptions (Serrano Puche, 2020) inuence this, as do trust in the content received from them (Park
et al.
, 2024) and
the emotions evoked by the news, which are generally negative (Carbone
et al.
, 2024; Fayne, 2024).
Avoidance is manifested through specic actions, by means of which people feel they can control the content of their news
intake (Lee
et al.
, 2019). ese may involve partial decisions, such as regulating the amount of time spent on the news, or
general decisions, for example, by stopping media checking or turning o notications (Nguyen
et al.
, 2023; Newman
et al.
,
2023).
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2.2. Characteristics of news avoidance in Latin America
Most research on news avoidance has focused on this information-seeking practice in the United States and Europe,
highlighting the need for studies centred on the specic characteristics in Latin America (Orchard
et al.
, 2025).
From a regional perspective, studies oer evidence-based ndings that bring together several countries, for example, on
university students studying Communication (Investigar en red, 2025; Gómez
et al.
, 2026). e majority of these students
reveal that they avoid the news due to its negativity and topics that provoke debate. Among the most frequently mentioned are
politics, wars and topics reminiscent of the pandemic.
ere are specic references in Argentina, such as the study by Villi
et al.
(2021), that explains the causes of this phenomenon
as linked to the perception of corruption in politics. Separately, in Chile, the ndings focus on specic circumstances such as
the pandemic (Peña, Lillo and Guzmán, 2022; Rocamora
et al.
, 2023) and migration (Sibrian
et al.
, 2024).
Others, in smaller numbers, have focused on characterising the practice, with their results showing that avoidance is mostly
intentional but limited to specic topics, meaning that only a smaller group avoids news in general (Mellado and Cruz, 2024a;
Mellado and Cruz, 2025). Moreover, it has become clear that distancing oneself from the news is not necessarily linked to low
news consumption (Mellado and Cruz, 2024b).
2.3. News avoidance among young people
News avoidance among young people is associated with the level of consumption (Shehata, 2016; Edgerly
et al.
, 2017) and
news repertoires (Vandenplas
et al.
, 2021), as one of the activities forming part of news routines (Aharoni
et al.
, 2020) or as
a strategy in the context of information overload (Albarello, 2020). Consequently, there is a clear need to understand the
nuances of avoidance and to distinguish it from consumption, as it does not imply an intention to distance oneself from
current aairs (De Bruin
et al.
, 2024). Such is particularly evident among young people due to the general characteristics of
their news consumption, which is linked to a lack of established routines (Bengtsson and Johansson, 2024), thereby facilitating
incidental encounters on social media (Ceballos-del-Cid
et al.
, 2025).
Research focusing on this group shows that this practice primarily stems from inuenced by emotional factors, including
negativity, information overload, and a preference for engaging in activities unrelated to the news (Schrøder and Ørsten, 2016;
Vandenplas
et al.
, 2021; Kormelink and Gunnewiek, 2022; Pérez Altable
et al.
, 2024). Besides, this practice varies according to
the context. For instance, during the pandemic, critical shifts in the moments when young people decide to stay informed or
not were linked to the overabundance of information and its negativity (Vandenplas
et al.
, 2021).
Consequently, their motivations for turning away from content dier from those found in other groups, where, for example,
it derives from perceptions of quality (Goyanes
et al.
, 2023; Setianto and Praceka, 2023), trust (Salaverría
et al.
, 2024) or the
media system (Palmer and To, 2022). Particularly among young Latin Americans, this has been studied in communication
students (Investigar en red, 2025; Gómez
et al.
, 2026), demonstrating that news avoidance is primarily selective in response
their perceived negativity, for which they develop coping or protective strategies to manage the volume of received information.
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Meanwhile, research in Chile shows that this is a very common practice among young people aged 18 to 24, making it one of
the leading countries in the region (Newman
et al.
, 2025). Furthermore, as stated, this demographic group avoids news content
because they are not interested in it, due to a lack of time, and because they consider the news to be biased (Ciclos UDP, 2022).
