1. Introduction

Advertising is a cultural agent of great social significance (Codeluppi, 2007) that studies and analyses trends to plan its creative strategies in order to empathise with its target audience (Pérez, 2019). In the current context, in a presiding culture of competitiveness, segmentation and dynamism, the product or service as a reference increasingly loses strength in communications processes, which tend to focus on social settings where citizens play a decisive role (Benavides, 2012).

In this environment, and in terms of citizenship and its representation, commercial communications do not always include discourses with different social and cultural circumstances that inhabit and enrich the contemporary situation, but rather emphasise their most hedonistic and evocative aspects:

Today, advertising conveys the veracity of its statements through metaphors that awaken the emotions that stimulate our pleasure centres. To do this, advertisers select images of happiness from around the world, use humour and help us escape from the seriousness of everyday problems (Arroyo-Almaraz, 2013: 537).

The beauty industry is a booming sector in Spain (EAE Business School, 2020), with Spain ranked the fifth European market for beauty products (Stanpa - National Association of Perfumery and Cosmetics, 2021). It is a market that meets the needs of a population subjected to the cult of physical appearance (Orbach, 2010; Magaña, 2014). Graphic advertising of brands and cosmetic products intended for women elevate artistic photography to an iconic resource par excellence, compositions where models direct consumers towards the product as subjects that embody the values of the brand (Benito, 2018). Therefore, persuasion is increased by the use of endorsers, specifically famous people or celebrities, who showcase the benefits of the brands that they trust in. These female figures, brand and beauty product ambassadors due to their seductive and aspirational nature, are framed in a diverse, mixed and plural social and cultural context in which, however, representations of hegemonic and therefore restrictive patterns and canons seem to prevail which do not represent a multicultural and disparate reality. It is through the so-called high-end women’s magazines (Hinojosa, 2008; Velasco, 2019) that this graphic advertising is channelled to the public. It is a type of specialised press within consumer publications and in contrast to those of a professional nature (Cabello, 1999) that, specifically, is conceived as ‘one of the few products of mass culture written by, for and on women, encompasses issues defined culturally as feminine and propagates ideals of femininity and beauty’ (Torres, 2007: 213). Although it is not a homogeneous sector (Montero, 2005), high-end women’s magazines share similar content, readers’ ages and formal quality of the product (Cabello, 1999), which distinguishes them from practical and youth magazines. Thus, high-end women’s magazines are aimed at an audience formed mainly by independent professional women of a mid to high social level (Plaza, 2005), interested mainly in aspects related to lifestyle, haute couture and beauty. In addition, the magazines themselves also act as social agents in the face of public opinion due to their power of prescription and opinion leadership (Menéndez and Figueras, 2013).

Thus, the evolution of the presence of celebrity endorsers in the female beauty industry from the point of view of diversity constitutes a pertinent object of study, as it is a matter of enormous validity in contemporary society.

1.1. Background of the issue

1.1.1. Representation of women in beauty advertising

From the standpoint of research on advertising communications, the representation of the female figure has been the object of analysis of a wide-ranging array of projects, with particular focus on those limited to the fields of fashion and beauty advertising. These themes also coincide with the main issues that preoccupy high-end women’s magazines in which commercial pieces are inserted (Torres, 2007; Gómez de Travesedo, 2017). Thus, we can see the consolidation of the ‘rise of somatic culture’ in the pages of these types of magazine (Martínez, 2004: 131). This is occurring in a society where the presentation and representation of the body have special significance, so much so, that the body has become ‘one of the main selling points for almost any type of product’ (Muela, 2008: 13). At the time of writing, beauty industry brands and products have opted in their advertising for the stereotypical vision of the female body (Díaz, Quintas and Muñiz, 2010; Treviños-Rodríguez and Díaz-Soloaga, 2021). This particularity has occurred not only from the perspective of women who endorse or recommend products, as influencers, but also from the perspective of target consumers.

