The issue of corruption in the government plans submitted by
candidates for the Municipality of Lima 2018
La temática de corrupción en los planes de gobierno de los candidatos a la
Municipalidad de Lima 2018
doxa.comunicación |
nº 35, pp. 97-112
| 97
July-December of 2022
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
How to cite this article:
Cohaila Ramos, E. (2022). e issue of corruption in the government plans submitted by candidates for the Municipality of Lima 2018.
Doxa
Comunicación
, 35, pp. 97-112.
https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n35a901
Edwin Cohaila Ramos.
PhD in sociology from the Pontical Catholic University of Peru and Master in Social Sciences
from the Catholic University of Leuven, Belgium. Professor at the Antonio Ruiz de Montoya University, Peru. Member
of the research group on Institutions and Public Policies – UARM. Research Renacyt P0024523. Main research lines are
institutional trust, framing, political communication and corruption.
Universidad Antonio Ruiz de Montoya, Peru
[email protected]
ORCID: 0000-0002-4198-2050
Abstract:
is article seeks to analyze the way in which the Lima mayoral
candidates present, mention, or approach the issue of corruption in
their government plans presented to the National Jury of Elections.
e plans of the three main candidates to the mayoral oce of Lima
will be analyzed according to opinion polls using the content analysis
method. In the government plans presented to the electoral authority,
corruption and the relevant topics have been identied. It was found
that the candidates did not place much importance on the issue of
corruption, even though Lima’s populace considers it one of the
greatest issues. Upon scrutiny of the plans, a declarative logic with little
real argumentation is observed. ere is however a certain recurrence
to speeches that implicitly disrupt the understanding of tolerance
to corruption. ese speeches furthermore frame the ght against
corruption as a war, which invites us to latently reect on the reason
for the recurrence of these speeches, and their use by candidates.
Keywords:
Fight against corruption; municipal government plans; content
analysis; war; tolerance of corruption.
Resumen:
El presente artículo intenta analizar la forma cómo los candidatos a la
alcaldía de Lima presentan, mencionan o enfocan el tema de corrupción
en sus planes de gobierno presentados al Jurado Nacional de Elecciones.
Se analizará los planes de los tres principales candidatos a ocupar la al
-
caldía de Lima según las encuestas de opinión a partir del análisis de con
-
tenido. En los planes de gobierno presentados ante la autoridad electoral
se ha procedido a segmentar lo referente a dicha temática y a los tópicos
relevantes. Se constató que los candidatos no le dan mucha importancia
a la temática de corrupción, más allá que es considerado uno de los prin
-
cipales problemas para la población limeña. Se observa una lógica decla
-
rativa y poco argumentativa cuando se toca dicha temática; no obstante,
se puede avizorar cierta recurrencia a discursos de una manera implícita
que trastoca la forma de comprender la tolerancia a la corrupción y, la
consideración de entender la lucha contra la corrupción como una gue
-
rra, que nos invita a reexionar el porqué de la recurrencia de estos dis
-
cursos de manera latente y su uso por parte de los candidatos.
Palabras clave:
Lucha contra la corrupción; planes de gobierno municipal; análisis de
contenido; guerra; tolerancia a la corrupción.
Received: 19/06/2021 - Accepted: 10/01/2022 - Early access: 04/03/2022 - Published: 01/07/2022
Recibido: 19/06/2021- Aceptado: 10/01/2022 - En edición: 04/03/2022 - Published: 01/07/2022
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
98
| nº 35, pp. 97-112 |
July-December of 2022
The issue of corruption in the government plans submitted by candidates for the Municipality of Lima 2018
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
doxa.comunicación
1. Introduction
e capital city of Peru, Lima, receives the greatest concentration of attention in subnational elections. is four-year electoral
process involves the elections for district municipality and provincial authorities, as well as for regional governors. Lima is
not only the capital of the country but that of the homonymous province, and enjoys the powers of a regional government.
erefore, its administrative functions are greater vis-a-vis those of any province in the country. Accordingly, this expansion in
its functions implies that its budget is likewise increased.
e National Jury of Elections (NJE) oversees the procedures and regulations of the Peruvian electoral process. is autonomous
body that administers justice in electoral matters has jurisdictional, supervisory, and educational functions
1
. Regarding the
latter, for the 2018 elections the NJE contemplated employing a platform called “Informed Voting”
2
by means of which citizens
could compare the various government plans proposed by political groups. Submission of the plans by the groups was to be
obligatory.