3. Methodology
3.1. Objectives and research questions
e overall objective of this study is to analyse news avoidance among young Chileans aged between 18 and 24 living in the
Metropolitan Region of Chile. To this end, three specic objectives were established: 1) To characterise the news consumption
of those who claim to avoid the news, 2) To analyse the types of avoidance (consistent, selective and occasional), and 3) To
identify the factors that explain this practice.
Although there is some general background information; to explore this practice in greater depth, we have formulated the
following questions:
Q1. How do young people in Chile, who claim to avoid the news, keep themselves informed?
Q2. Which type of avoidance (consistent, selective or occasional) is most common among young people in Chile?
Q3. What factors lead young people in Chile to want to avoid the news?
3.2. Population and sample characteristics
To answer these questions, the present exploratory study employed self-administered questionnaires. Although their use
presents certain disadvantages, such as low response rates (Feria
et al.
, 2020) and a lack of control over the context in which
participants respond (Malegarie and Fernández, 2019), they facilitate the process of data collection, analysis and processing,
along with reducing interviewer bias (Pozzo
et al.
, 2018) and improving coverage (Díaz de Rada, 2021).
e studied population were people between 18 and 24 years old, residing in the Metropolitan Region. In Chile, according to
the most recent census data, there are 1,897,114 young people in this age group, primarily located in the Metropolitan Region
(804,155), Valparaíso (200,624), BioBío (171,891), Maule (103,187) and La Araucanía (101,284). In terms of educational level,
according to the tenth Chilean Government’s
Encuesta Nacional de las Juventudes
[National Youth Survey], the proportion of
young people with a complete or incomplete university education is at the highest levels on record (
Instituto Nacional de la
Juventud
[Chile’s National Youth Institute], 2022).
Furthermore, this group tends to own more technological devices than the general population, primarily
smartphones
(
Consejo Nacional de Television
[Chilean National Television Council], 2018). In the country, internet penetration stands at a
remarkable 95% (Fernández and Núñez-Mussa, 2025), and many youngsters access the internet due to the total penetration
rate of 112.36 per 100 inhabitants (Subtel, 2026), which indicates coverage of 100% and suggests widespread use, with some
members of the population having more than one active line or connection. Hence, as studies in this eld show (Portman and
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Veneti, 2022; Anter and Kümpel, 2023; Hendrickx, 2025; Itzkowitz
et al.
, 2024), this segment most clearly reects changes in
information-seeking practices, including news avoidance (Schrøder and Ørsten, 2016; Hopmann
et al.
, 2024).
Regarding the sampling method used, this was non-probabilistic convenience sampling, considering certain reference
parameters to estimate the sample size. Using data from the Census, the population size of those aged 18–24, in the Metropolitan
Region of Chile, was calculated, and a condence level of 95%, a margin of error of 5% and a scenario of maximum heterogeneity
(p=0.5; q=0.5) were established. e nal sample comprises the responses of 385 participants.
3.3. Characteristics of the data collection instrument
e questionnaire included 34 questions, 30 of which were closed-ended and 4 were open-ended. Among the closed-ended
items, 6 were dichotomous, 24 were multi-item, and 16 responded to a ve-point Likert scale. In addition, sociodemographic
variables, namely, gender, age, educational level and occupation, were considered.
e survey posed three thematic sections: characteristics of information behaviour, news consumption and news avoidance.
is structure responds to the need highlighted in previous studies (such as Edgerly, 2023; Ohme
et al.
, 2023; Andersen
et al.
,
2024) to address consumption and avoidance jointly, as this is a practice integrated into various information routines (To and
Kalogeropoulus, 2020; Aharoni
et al.
, 2020; Vandenplas
et al.
, 2021).
Regarding information behaviour, the study considered the social media platforms used, the time spent on these platforms,
the devices used to access news, reasons for viewing and seeking out news, and the sources of news access (intentional or
incidental).
To measure news consumption (which used a ve-point Likert scale where 1 = Never and 5 = Very frequently), the questions
focused on the following media and platforms (examples were provided in each case so that respondents could consider them
when answering): Free-to-air television (e.g. TVN), cable television (e.g.
24 horas
), print media (e.g.
El Mercurio
), radio (e.g.