In this sector, therefore, the representation of women’s figures has historically obeyed a hegemonic model that has to do with the obsession with perfection (Espín, Marín and Rodríguez, 2006), that reflects natural or real bodies very little and that is linked to serious problems of self-esteem, confidence and perception of one’s own body image (Sesento and Lucio, 2018). This desire for perfection is conceived as the sustenance of happiness, making physical attractiveness and the cult of the body ‘a social obligation of women’ (Faccia, 2019: 46). It is an approach to the concept of beauty as a ‘fight against nature’ (Márquez, 2007: 21), turning the passage of time into a challenge to be fought and praising youth as an achievement. Extreme thinness is added to this permanent youth (Gallego, 2009) as a body imperative (Cabrera, 2010; Soley-Beltrán, 2012; Pérez, Gabino and Baile, 2016), regularly presenting the advertising discourse of female models with unhealthy features that are controversial due to their social repercussion.

Therefore, and starting from the understanding of advertising as a mechanism for the transmission of values (Moreno and Martínez, 2012), the predominant stereotype in beauty brands and products’ communications is that of a young, thin woman with a perfect body, being all these principles conditioning personal and professional success (Bernard, Arda and Fernández, 2012) and synonyms of femininity. In addition and following the terminology of previous studies in this field (Díaz and Muñiz, 2007; Blanco, Velasco and González, 2019), this woman is usually of white ethnicity. It is an idealised canon (Montero, 2011) that, among other factors, ‘discriminates against different races, with whites prevailing and thus ignoring that there may be other types of beauty in the world’ (Martínez-Oña and Muñoz-Muñoz, 2015: 375). Specifically, and based on body complexion, ethnicity and age indicators, the current pattern of beauty proposed by graphic advertising through the high-end female magazines exhibits in its discourse a model of a size equal to or less than that typified as 36 (in Spain), of white ethnicity, exemplifying youth and both bodily and facial perfection (Vega, Barredo and Merchán, 2019a).

These bodily qualities that make up the prevailing female aesthetic canon respond to a limited and restrictive body type whose significance is such that it even associates the female body type with designated social roles (Vega, Barredo and Merchán, 2019b). This stereotypical representation contrasts with reality, since ‘the attributes shown do not correspond to the sociological reality or to what is socially desirable’ (Garrido, 2007: 57-58), ignoring both minorities and more diverse beauty canons typical of the multicultural society of the 21st century (Aparicio and Tornos, 2009). Thus, by giving priority to this Western beauty model, it can be concluded that ‘the media representation of cultural diversity does not conform to the real scale of the phenomenon in Spanish society’ (Izquierdo, 2014: 179), being underrepresented in relation to the social reality of reference (Lorite, Grau and de Sousa, 2018). Advertising ‘takes the least possible risks when representing phenotype and sociocultural diversity’ (Lorite, 2017: 8), understood as ‘the representation of different roles and genders, phenotypes and of certain groups (ethnic minorities, immigrants ...)’ (Torres-Romay, 2020: 983), which is translated in the beauty industry in a variety of silhouettes, skin tones, features and ages, through the representation of different women who ‘no longer meet aesthetic characteristics such as thinness, height and youth’ (Vargas, 2020: 3), among other qualities.

1.1.2. The use of celebrities as endorsers of beauty

Advertising using ‘a personality who endorses the product advertised as an expert, celebrity or influencer’ (Mondría, 2004: 235) is assiduously used in the commercial communication of beauty brands aimed at women through recommendations from other women. Thus, we can see in this type of messaging, women exerting their status as influencers and trend setters for other women (Vicente-Fernández and Arroyo-Almaraz, 2020). Sometimes this endorsement is carried out by celebrities or prominent personalities (Carrillat and Ilicic, 2019), who are well-known and popular, so that recipients of the commercial communications associate the attributes between brand / product and ensdorsing source (Amos, Holmes and Strutton, 2008) through a process of transfer of meanings (McCracken, 1989). Sociologically, these personalities’ fame is underscored, since it is synonymous with success and recognition (Deflem, 2017).

This long-term creative path in modern advertising (Belch and Belch, 2015), is an effective method for building a brand image (Pérez, 2015), and therefore it is a much-used resource by brands from different market sectors (Bergkvist and Zhou, 2016; Chan and Zhang, 2019). Experience, honesty and physical attractiveness are established as determiners of credibility (Zapata and Martínez, 2016), the beauty industry is a field where advertising endorsement by celebrities is of particular connotative and emotional importance. These well-known personalities’ perfect image is the most convincing argument for the sale of cosmetics, either through selling their own brands, or by working for already consolidated brands in the sector. Therefore, they are adored by fans who follow their lives and actions (Cisternas, 2017). In this regard, we see the pioneering example of the Lux soap brand, whose historical advertising used the endorsement of famous Hollywood actresses (López and Martínez, 2012) and is now part of the collective imagination of several generations.