Although there was no template for the government plans to be submitted by the political groups, it was expected that certain
public policies would be formulated to reect any future forms of government. ese submissions would thus have permitted
observation of the proposals aimed at solving the main problems related to a specic locality. One of the main problems
aicting Lima is corruption; thus it would be expected that candidates address this problem within their government plans.
is article thus looks to analyze the way in which the candidates for the Municipality of Lima view and present corruption
in the government plans presented to the NJE. To achieve the foregoing, a corpus has been built from the text sections where
relevant information is present, as well as associated topics extracted from the government plans. e research analyzes
content as a tool to help ascertain, beyond what is stated by the very candidates, if there is any recurring discourses that denote
a certain undercurrent or a certain latent content.
As will be seen, the little importance is given to this problem in the government plans analyzed, and we do not only refer to
the amount of information in the candidates’ respective government plans. It has been observed that the logic employed when
referring to corruption presents little argumentation and is often merely declarative. e candidates observe certain causes
and consequences of corruption, but are not able to establish appropriate public policies to tackle corruption. However, it is
possible to identify certain discourses in the background that do question the premise of war and the tolerance of corruption.
doxa.comunicación |
nº 35, pp. 97-112
|
July-December of 2022
Edwin Cohaila Ramos
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
99
2. Electoral Context and Problems in Lima
For these 2018 Lima mayoral elections there were 21 candidate lists registered. Opinion polls showed no real stand-out
candidate. To observe this, it is enough to review the way public opinion moved in the last weeks prior to the municipal
election. One week before the municipal elections, the candidate for
Podemos por el Progreso del Peru
, Daniel Urresti, had
14.8% of voter intention, followed by Renzo Reggiardo of
Perú Patria Segura
, who had 14.4 %, the
Acción Popular
candidate,
Jorge Muñoz, had 12.1%, whilst the candidate from
Peru Libertario
, Ricardo Belmont, had a 6.8% voter intention. However,
a month before the elections the panorama was dierent, as Renzo Reggiardo had 19% voter intention, followed by Ricardo
Belmont with 15%, Daniel Urresti with 9%, and Alberto Beingolea of the
Partido Popular Cristiano
with 7%
3
.
is variety and number of candidates was also appreciated as, the electoral debate organized by the NJE, the regulatory
entity of the electoral process, had to be held in two sessions. e two sessions were held in blocks for reasons of election issue
coherency. e candidates’ time for each presentation was very short, and they thus used their minutes to express their main
proposals and many times to confront other candidates, not necessarily with the candidate they had to debate.
However, although the public’s opinion varied in its electoral preferences, it did not do so much in expressing the main
problems of Lima. e Observatory
Lima Cómo Vamos
[Lima, How Are We Going], in its IX Perception Report on Lima,
observed that the four main problems were citizen insecurity (81.9%), public transportation (49.4%), corruption of ocials
(29.9%), and the cleanliness of public spaces (28.8%)
4
. It is worth mentioning that the two main problems have persisted since
said Observatory began collecting information in its rst survey in 2010; the third problem and fourth have been present since
2017. is is so as “Corruption of ocials” was only then introduced as an alternative (Lima Cómo Vamos Report, 2018:8).
Similarly, for Proetica, the Peruvian chapter of Transparency International, when surveying Lima’s main problems, crime
(67%) and corruption (50.5%)
5
stood out as being constant problems in recent years.
e report by the Public Prosecutor’s Oce Specialized in Corruption Crimes (2018) corroborates these perceptions. e
report revealed 37,625 cases of corruption, of which 11.22% of cases corresponded to investigations against regional and/or
municipal authorities or former authorities. e department of Lima had the second highest amount of cases being heard by
the courts. Vega and Elías (2020) also noted this situation as they mention that the municipalities are aected by corruption,
as they have had mayors prosecuted and sentenced.