Bio Bio), online versions of traditional media (e.g.
Emol.com
), online-only media (e.g.
elmostrador.cl
,
eldesconcierto.cl
, etc.),
news podcasts from media outlets, traditional media accounts (e.g. Bio Bio’s X account), independent or alternative media
accounts on social media, and
inuencers.
Likewise, the survey regarded consumption on Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, X,
YouTube and TikTok.
Furthermore, as incidental consumption is a type of news access increasingly characteristic of young people (Farias-Batlle
et al.
, 2024), the questionnaire also incorporates this category. Questions about that type of consumption focused on the
frequency of encounter, the social media platforms on which it occurs, and the activities associated with the discovery.
Similarly, questions encompassed perceptions of information. Namely, the survey addressed interest in the news (measured
on a ve-point Likert scale where 1 = Not at all interested and 5 = Very interested), and trust in the media mentioned previously
(using a ve-point Likert scale where 1 = Not at all trustworthy and 5 = Very trustworthy).
Specically, news avoidance comprised ve dimensions identied in previous research. Firstly, assessment of intentionality
was based on self-identication (Skovsgaard and Andersen, 2020) using a dichotomous question with two response categories
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(yes/no). e frequency of avoidance (Gorski, 2023) was also included, on a ve-point Likert scale (where 1 = Never and 5 =
Very frequently).
One of the complexities in conceptualising avoidance lies in how to operationalise it and its relationship with news
consumption. To address this, the research approaches it from the perspective of participants’ self-identication of the
practice, which is particularly useful in exploratory research (Skovsgaard and Andersen, 2022). Consequently, it is possible to
identify the nuances or typology and, thereby, distinguish it from consumption. As noted, the two are not necessarily linked,
but may instead constitute intermittent behaviour (To and Kalogeropoulos, 2020), particularly among young people (Aharoni
et al.
, 2020; Vandenplas
et al.
, 2021).
e typology (consistent, selective or occasional) was also included, i.e., the time and topics in relation to which it may occur
(Skovsgaard and Andersen, 2022; Andersen
et al.
, 2024; Schäfer
et al.
, 2024; Mellado and Cruz, 2024). Selective avoidance was
measured using a ve-point Likert scale. Meanwhile, two questions regarded occasional avoidance: a dichotomous (yes/no)
question and an open-ended question, for participants to specify the time when they engage in the practice.
Other questions focused on the emotions that explain why they decide to avoid the news (Villi
et al.
, 2021; Gorski, 2023),
including the actions taken to achieve this avoidance (Lee
et al.
, 2020). ese items were measured using multiple-choice
questions with an open-ended option (other’).
e questions used to measure avoidance were as follows: 1) Do you intentionally avoid the news? 2) How often have you
intentionally avoided the news? 3) How often do you intentionally avoid news on the following topics? 4) Do you avoid the
news at any particular time? 5) At what times do you avoid the news? 5) When you avoid the news, for what reasons do you
do so?, 6)
What emotions lead you to avoid the news?, and 7) If you try to intentionally avoid the news, which of the following
activities do you engage in on social media?
e survey was disseminated via social media and through a collaborative eort with
Televisión Nacional de Chile
(TVN)
[Chile’s National Television], which published it on their news website (24
horas.cl
) and on Facebook.
3.4. Data analysis
e quantitative analysis process consisted of two stages. e rst involved data cleaning of the dataset downloaded from
SurveyMonkey, discarding incomplete survey responses. In this regard, 694 people accessed the questionnaire, of whom 467
completed it; after applying the inclusion criteria for age and region, 385 met the minimum number required for the sample
to be valid, as previously calculated and presented. Of the participants in this study, 216 were women (56.1%), 167 were men
(43.4%) and two preferred not to state their gender (0.5%).
Subsequently, the conducted descriptive statistical analyses implied examining the distributions of frequency, mean, mode,
media and standard deviation to assess the dispersion of the data. is process led to gaining a general understanding of the
participants in this study.
Also, inferential analyses took place using various tests (Mann-Whitney U test, Kruskal-Wallis test, Wilcoxon test, Friedman
test, Spearman’s correlation and chi-square test). e statistical software used was
RStudio.