These celebrities were prominent, among other media and formats, in the graphic advertisements of the printed press, specifically the glossy women’s magazines. Today, the range of well-known personalities with an aspirational and captivating character that facilitate and shorten exposure times for messaging (Rumschisky, 2009), goes beyond simply film stars (Taveras, 2017) to include endorsements by people in other professional fields such as music, models, media, sport... (Fusté-Forné, 2018). The involvement of these personalities that wish to draw attention to social causes contributes to their positively valued image (Souza and de Carvalho, 2018), underlining their presence as an opportunity to further their platform for issues of collective interest.

This last point gains prominence and magnitude thanks to digital platforms made possible through Information and Communication Technologies (Del Fresno, Daly and Segado, 2016). Using this technology, celebrities work on their own personal brands while exposing their business relationships with different brands and supporting social issues that particularly affect them, positioning themselves as digital influencers. They are defining agents of the new contemporary media scene (Monge, Elorriaga and Olabarri, 2020; Vinader-Segura, Vicente-Fernández and Gallego-Trijueque, 2020) in relation to the achievement of notoriety and image at the service of brands’ marketing objectives.

1.2. Objectives and hypotheses

This study aims to examine, from a diachronic and comparative perspective, the stereotypes and the presence of diversity among the celebrity endorser of the female beauty industry during thirty years of graphic advertising in Spain (1990-2019), through the pioneering magazine Telva, the longest running high-end women’s magazine in our country.

In turn, this general objective is materialized in the following specific objectives:

SO1-To know which brands, subcategories and products in the beauty sector habitually resort to advertising endorsement by celebrities as ambassadors.

SO2-Research the identity and body characteristics of celebrity endorsers of beauty ads in Telva, through examining their country of origin, profession, hair colour, eye colour, ethnicity, body type or somatotype and age, as well as their evolution during the period of time under study.

SO3-Determine if there is an underlying justification for a diverse physical pattern compared to the hegemonic beauty model (white, slim and young woman) from the point of view of brands’ marketing strategies.

The starting hypothesis proposes that diachronic and comparative examination of the stereotypes of celebrity endorsers of the female beauty industry following thirty years of graphic advertising in Spain shows a progressive and increasingly representative increase of celebrities from different ethnicities, somatotypes, ages and professions from the traditional patterns and canons of beauty; that is, famous endorsers other than a young, slim, white woman film star.

2. Methodology

This study has used a descriptive and exploratory methodology, combining documentary observation and review of thirty-year’s worth of issues of Telva magazine with content analysis applied to the magazine’s print ads, following previous studies of similar objects in advertising communications (Arroyo, 2016; Montes-Vozmediano and Torregrosa-Carmona, 2018; Sánchez-Labella, 2019).

The diachronic approach of the proposal requires access to the material through the funds of the Madrid Municipal Newspaper Library and the National Library of Spain. The study analyses the printed copies of the Madrid edition of Telva magazine, published monthly, that has been chosen for the purposes of this study since it is the oldest and longest-lived of those currently published in Spain, thus highlighting its pioneering nature in the glossy women’s magazine market. This therefore enables the study to perform an evolutionary and comprehensive perspective of the phenomenon being researched. Accordingly, the study chose Telva as its subject due to its track-record, the fact it is a Spanish magazine, is devoted to fashion and beauty issues and the dissemination and audience criteria. This paper considers it a relevant object of study since it is a medium that contains advertisements that support and convey the stereotypes under study, regardless of its editorial content and brand.

2.1. Analysis and sample period

The research is limited to thirty years of graphic advertising in Spain (1990-2019), a period long enough to rigorously portray the trajectory of the discourse of diversity in the beauty industry in our country. The time period under study is based on previous research tackling the study of celebrities from that period onwards due to the ‘continuous interest of advertisers in using celebrities to appear in their advertisements’ (Taveras, 2014: 237), which intensifies in the case of beauty advertising in Telva, going from 6.54% during the decade between 1983-1992 to 17.82% in the subsequent decade (1993-2002) (Vicente-Fernández and Arroyo-Almaraz, 2020).