In attempting to highlight the issue of corruption in local government, a public institution, we can understand corruption as
“the misuse of political-bureaucratic power by cliques of ocials, in collusion with private interests (Quiroz 2013:38). is
denition aligns closely to that of the World Bank in the early 1990s: “the abuse of public oce for private benet.” Additionally,
the High-Level Anti-Corruption Commission in Peru (2013) established that the act of corruption leads to improper use
of power with the intention of obtaining a benet that would not be possible by other legal forms. However, this does not
diminish the fact that this concept has dierent nuances, which makes investigating it dicult (Huber 2017). is complexity
is manifested by its complicated rationality and high cultural variability (Torsello 2013), and also because it is intertwined with
other forms of social exchange (eobald 1990).
100
| nº 35, pp. 97-112 |
July-December of 2022
The issue of corruption in the government plans submitted by candidates for the Municipality of Lima 2018
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
doxa.comunicación
erefore, Lima’s municipal election was contested by many candidates, some leading the polls, but none with any salient
tendency. Meanwhile the main problems for the population were the issues of crime or citizen insecurity, and corruption.
As mentioned by Muñoz (2010), municipalities enjoy political, administrative, and economic autonomy within their
competency; and they are not just a local government that executes or plans local development management (Vega and Elias,
2020), therefore, they must be considered, as a whole, as an autonomous body of local government.
Although corruption has been studied at a local level from various perspectives (Huber 2017, 2008, Mujica 2006, 2005, Pajuelo
2009), little has been studied on the relationship between local government, politics, and local development (Muñoz 2010).
e same has occurred in the relationship between the mayor’s oce and the municipal council in terms of actively ghting
corruption (Vega and Elias 2020). It must be said that local governments can within their competences carry out integrity and
anti-corruption policies, thereby demonstrating, as Bertranou (2011) mentions, their state capacities. e foregoing should
be analyzed not in the abstract but according to set tasks and objectives. erefore, the relevance of the government plans
becomes important because candidates should establish what they intend to undertake if they become the local government
and, above all, how they plan to do it.
3. Methodology
3.1. Content Analysis
e technique of content analysis has been widely applied in studies of communication sciences; however, gradually it has
expanded to varied elds of research such as social and political sciences. For Krippendor (1997:28) the content analysis
technique “is intended to formulate, based on certain data, reproducible inferences that can be applied to its context.” e
interesting thing about this denition is that from the acquisition of certain data it is possible to make inferences about a given
context, and also that these inferences can be reproduced by other researchers. e context must also be mentioned, since it is
in the context where the messages or speeches are proered, analyzed, and observed, and it is from there where the meaning
and latent speeches begin to be analyzed.
Bardín (1996:32) species that content analysis looks to build indicators, being either quantitative or qualitative; however, to
build them, systematic procedures are followed in order to describe message content, thereby allowing to identify inference
of the content, both in terms of production and reception. From these procedures it is possible to understand the inference of
the content. In this regard, Burnete (2014:229) indicates that inference is what makes content analysis distinctive, and is what
allows moving from the descriptive to the interpretive.
Insofar as being able to investigate information about the content, Krinppendorf (1997:32) also states that this method seeks to
investigate the symbolic meaning of the messages. However, he warns of two situations: on the one hand, that the messages do
not necessarily have a single meaning; and on the other hand, congruence of the meanings is not required. e rst situation
refers to the fact that messages can have various meanings and transmit various types of content. Meanwhile, although the
second situation accepts there may be consensus about what a message conveys, this does not mean that the entire message
is covered, so it is possible to nd new meanings.
doxa.comunicación |
nº 35, pp. 97-112
|
July-December of 2022
Edwin Cohaila Ramos
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
101
In content analysis, the process of constructing meaning strengthens through these indicators or ways of observing messages
and content, as does the meaning that the researcher derives from the text. Likewise, in this analysis it is necessary to emphasize
the explicit meaning observed in the text and the underlying meaning, also transmitted by the text, but through the prism of
the context from where one is situated, as when the underlying meaning is revealed, it has to make sense in that context.
e context recovers a value in the content analysis; however, this technique also seeks to make the inference and to be
recognized as part of the scientic investigation. Consequently, the technique has certain rules. Per Bardin (1996), content
analysis has three phases: the rst phase is pre-analysis, the second involves data collection and processing, and the last
focuses on interpretation and inference. Bernete (2014), moreover states that in this technique there are three stages: the
initial preparatory stage, the second of data collection, and the third of analysis and interpretation.