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In terms of the treatment of variables measured using a Likert scale, the original categories were used in the analysis, without
recording, to preserve the variability of the responses.
Gender was incorporated into the analysis as a segmenting variable to explore possible dierences in news consumption and
news avoidance. is decision aligns with ndings from other studies in the eld, which indicate that women tend to avoid the
news to a greater extent than men (Serrano Puche, 2020; Chan
et al.
, 2021; Beattie
et al.
, 2024).
In the case of responses to the open-ended question on occasional avoidance (When do you avoid the news?’), the information
collected was categorised using inductive analysis. e coding unit was the participant’s full response, as it referred to a specic
moment and, therefore, each unit presented a single theme, which facilitated its assignment. Two researchers specialised in
journalism and audiences carried out the coding.
e 73 responses to this question fell into four categories. Firstly, “specic moments in the routine” refers to the temporal
distribution and daily activities. Consequently, the inclusion criteria were time slots (morning, evening), physiological activities
(eating, sleeping), occupation (study, work) and periods of rest or leisure (public holidays, holidays and social activities).
A second category was termed “moods”, which refers to individual factors. e inclusion criteria were specic references to
emotions such as anxiety, sadness, tiredness, stress or overwhelm. Meanwhile, a third classication was that of “perceptions of
media coverage and/or public discussions”, which addresses avoidance of content, tone or the perceived quality of news. e
inclusion criteria were polarisation, specic topics classied as negative and repetition of themes.
Finally, the fourth category refers to “social context”, which relates to disruptive situations at a social or political level. e
inclusion criteria were mentions of periods of instability, chaos or tragedies. Simultaneously, for items measured using
multiple-choice questions with open-ended text (other), the analysis proceeded using inductive thematic coding.
e ethical requirements for researchers conducting self-administered surveys remained present, as these require greater
attention, control and honesty when collecting and analysing the data obtained (Frippiat and Marquis, 2010). e platform
used ensures data storage security, privacy and reliability. To ensure the integrity of the process, the informed consent form,
reviewed by the Scientic Ethics Committee of the University of the Andes, Chile (Reference: CEC2024076), is presented before
the survey begins.
4. Results
4.1. Characteristics of news avoidance
e results of this study show that news avoidance is not a widespread practice among young people. Only 29% (n=110) state
that they intentionally avoid the news, and following a chi-square test, there is no evidence of signicant dierences according
to gender (X
2
(2, n=385)=3.40, p=.183).
Most of those who claim to avoid the news state that they sometimes (49%) steer clear of current aairs content, as shown in
Figure 1.
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Figure 1. Frequency of news avoidance among those who intentionally avoid the news (n=110)
Most of those who claim to avoid the news state that they sometimes (49%) steer clear of
current affairs content, as shown in Figure 1.
Figure 1
Frequency of news avoidance among those who intentionally avoid the news (n=110)
Source
: Author’s own work.
The frequency of avoidance (measured on a five
-
point Likert scale) had a mean of 3.42
(SD=0.95), suggesting that this is a moderate practice within this group. Furthermore, the
standard deviation indicates some heterogeneity in the responses, reflecting that avoidance
does not manifest with the same intensity across this group of young people.
To explore the characteristics of this practice in greater depth, the strategies used to distance
oneself from the news became worthy of examination. To this end, a multiple
-
choice
question,
with an open
-
ended response option (other’), was used. The item formulated the
following
: ‘If you intentionally try to avoid the news, which of the following activities do
you carry out on social
media?”
The results show that the most common action is to
scroll
past the news
feed
when news
items appear (22%). Other options include checking social media less frequently (9%),
unfollowing media accounts (9%) and blocking notifications (4%). Besides, 2.7% of
respondents
(n=
3) chose to add other strategies in the open
-
ended response, relating to
specific decisions on social media. Their statements were as follows:
“selecting the option
to stop similar content from appearing”
,
“following a few news outlets”
,
and
“I read the
headline,
and if I feel the news might affect me, I scroll past it
”
(our translation
).