Of the 360 copies that make up the body of magazines being studied, the selection of the initial sample has a higher volume of advertising investment and therefore more advertisements, which corresponds to the month of December due to its proximity to the holiday period with the availability of more free time for reading as well as shopping and gifts (Aguilera, 2015).

Once the totality of the commercial beauty pieces featured in the thirty December issues from 1990 to 2019 was examined, 645 different graphic advertisements were counted with women endorsers. Among them, the final sample was made up of those advertising pieces in which one or more celebrities endorsed brands or products with endorsements. Thus, the final sample amounted to a total of 217 ads or different units of analysis (see table 1).

Table 1. Determination of units of analysis

Source: author’s work

2.2. Technique and instrument

Through content analysis, a quantitative technique that considers context as a frame of reference where the message studied is conveyed and that can lead to some meaning (Krippendorff, 1989), and based on the objectives defined, a dimensional analysis template was created recording and systematising the following variables in relation to the 217 units of the final sample (see table 2):

Table 2. Content analysis tab

Source: author’s work

For the preparation of the content analysis sheet, which is applied to each of the units of the final sample, previous studies have been considered that tackle research into female stereotypes in advertising. Thus, body type is related to the perceived somatotype variable based on the previous work on the body image of women by Vega, Barredo and Merchán (2019a). According to their research, perceived somatotypes can be classified into ‘ectomorphs (thin and long), mesomorphs (strong, muscular and proportional) and endomorphs (thick and rounded)’ (Vega, Barredo and Merchán, 2019a: 99-100). Cáceres and Díaz (2008) also refer to somatotype or biotype as a variable related to corporality and identify it with physical complexion. On the other hand, Blanes (2017) points out the concept of ‘curvy’ in the scientific literature, commonly used in the fashion industry, referring to ‘women of large sizes’ (Blanes, 2017: 204). In terms of ethnicity or ethnic group variables, the aforementioned pioneering study by Cáceres and Díaz (2008) focuses on skin colour. In this regard, Vega, Barredo and Merchán (2019a) categorise ethnicity into five large subvariables: white, black, Asian, indigenous American and Middle Eastern, confirming and expanding the previous work by Díaz and Muñiz (2007) that establishes the basis for this categorisation. Finally, the age variable is classified into age ranges or intervals that are more specific than general categories.

3. Results

First, as preliminary research findings, the results indicate that overall beauty brand display ads with celebrity prescriber represent 33.64% of the total advertising pieces. However, this percentage varies depending on the decade analysed, observing a progressive upward evolution in the number of ads with celebrities over the years: 18.32% in the first decade of study (1990-1999); 36.29% in the second period (2000-2009) and, finally, 44.66% in the most recent section (2010-2019). Below (see figure 1) such progress is evidenced through a line graph that shows the increasing trend over time, taking into account each of the five years that make up the study:

Figure 1. Evolution of the incorporation of celebrity beauty endorser (1990-2019)

Source: author’s work

Continuing with the introduction of the results, it should be noted that over the period of time studied a total of 66 cosmetic brands were identified. In this regard, it is worth noting that the top 15 brands on the list (see table 3) condense 64.97% of the ads with a celebrity prescriber.

Table 3. Top beauty brands with celebrity beauty prescriber (1990-2019)

Source: author’s work

At the same time, within the generic category of ‘Beauty and Hygiene’ and based on the division of subcategories proposed by InfoAdex 2021 alluded to in the methodology, ‘Women’s scents and perfumes’ leads the ranking of habitual references that use celebrity endorsers, with 59.45% of the total sample units. It is followed at a certain distance by ‘Facial beauty treatments’, specifically anti-wrinkle products, with 12.90% of advertisements, and ‘Makeup’ for face and skin, with 6.91% of the total. The six main subcategories of the ranking represent 94.01% of the ads analysed. The distribution of all the beauty subcategories is grouped in the following table (see table 4):

Table 4. Beauty subcategories with celebrity endorsers (1990-2019)

Source: author’s work

Once the preliminary findings regarding the extent of the advertising resource studied and the brands and subcategories of the beauty industry that use it most were detailed, we commenced research on the diversity of the prescribing source by determining the number of celebrities recorded. Thus, 224 relevant personalities from various professional fields were counted, since there are several advertisements in which there is more than one celebrity prescriber. This figure includes repeated celebrities, which when accounted for reveal a final sum of 166 different celebrities. Although they usually only occur once (60.34% of the occasions), the repeated appearance of endorsers is recurrent. Among them, the figures of Carolyn Murphy (14 times), Elizabeth Hurley (8) and the cases of Charlize Theron, Gwyneth Paltrow and Cate Blanchett stand out, with 7 occasions each.