In this technique, the dierence between the manifest and latent levels is often made. At the manifest level, the processed and
systematized information stands out; and at the latent level, the inference from what is stated in the text is most evident, trying
to reveal that what is underlying. In this research, what is manifested will be expressed in the government plans of the selected
candidates; while the latent will be revealed through what is manifested, what the candidates try to manifest in an underlying
way, trying to make the inference.
3.2. Methodological Design
e purpose of this research is to analyze the issue of corruption in the government plans of the candidates for the Lima
province mayor’s oce, as submitted to the National Jury of Elections, the governing body of the Peruvian electoral process.
e hypothesis proposed for this research states that when incorporating the issue corruption in government plans, candidates
do not express a logic of the problem, as the discourse communication is declarative and poorly substantiated in nature.
Although this communication describes the problem by stating certain causes and consequences, it only emphasizes certain
actors and functions within municipal government. Nevertheless, the government plans do manage to express, although not
explicitly, certain recurring discourses for the Peruvian context.
102
| nº 35, pp. 97-112 |
July-December of 2022
The issue of corruption in the government plans submitted by candidates for the Municipality of Lima 2018
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
doxa.comunicación
3.3. Unit of Analysis
For the analysis, we will work with the municipal government plans that the three main mayoral candidates for Lima presented
to the National Jury of Elections. Said candidates have been selected according to public opinion polls of the week prior to
the elections. From these government plans, we have segmented the sections or paragraphs where the term “corruption” is
present, and we have additionally considered frameworks such as transparency and ethics. e foregoing topics constitute the
unit of analysis.
4. Results
4.1. Recurrence to the theme of corruption and topics
e three candidates do not address the issue of corruption to any great depth in their government plans
6
. None of the
candidates analyzed has a specic section on this issue, which in itself demonstrates its unimportance to them. e absence of
corruption occurs despite the fact that public opinion considers this issue to be one of Lima’s central problems.
As there is no separate section on corruption, we have identied the paragraphs alluding to corruption and also the reference
topics of transparency and ethics for analysis. e number of paragraphs included in each of the government plans does not
exceed one page, representing less than 1.5% of the content of the government plans.
Table 1. Number of paragraphs
Candidate
Government planIssue of corruption
Jorge Munoz64 pages9 paragraphs (1 page)
Daniel Urresti67 pages8 paragraphs (1 page)
Renzo Reggiardo152 pages2 paragraphs (less than 1 page)
Source: Government plans presented to the NJE. Compiled by author
In the government plan of Jorge Muñoz, of the
Acción Popular
political party, reference to corruption can be seen in two
sections: in the Municipal Anti-Corruption Oce and in the Municipal Ethics Line. is government plan is the only one in
which small sections related to the issue of corruption have been established; however, all this information only covers one
page.
In the government plan of Daniel Urresti, of the political party
Podemos
, reference to corruption is made in the principles
section, in the background, fundamentals of the new administration, initial diagnosis, the economic dimension, and in
the institutional dimension. Although recurrence is observed in several sections, which could suggest a large amount of
doxa.comunicación |
nº 35, pp. 97-112
|
July-December of 2022
Edwin Cohaila Ramos
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
103
information, they do not constitute more than one page. ey repeat many times what was mentioned in previous sections,
and even verbatim.
On the other hand, in the government plan of Renzo Reggiardo, of the
Patria Segura
party, corruption only appears in two
paragraphs: in the Ethics section and in the Health section. Of the three government plans analyzed, this submission contained
the least amount of information on this subject.
4.2. e ght against corruption and how to confront it
e analyzed candidates understand corruption is a problem, but they propose no alternatives or programmed solutions to
solve it. ere are noises made that it must be confronted in the usual terms of the ght against corruption, which the three
candidates do mention.
For Renzo Reggiardo, corruption is understood from a ght perspective: “at is why it is our commitment to become true
soldiers in the ght against corruption.” It should be noted that this very phrase is mentioned in the ethics section of his
government plan. As it is a problem understood as a “struggle”, the best way to tackle it is “to become true soldiers”. is
assertion attempts to best frame this problem as a war, an enemy to confront, where the candidate will be a soldier in the ght
against corruption. Further on, the plan asserts that to wage this war, a politician has to seek “honesty and transparency.” e
candidate announces a certain way of confronting corruption, but does not express how this honest or transparent behavior
should be. He thus leaves the communication only in the declarative and poorly reasoned, thereby losing the message’s impact.