17%
20%
49%
14%
9%
Very often
Often
Sometimes
Rarely
Never
Source: Author’s own work
e frequency of avoidance (measured on a ve-point Likert scale) had a mean of 3.42 (SD=0.95), suggesting that this is a
moderate practice within this group. Furthermore, the standard deviation indicates some heterogeneity in the responses,
reecting that avoidance does not manifest with the same intensity across this group of young people.
To explore the characteristics of this practice in greater depth, the strategies used to distance oneself from the news became
worthy of examination. To this end, a multiple-choice question, with an open-ended response option (other’), was used. e
item formulated the following: ‘If you intentionally try to avoid the news, which of the following activities do you carry out on
social media?”
e results show that the most common action is to
scroll
past the news
feed
when news items appear (22%). Other options
include checking social media less frequently (9%), unfollowing media accounts (9%) and blocking notications (4%). Besides,
2.7% of respondents (n=3) chose to add other strategies in the open-ended response, relating to specic decisions on social
media. eir statements were as follows:
“selecting the option to stop similar content from appearing”
,
“following a few news
outlets”,
and
“I read the headline, and if I feel the news might aect me, I scroll past it
” (our translation).
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4.2. How do those who claim to avoid the news keep themselves informed?
Young people who say they avoid the news (n=110) frequently learn the news from traditional media accounts on social media
(27%), independent media accounts or alternative websites on social media (27%) and the online versions of traditional media
(24%). As for traditional media, there is a clear preference for both free-to-air (22%) and cable (16%) television, as well as radio
(16%). Meanwhile, the social media platforms on which they most frequently consume news are Instagram (60%) and TikTok
(27%).
e relationship between consumption and avoidance demanded the application of Spearman’s correlation. e results show
signicant negative correlations for free-to-air television (r
s
=-0,302,
p
=0,001) and independent or alternative media accounts
on social media (r
s
=-0,252,
p
=0,008). ere is also a negative and signicant relationship with X (r
s
=-0,199,
p
=0,037) and with
online-only media (r
s
=-0,191,
p
=0,045). ese data indicate that the higher the consumption of news specically via these
media, the less likely those who prefer them are to avoid current aairs content.
An interesting link between this practice and incidental consumption stands out among the ndings. Fifty per cent of those
who frequently avoid the news come across it on social media, which occurs primarily on Instagram (45%) and TikTok (27%).
However, there is no signicant correlation between incidental consumption (both in general and on specic social media
platforms) and the frequency of avoidance.
To analyse young people’s news-related practices, it is also important to consider other factors that inuence their information
consumption and avoidance strategies, highlighting their interest in and trust of the media. Regarding the interest of
participants who avoid the news (n=110), 36% indicate that they are not at all or only slightly interested, whilst 21% state that
they are interested or very interested. Consequently, those who most frequently avoid news content tend to have less interest
in it, as conrmed by a signicant negative correlation (r
s
=-0,333,
p
=0,001).
To compare the results regarding trust in the news amongst those who state that they intentionally avoid current aairs
content, each news outlet (traditional media, online versions and social media accounts) underwent a Mann-Whitney U test
for independent samples. In ve of the media outlets, signicant dierences exist between those who claim to avoid or not to
avoid the news, and their trust in the media, specically those listed in Table 1.
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Table 1. Mann-Whitney U test between intentional avoidance and trust in the news
Media typesU statistic
Zp-value
Average rank
(if avoids)
Average rank
(does not avoid)
Free-to-air television
177,783.5003,0350.002165.85202.40
Cable television
17,642.002.6520.008170.12 202.15
Online version of traditional
media
17,786,5002,8870.004167.80 202.41
Online media only
17,750,0002,8520.004168.14202.28
Traditional media accounts on
social media
18,233,0003,2830.001164.75204.30
Source: Author’s own calculations. e signicance level is .05.
In line with the signicant dierences in these media and the average scores, participants who claim not to avoid the news
have greater trust in the media than those who do. ese results suggest that trust is a relevant predictor of intentional news
avoidance. Among the media with the highest level of signicance, traditional media accounts on social media rank rst,
which may suggest that mistrust acts as a catalyst for avoidance in the digital environment.