Next, the results are presented over three decades for a detailed explanation and making it possible to reflect on the direction of the discourse and make comparisons between the time periods.

In the first of the decades studied, from 1990 to 1999, the number of beauty ads featuring celebrities amounts to 35, which matches the number of celebrities that advertise brands and products of said business category. This is the interval, in relation to the three decades of the analysis, with the least presence of this type of advertising endorser.

Celebrity endorsers are mainly French (25.71%) and American (25.71%). Other countries of origin include Spain (14.28%), United Kingdom (11.42%), Italy (8.57%), Germany (5.71%), Belgium (2.86%), Estonia (2.86%) and Canada (2.86%). Of the advertisers, the prominence of French brands is indisputable (65.71%), followed by American brands (28.57%) and, to a lesser extent, brands of Spanish origin (5.71%). The correspondence between the country of origin of the relevant personality and the brand takes place in 45.71% of cases. French firms register the highest levels of correspondence between origin of celebrity and brands (56.25%) and, less so, the Americans (31.25%) and the Spanish (12.5%).

Regarding the professional fields of the celebrities under study, 51.43% are supermodels, 42.86% actresses or 5.71% brand designers / entrepreneurs. All of them are of white ethnicity, and phenotypically 37.14% are brunettes, 34.32% have dark hair and blue (48.57%) or brown (28.57%) eyes are predominant. Furthermore, somatotypes are always ectomorphic (85.71%) or mesomorphic (14.29%). Thus, in this initial stage of the analysis, diversity is observed only in the age indicator (see figure 2) with 14.28%. Celebrities over the age of forty only appear in five advertisements according to their biographical data, two are brand designers or entrepreneurs (Priscilla Presley and Paloma Picasso), one bears a similarity to the product’s target audience, an anti-ageing face cream (Isabella Rossellini for Lancôme). There are two examples with no apparent reason for being chosen as the face of women’s perfume beyond their fame and iconic status (Isabella Rossellini for Lancôme and Jerry Hall for Thierry Mugler). In all these cases the endorsement or appearance is done alone, without other actors.

Figure 2. Representation of diversity in age of celebrity beauty endorsers (1990-1999)

Source: author’s work

It is not until the second period under study (2000-2009) that we can expand the discourse on diversity in the beauty industry to ethnicity and somatotype variables. In this intermediate phase of the study, there were a total of 90 graphic advertisements and 94 relevant personalities. This figure practically triples the amount registered in the previous interval, noting a considerable increase in cosmetic brands that trust these endorsers as ambassadors.

A total of 36.17% of the celebrities in this second stage hail from the United States. Compared to the preceding period, France is hardly representative (1.06%), and endorsers from Spain (13.82%) and the United Kingdom (13.82%) are worth noting. The range of continents and countries of origin of celebrities expands considerably over this time interval, including relevant personalities from Africa (4.25%), Australia (3.19%) and Asia (1.06%). Celebrities from several different countries are represented, including Italy, Germany, Sweden, Russia, Ukraine, Poland, Canada, Brazil… As with the endorsers, the brands are mainly American (37.23%). They are followed by French (28.72%) and Italian (14.89%) brands. Only 5.31% are Spanish brands. In 36.17% of the cases there is a correspondence between the celebrity and the brand’s origins, with the United States leading the commitment to maintain the nationality of the prescribing figures of its brands (64.70%), followed by Spanish (11.76%) and Italian (11.76%) brands.

Once again, the majority of celebrity endorsers are supermodels (52.13%), followed by movie stars (40.43%) and, much less significantly, designers / businesswomen (2.13%). New for this period are celebrities from the music industry (3.18%) and journalism (2.13%) compared to the previous period. In relation to the hair colour variable, blondes (42.55%) and brunettes (41.49%) prevail, and blue (54.26%) and brown (27.66%) eyes continue to predominate.