Daniel Urresti of
Podemos
likewise includes corruption in the Principles section that guides his party’s mandate. He states that
his government will prioritize “the permanent ght against corruption, drug tracking, and crime.” Unlike Reggiardo, Urresti
establishes that corruption, together with similarly salient problems, has to be confronted. In the section on ideological bases,
Urresti emphasizes that these three problems must be combated, categorically; however, there is no mention of how this will
be done or which actors will be involved. e idea of ghting is repeated, as if this problem had to be confronted or fought, but
it continues to be left in the declarative.
Jorge Muñoz of
Acción Popular
also alludes to the ght against corruption. However, he establishes certain ways in which
it could be confronted and states that this could be done by executing actions or management measures and developing
spaces for citizen participation. As such, the population would have to play a role as “overseer” but Muñoz does not state what
steps or strategies would have to be taken or how citizen participation would be welcomed from the internal management
itself. Although he proposes a certain action compared to the other two candidates, the procedure for channeling this citizen
participation is absent.
e three candidates express that corruption has to be fought, yet they do not establish ways or strategies of how to confront
it in any specic manner. However, this idea of ghting corruption conjures the idea of confrontation, being on a war footing.
e same is also reected in the discourses of the candidates when they mention being soldiers, or confronting or combating
corruption categorically.
4.3. Causes and consequences of corruption
104
| nº 35, pp. 97-112 |
July-December of 2022
The issue of corruption in the government plans submitted by candidates for the Municipality of Lima 2018
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
doxa.comunicación
An attempt has been made to discern whether the candidates somehow express the causes and/or consequences of corruption.
However, the candidates only mention these, without identifying anything in particular.
Daniel Urresti believes the problems that Lima is experiencing, such as insecurity, trac congestion, and violence, are due to
“lack of leadership, corruption in management, and lack of planning.” Accordingly, corruption in municipal management is
the cause of Lima’s most salient problems due to this lack of leadership and absence of planning. Corruption is thus reduced
to personication in the forms of previous city mayors. Urresti also points out that in previous administrations there have been
“clear indications of corruption and lack of technical management
7
.” is combination constitutes the fundamental problems
experienced by a discontented populace:
“ere is a recurrent corruption of the administrations disguised as overvalued and inecient projects, which in addition to
facilitating corruption, have not even attenuated the minimum basic problems of the population, which feels deeply disappointed
and outraged.”
Urresti states that corruption in previous municipal administrations is the cause of Lima’s main problems, which have
consequently created discontent in the population. Although he alludes to a certain relationship between these situations,
and that this corruption is observed in overvalued projects, Urresti does not state how this overvaluation has been observed,
how it has been measured, or even how ineciency is veried. Likewise, when expressing the discontent of the population, he
does not substantiate how said discontent has been observed. However, this candidate at least identies a cause of corruption
and a consequence.
Candidate Renzo Reggiardo on the other hand does not point out the possible causes of corruption, but shows a certain
consequence of it. Referring specically to health, Reggiardo mentions that the corresponding budget has been under
resourced, and even much lower compared to neighboring countries. He also adds that this budget is “wilted by ineciency
and corruption” and causes social exclusion in terms of access to health. us, although corruption implies a certain social
exclusion for the population, this candidate does not argue how this social exclusion is observed and how corruption has
produced this consequence.
Jorge Muñoz states certain causes of corruption, but does not enumerate any possible consequences. He declares that one
of the main causes of corruption is bureaucracy, since “it is one of the convenient breeding grounds that facilitate conditions
for illicit behavior.” Although he identies bureaucracy as the cause, the candidate does not determine why bureaucracy is
convenient or why it facilitates this type of behavior. As Muñoz identies bureaucracy as the cause, it must be understood that
those implied would be the employees of the municipality, for which the candidate has nominated himself.