Secondly, the ndings regarding free-to-air television stand out; for a section of the young audience, this is a medium they
trust and therefore consume. However, amongst those who avoid the news, the ndings may indicate scepticism towards news
coverage on this platform.
Finally, both online-only media and the online versions of traditional media have the same level of signicance; that is, those
who avoid news on websites do so across the board and harbour mistrust regardless of the news brand’s origin.
4.2. Types of news avoidance: selective and occasional
As mentioned, news avoidance can also be distinguished by type: selective, when subject avoids information on certain topics;
or occasional, when it occurs at specic times. Regarding selective avoidance, the results presented in Figure 2 show that
avoidance of celebrity news, news about politicians and their parties, and crime are the most prominent. ese classications
enable the highlighting of distinctions by section, as in the case of politics (news about politicians and their parties, the
president or the government) and national issues (such as migration, crime or accidents).
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Figure 2. Selective avoidance of news
13
Figure 2
Selective avoidance of news
Source:
Author’s own work. The results reflect the responses of those who, frequently or
very frequently, avoid the previously mentioned topics. Furthermore, participants could
select more than one option, so the percentages do not add up to 100.
Using a Spearman correlation, certain topics are evidently attached to habitual news
avoidance. The findings indicate positive and significant correlations for violence
(r
s
=-
0.308,
p
=.001), news about politicians and/or their parties
(r
s
=-
0,261,
p
=0,006), government news
(r
s
=-
0,278,
p
=0,003), news about the president
(r
s
=-
0,290,
p
=0,002.), international conflicts
(r
s
=-
0,369,
p
=0,001), international news
(r
s
=-
0,257,
p
=0,007) and accidents
(r
s
=-
0,270,
p
=0,004).
Whereas the rest do not show a significant relationship, which could indicate that topics with
a negative connotation, or those perceived as such by young people, are avoided more
frequently, unlike other content such as culture, music and the environment.
Furthermore, to compare the frequency of avoidance of different news topics by gender,
given the cited relevance of this variable cited in this matter, the Kruskal
-
Wallis test for
indep
endent samples was applied. The fifteen topics underwent tests, but significant
differences between groups were only found for sports news (H (2) = 9.27, p = 0.010). Figure
3 shows that the median for the ‘Female’ group (4.00) is higher than that for the ‘Male’ group
(2.00).
13%
14%
17%
23%
28%
39%
40%
40%
40%
44%
46%
46%
50%
52%
61%
International news
Music, TV and entertainment
Culture
International conflicts
Environment
Government news
News about the President
Migration
Accidents
Sport
Economy
Violence
Crime
Politicians and their parties
Showbiz
Source: Author’s own work. e results reect the responses of those who, frequently or very frequently, avoid the previously mentioned topics.
Furthermore, participants could select more than one option, so the percentages do not add up to 100
Using a Spearman correlation, certain topics are evidently attached to habitual news avoidance. e ndings indicate positive
and signicant correlations for violence (r
s
=-0.308,
p
=.001), news about politicians and/or their parties (r
s
=-0,261,
p
=0,006),
government news (r
s
=-0,278,
p
=0,003), news about the president (r
s
=-0,290,
p
=0,002.), international conicts (r
s
=-0,369,
p
=0,001), international news (r
s
=-0,257,
p
=0,007) and accidents (r
s
=-0,270,
p
=0,004).
Whereas the rest do not show a signicant relationship, which could indicate that topics with a negative connotation, or
those perceived as such by young people, are avoided more frequently, unlike other content such as culture, music and the
environment.
Furthermore, to compare the frequency of avoidance of dierent news topics by gender, given the cited relevance of this
variable cited in this matter, the Kruskal-Wallis test for independent samples was applied. e fteen topics underwent tests,
but signicant dierences between groups were only found for sports news (H (2) = 9.27, p = 0.010). Figure 3 shows that the
median for the ‘Female’ group (4.00) is higher than that for the ‘Male’ group (2.00).