There is 28.72% more advertising pieces with endorsers from diverse backgrounds, doubling the data from the first stage. Thus, diversity translates first into the representativeness of a greater number of ethnic groups (see figure 3):

Figure 3. Representation of diversity in ethnicity of celebrity beauty endorsers (2000-2009)

Source: author’s work

In addition to endorsers of white ethnicity (94.68%) there are also black celebrities in four advertisements (4.26%) -the Ethiopian Liya Kebede in two Estée Lauder commercials and the Afro-American Beyoncé in two Tommy Hilfiger commercials- and, finally, an Asian endorser (1.06%), specifically the actress Freida Pinto as the brand image of L’Oréal. This is a finding that, although it is still not very significant (5.32%), points to the idea of a greater openness on the part of the beauty sector with a view to the integration of new ethnic profiles. In this regard, it should also be emphasised that in all cases ethnic diversity does appear to be a factor in the choice of prescriber (they are advertisements for anti-wrinkle creams, perfumes, eye makeup), other than for the inclusion of a diverse actor as such, rather than for a reason or requirement related to the use of the product. While Liya Kebede always appears in a group composition with other endorsers of different ethnicity, Beyoncé and Freida Pinto carry out their prescribing alone.

The somatotype of women also reveals a slight advance in terms of diversity; to the ectomorphic (86.17%) and mesomorphic (7.45%) somatotypes, we can also add the endomorphic somatotype in 6.38% of cases (see figure 4). This is the case of two actresses who lend their image to the Astor, Dolce & Gabbana and Dior brands (Monica Bellucci) and to the Dolce & Gabbana brand (Scarlett Johansson). Without forgetting the aforementioned case of Beyoncé for Tommy Hilfiger, in which the variables black ethnicity and endomorphic somatotype intermingle as defining traits at the level of diversity. Always without other extras in the advertisement, all of them advertise products from the subcategories ‘Cologne and women’s perfumes’ and ‘Makeup’.

Figure 4. Representation of diversity in somatotype of celebrity beauty endorsers (2000-2009)

Source: author’s work

To conclude this second period, the representation of diversity through the age (see figure 5) continues to be similar to the first stage (17%), although there appear to be for the first-time advertisements with celebrities over the age of 50. A total of 13 adverstiments feature celebrities in the 40-50 age bracket, of which 46.15% prescribe nourishing and moisturizing creams with anti-wrinkle components (Elizabeth Hurley, Linda Evangelista, Catherine Zeta-Jones, Demi Moore, Cate Blanchett); while 30.76% feature designers or businesswomen endorsing their own brand (Isabella Rossellini, Sarah Jessica Parker, Maribel Yébenes). The remaining 23.07% does not show any direct relationship between the prescriber’s age and the business subcategory. All three cases of celebrities over 50 years of age are all businesswomen owners of their own brands (Paloma Picasso) or women who exemplify the target of the brand and product (Kim Basinger for Lancaster and Lola Herrera for Massumeh Beauty Institute).

Figure 5. Representation of diversity in age of celebrity beauty endorsers (2000-2009)

Source: author’s work

The third and final of the study’s stages (2010-2019) show 92 graphic beauty ads featuring celebrities with a total of 95 celebrities in all. Therefore, the data is practically identical to that of the previous period.

The predominance of the United States continues as country of origin for beauty product and brand celebrity endorsers (36.84%), and the United Kingdom a distant second (13.68%). These data are similar to the previous period, as well as in terms of the diversity of endorsers’ countries of origin: Australia, South Africa, France, Germany, Italy, Israel, Estonia, Canada, Puerto Rico, Brazil… Spanish celebrities are in the minority (6.31%). Celebrities lend their image to mainly American brands (32.63%), in addition to Italian brands (25.26%), French (22.10%) and German (8.42%) brands; only 4.21% of the brands are of Spanish origin. The brands that choose famous people of the same nationality as that of their brand to represent them are above all, once again, American companies, accounting for 75% on the rare occasions where these two things coincide (25.26%).