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Figure 3. Kruskal-Wallis test for gender and the “sports” topic in news avoidance
Figure 3
Kruskal-
Wallis test for gender and the “sports” topic in news avoidance
Source
: Author’s own work.
Regarding the findings on occasional avoidance, 66% stated that they avoid the news at
certain times. To define these instances, the survey included an
open-
ended question to be
answered only by those who stated that they avoided the content in specific circumstances
(n=73).
To aid the
understanding
,
responses
were selected and divided into four categories: 1)
specific moments in the daily routine, 2) moods, 3) perceptions of media coverage and/or
public discussions, and 4) social context. The definition of the classification and the inclusion
criteria, as well as the analysis procedure, are detailed in the methodology.
A total of 73 recorded
respon
ses went through a process of selection and elimination of
duplicates (specifically for mentions of moments such as meals or stress
-
related moods).
Table 2 presents the options mentioned by the parti
cipants.
MALE
FEMALE
GENDER
RT
Source: Author’s own work
Regarding the ndings on occasional avoidance, 66% stated that they avoid the news at certain times. To dene these instances,
the survey included an open-ended question to be answered only by those who stated that they avoided the content in specic
circumstances (n=73).
To aid the understanding, responses were selected and divided into four categories: 1) specic moments in the daily routine, 2)
moods, 3) perceptions of media coverage and/or public discussions, and 4) social context. e denition of the classication
and the inclusion criteria, as well as the analysis procedure, are detailed in the methodology.
A total of 73 recorded responses went through a process of selection and elimination of duplicates (specically for mentions of
moments such as meals or stress-related moods). Table 2 presents the options mentioned by the participants.
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Table 2. Times when young people decide to avoid the news
Classication of moments to
avoid the news
Participants’ responses (our translations)
Specic times in the daily routine
•
“In the mornings”.
•
“At lunch and when I’m with my family.”
•
“When I’m working.”
•
“When I want to rest.”
•
“In the evenings”.
•
“At social events”.
•
“Holidays”.
•
“Holidays”.
Moods
•
“When I’m very tired”.
•
“When I’m feeling emotionally sensitive”.
•
“When I feel most anxious”.
•
“When I feel really mentally exhausted”.
•
“When I feel overwhelmed.”
•
“When I feel a lot of stress about the state of the world”.
Perceptions of media coverage
and/or public discussions
•
“When they talk about violence and crime.”
•
“When they talk a lot about politics. Personally, I don’t like talking or hearing
much about politics, unless it’s to inform myself about a specic issue (education,
elections, etc.)”.
•
“When it gets very repetitive.”
•
“When they only show negative things.”
Social context
•
“When there’s too much chaos because of a particular situation.”
•
“When there are major tragedies.”
•
“When an event occurs that could trigger mass xenophobic reactions”.
Source: Compiled by the author
As the ndings reveal, young people in this study primarily avoid news in contexts related to daily activities. ese circumstances
include studying and working routines, conrming once more that they engage with the news at times associated with their
needs.
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4.3. Factors explaining why young people choose to avoid the news
News avoidance analysis comprehends factors that explain why people deliberately distance themselves from the content.
Among those who say they avoid the news (n=110), the main reasons for steering clear of the content relate to the negative
impact on their mood (20%), to look after their mental health (17%), a feeling of powerlessness in the face of realities they
cannot change (12%) and because they feel it disrupts their ability to concentrate on more important things (11%).
Perceptions of the information provided by the media are also decisive; for example, when they consider the news to be
very negative (20%), because they feel it always ‘talks about the same issue’ (18%), or because they believe they cannot trust
the accuracy of the content (8%). In this regard, moods play an important role in this practice. Specically, the emotions
experienced in response to the news they avoid are anxiety (17%), frustration (15%), anger (10%), fear (9%) and sadness (8%).
is question included an open-ended response option, answered by only 9% of the sample (n=10). e collected responses
identied emerging emotions such as boredom, disappointment, hopelessness and helplessness, annoyance, laziness,
indierence, and insecurity. Within this open category, disinterest stands out, with three mentions of this term.
5. Discussion and conclusions
In relation to other studies, news avoidance is a frequent activity in young people’s information routines (Skovsgaard and
Andersen, 2022; Kormelink and Gunnewiek, 2022; Espeland, 2024; Hopmann
et al.
, 2024). However, it is essential to examine
it from the perspective of self-identication, rather than solely in terms of news consumption levels, particularly because,
as demonstrated, it occurs primarily in relation to specic topics or at particular times, rather than in a general manner.
erefore, and in response to the rst question (Q1), the research reinforces previous ndings regarding avoidance as a
phase that characterises the information practices of this demographic (To and Kalogeropoulos, 2020; Aharoni
et al.
, 2020;
Vandenplas
et al.
, 2021).
Accordingly, in response to the rst specic objective, avoidance can be complemented by incidental consumption, making
it the means by which those who distance themselves from content connect with current aairs—a nding that provides
evidence in a currently less explored area (Serrano Puche
et al.
, 2021; Goyanes
et al.
, 2023).
In response to question (Q2) and the study’s second specic objective, the most frequent types of avoidance are selective
and occasional. Young people deliberately distance themselves from news depending on the subject matter, including stories
about showbiz, politicians and their parties, and crime. Moreover, the results highlight signicant and positive correlations
with the frequency of avoidance in the case of violence, news about politicians and/or their parties, government news, news
about the president, international conicts, international news and news covering accidents.
In terms of gender, a relevant factor in this practice (Serrano Puche, 2020; Beattie
et al.
, 2024), dierences only exist in sports-
related matters. In this sense, this nding seems linked to the perception mentioned in previous research (Edgerly, 2022;
Palmer and To, 2022; To and Nielsen, 2022), which explains the avoidance of certain topics due to audiences’ perception
that the news is ‘not for me’, either due to a lack of interest or because it seems irrelevant and distant from their own identity.
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us, future studies should further examine the role of the media in shaping sports coverage from a female perspective, given
that women are under-represented compared to men (Fujak
et al.
, 2025). Additionally, this is due to gender stereotypes (Yu
and Shin, 2025), which could explain the rejection of such content.
In the case of occasional avoidance, the study conrms the signicance of news not disrupting daily activities and moods for
this group. Hence, when faced with highly repetitive coverage or social crises, they prefer to distance themselves from current
aairs content to preserve their mental health. Consequently, and in relation to the third question (Q3) and specic objective,
it is conrmed that this practice is inuenced primarily by individual factors—that is, linked to emotions such as anxiety,
frustration or sadness—and contextual factors, including the perception of media coverage and specic contexts.
Identifying certain topics that generate widespread rejection may be useful in nding answers to the questions raised in
current journalistic debates, which seek to avoid avoidance and, often, misinformation (Hendrickx, 2025). us, changes to
the tone rather than the substance would attract a greater number of young people (Røsok-Dahl, 2025) without compromising
the journalistic standards for presenting these issues. ese shifts involve a constructive perspective (focused on the context of
the information), a sense of when it is most favourable to publish them (given that avoidance occurs in specic circumstances
such as mornings and evenings) and including a greater diversity of viewpoints that represent such reality.
Although the results may provide further details on news avoidance in Latin America, it would be necessary to expand research
in the region. Comparative studies would enable the identication of similarities and dierences in this practice in relation to
political, social and cultural characteristics, enriching the analysis.
6. Acknowledgements
e author received a doctoral scholarship from the Fondo de Ayuda a la Investigación (FAI) at the Universidad de los Andes,
Chile, which funded the research on which this article is based. We would like to thank the team of data scientists at Universidad
de los Andes innovation department.
We would also like to thank Pascuala Quiroz for reviewing and proofreading the translation of this article.
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7. Specic contributions of each author
Name and Surname
Conception and design of the workRocío Gómez and Cristóbal Benavides
Methodology
Rocío Gómez
Data collection and analysisRocío Gómez
Discussion and conclusionsRocío Gómez and Cristóbal Benavides
Drafting, formatting, version review and approvalRocío Gómez and Cristóbal Benavides
8. Conict of interest
e authors declare that there is no conict of interest contained in this article.
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