The predominance of supermodels (47.37%) and actresses (49.47%) as endorsers for beauty brands and products is once again evident, although in the last ten years movie stars slightly surpass supermodels as icons. Media presenters / journalists (2.11%) and singers (1.05%) make up the remaining professional fields. Blondes (52.63%) and light brunettes (41.05%) continue to make up the majority of the prescribing celebrities, with darker and red hair coming in second place. Regarding the eye colour variable, blue (53.68%) and brown (24.21%) dominate again.

A total of 45.26% of the advertising pieces recorded in this period show some form of diversity in their endorsers. Thus, we can see a significant increase in diversity, taking the previous stages as a reference. For the first time, a trans woman can be found in an advertisement for a women’s perfume (Petra Collins for Gucci), although her prescription is part of a creative proposal accompanied by two other women, including actress Dakota Johnson.

The percentage of diversity based on ethnicity (see figure 6) continues with respect to the previous period (5.26%), with more representation of ‘brown-skinned’ individuals, with the Puerto Rican supermodel with phenotypic characteristics different from those of the prevalent white prototype (94.74%) Joan Smalls in three Estée Lauder advertisements, always in group composition with other anonymous models and different phenotypes. These are, in all cases, advertisements in the ‘Makeup’ subcategory for face and skin, with references that cover different shades. The actress Eva Mendes, of Cuban descent, joins this type of prescriber as she is the image of a Thierry Mugler brand perfume, this time alone and with no explicit relationship with the advertised sector. This diversity indicator also includes the African-American celebrity Zoë Kravitz as a prescriber without other actors for the new perfume by Yves Saint Laurent (Black Opium), the name establishing a link with her ethnicity.

Figure 6. Representation of diversity in ethnicity of celebrity beauty endorsers (2010-2019)

Source: author’s work

On the other hand, somatotype diversity data decreases with respect to the second stage (see figure 7); only 3.16% of the celebrity beauty endorsers can be classified as an endomorphic somatotype, with the ectomorphic (89.47%) and mesomorphic (7.37%) somatotypes being prevalent. In this regard, Scarlett Johanson repeats as the image of two ads for Dolce & Gabbana branded perfume (alone and in a couple), and Ashley Graham joins as an Astor brand ambassador in makeup for face and skin, accompanied by other models.

Figure 7. Representation of diversity in somatotype of celebrity beauty endorsers (2010-2019)

Source: author’s work

The age variable is where most diversity can be seen in this third and final stage of the study, since advertisements with celebrities over 40 years old represent 35.77% (see Figure 8).

Figure 8. Representation of diversity in age of celebrity beauty endorsers (2010-2019)

Source: author’s work

Thus, celebrity beauty endorsers aged between 18-28 and 29-39 years old decreased sharply, mainly in favour of the 40-50 age bracket, with a total of 31 ads with famous endorsers in this bracket. There are no cases of brand designer / entrepreneur endorsers so these celebrities are distributed between graphic ads for anti-ageing products (54.83%), led by famous faces such as Rachel Weisz, Elizabeth Hurley, Cate Blanchett, Inés Sastre, Courtney Cox, Carolyn Murphy, Reese Whiterspoon, Penélope Cruz, Kate Winslet and Paz Vega. This also includes advertisements for the ‘Women’s scents and perfumes’ (45.16%) without specific link between age variable and advertised sector (Linda Evangelista, Charlize Theron, Gwyneth Paltrow and Nieves Álvarez, among others). This latter sample of celebrity endorser increases significantly in relation to the previous stage, however, the cases of women over 50 whose presence alone bears witness to an identification with the target audience of the product they endorse remains stable, always linked to anti-ageing (Andie MacDowell and Jane Fonda for L’Oréal, Courtney Cox for Pantene and Kristin Scott Thomas for Lierac).

Figure 9. Comparative decades (1990-2019)

Source: author’s work

The results of this evolutionary study of the figure of celebrities enables us to state that the conventional profile remains dominant over the three decades: supermodels or actresses with blue eyes, brown or blonde hair, predominantly young, thin or ectomorphic somatotype and white.

Although still in the initial stage, from the 2000s onwards, diversity has expanded by adapting to cultural contexts, which translates into an increase in the number of celebrities over 40, from other ethnic backgrounds, the appearance of journalists and performance artists as celebrities and for the first time a trans celebrity appears in an advertising campaign.

4. Discussion and conclusions

The results of this study, focused on analysing stereotypes and the presence of diversity of body types in famous or celebrity endorsers in the female beauty industry throughout thirty years of graphic advertising in Spain in Telva magazine point to a progressive upward trend in the number of ads featuring celebrities over the years. This endorsement marketing can be seen fundamentally in the ‘Women’s scents and perfumes’ sector, and it is the large multinationals in the sector that dominate the market, with high budgets for investment in marketing, they regularly resort to ambassadors as a tactic through which to build brand image. There is a large concentration of both business subcategories and brands that use celebrity endorsers in their advertising. American and French brands, led by firms like Estée Lauder, Chanel, Lancôme and L’Oréal, spearhead the number of commercial pieces featuring celebrities. In turn, most of famous endorsers for beauty brands and products throughout the three decades under study are of French or American origin. There are less and less Spanish celebrity beauty endorsers decade after decade, which is reflected in fewer and fewer Spanish beauty brands and products.

Despite the gradual incorporation of celebrities from other continents and countries, beyond the classic European and US celebrities, and the international character of brands and celebrities endorsing them, the study rejects the proposed hypothesis and corroborates the findings of previous studies that highlight the practical absence of representatives from different ethnicities or somatotypes (Martínez-Oña and Muñoz-Muñoz, 2015; Vega, Barredo and Merchán, 2019a) other than white and ectomorphic somatotypes. However, the hypothesis is partially born out in the case of variables in age and profession.

Thus, and from the richness afforded by a diachronic analysis perspective that portrays the evolution of the representation of the female figure, there is evidence of a slow and gradual incorporation of diversity canons in the beauty sector. A sector that shows itself to be conservative and traditional by reinforcing social stereotypes of beauty and is dominated by large advertising brands that invest in graphic advertising in glossy women’s magazines.

In this regard, it should be noted that these archetypes of the female figure tend to be found in advertisements for a series of brands, with American brands prevail among those that include different ethnic groups, while French and Italian brands favour body patterns that do not conform to dominant ones. Endorsement in these cases is usually displayed in group compositions where ethnic groups and body complexions or various somatotypes coexist. Endorsers with a non-conventional body type tends to share a leading role in the advertisement with other women who do respond to the canon of white, slim and young women.

This is due, on the one hand, to multicultural marketing favoured by brands following the emergence and establishment in Spain of consumers from other countries (Arroyo-Almaraz and Van-Wyck, 2011), and, on the other, to current activism by models and women of large sizes who are advocating for the inclusion of non-hegemonic body types (Blanes, 2017). In addition to the concentration of brands, the repetition and condensation of celebrity endorsers is also common, with the same celebrity ambassador endorsing the same brand for a long period of time.

Notwithstanding, diversity in famous endorsers can mainly be seen in the age variables, this is the variable with the greatest number of examples, specifically of celebrities over the age of 40. Here, the connotation seems to be that this type of women symbolises success and sophistication regardless of their age. In turn, these examples tend to coincide with endorsers who are the image of the same brand over the medium-long term and that advertise facial treatment products with anti-ageing or anti-wrinkle properties, linked to a target audience with specific needs. The discourse shows an extension of the concept of beauty as an ideal that transcends youth, connecting with the shift in purchasing power towards older women.

The turn of the century marks a turning point when it comes to capturing the mixed and plural reality of the social and cultural context, since from the year 2000 diversity acquires an intrinsic value, regardless of the aim of attaining representativeness and affinity with the brand and product’s target audience. It is personified in the figure of influencers that promote discourses that enhance such diversity, while normalizing it in the media. The condition of celebrity that conforms to canons of diversity is identified not only with inclusion but also with modernity and progress, as well as with the concern of brands to adapt to reality.

Possible future lines of research could establish comparative studies of the treatment of diversity in graphic advertising between different glossy women’s magazines. Also, between graphic advertising through conventional media and new advertising through digital media, thanks to virtual endorsers. Likewise, we propose possible comparisons between large and medium advertisers, in order to examine the particularities in conforming to today’s diverse and disparate reality. Another possible line of research could study the diversity of physical body types in advertising of fashion brands and products, and their comparison with commercial communications in the beauty sector.

5. Acknowledgements

This article has been translated into English by Gorka Hodson.