When referring to the possible causes, two candidates posit that previous administrations and bureaucracy are factors. is
then supposes reference is made to both the mayor and the sta who have worked or work there. Conversely, a third candidate
does not identify anyone as to not confront others. It should be noted that the mayor of the previous administration was Luis
Castañeda Lossio, who has been the mayor of Lima several times. In his previous administrations, this mayor made health and
7
Explicit reference has been made to the fall of the Solidaridad bridge, for more details see: https://rpp.pe/lima/actualidad/la-caida-de-
puente-solidaridad-causo-un-perjuicio-de-5-millones-de-soles-segun-controleria-noticia-1124514
doxa.comunicación |
nº 35, pp. 97-112
|
July-December of 2022
Edwin Cohaila Ramos
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
105
constructing solidarity hospitals a priority. But as we have observed, the candidates criticize previous administrations. Urresti
mentions indices of corruption and lack of technical management, precisely the opposite of what Castañeda bragged about:
that he was a technically minded person. It is not for nothing that Reggiardo identies the issue of health in his government
plan when he mentions corruption; and that Jorge Muñoz indicates bureaucracy when referring to the personnel working in
the municipality and who had worked for previous administrations.
Certain consequences generated by corruption such as discontent and social exclusion are observed. Urresti suggests that
there may be corruption due to overvalued projects, which shows a certain cause of the problem; however, it is not discussed
or described in any depth. Furthermore, Urresti seeks to highlight the idea that there is a certain ineciency, which has not
solved fundamental problems, thus implying that what is “overvalued” can be permitted if it supposes a certain eciency in
the improvement of the fundamental problems for the populace. e foregoing justies in a certain way the colloquial premise
of “does work, but steals.”
4.4. e idea of transparency
Daniel Urresti and Renzo Reggiardo are the only candidates that mention the notion of transparency. Urresti states that
transparency must be promoted energetically:
“e administration will be intolerant of the corruption of municipal ocials and workers, while promoting transparency in
municipal spending and companies belonging to the municipality.”
is promotion of transparency is related to municipal spending and municipal companies: entities that manage municipal
funds. Transparency is prioritized in these institutions, however, it is not mentioned in what form the process of promoting
transparency in spending or in municipal companies will be, or which actors will participate. Urresti only stresses that the
administration will be intolerant.
is idea of transparency in Urresti’s government plan also relates it to the accountability process as causes of corruption:
“e lack of transparency and decient accountability open windows for corruption that obstruct the practices of good
governance.” However, it is not clear why there is poor accountability, or how such a conclusion has been reached, let alone
how poor accountability fosters corruption. Nor does he mention how citizen participation or neighborhood associations
could be included in this accountability process.
Reggiardo also alludes to transparency, but only uses it to highlight “the commitment to transparency” within public
management. He does not however indicate how he would proceed or the transparency mechanisms he would use, thus
leaving the discourse only declarative in nature.
106
| nº 35, pp. 97-112 |
July-December of 2022
The issue of corruption in the government plans submitted by candidates for the Municipality of Lima 2018
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
doxa.comunicación
4.5. e notion of Ethics
Only candidate Jorge Muñoz mentions ethics in his government plan. at said, he does not relate it as a way of proceeding
or acting for public ocials, or a training strategy for municipal ocials. Muñoz states that creating a municipal ethics line
will imply only one channel for receiving complaints, where dierent mechanisms will be incorporated: email, telephone line,
and social networks. erefore, this idea of ethics is translated as being a reception desk for complaints, and as indicated,
the government plan of said candidate will promote certain incentives to report cases of corruption. ere is nonetheless no
mention of the procedure of how the municipality will act upon receiving the complaints, the type of incentives, or how the
information will be processed, or even what follow-up mechanisms will be implemented.
5. Discussion: background in the candidate government plans
e candidates mention very little in their government plans, and what there is, is declarative and poorly reasoned. e
situation reinforces Majone (1997) who states that political speech is often declarative address and poorly substantiated.
Yet, we can pick out a certain background in these plans. From there, we have grouped two salient dilemmas: the issue of
considering the ght against corruption as if it were a war, and the recurrence or tolerance of corruption implied in the phrase
“does work, but steals.”
5.1. e ght against corruption considered as a war
As we have observed, mayoral candidates approach the issue of the ght against corruption from a bellicose perspective. ey
frequently talk of ghting it, confronting it, becoming soldiers, however, they do not reliably identify who or what they would
have to defeat or ght, or if there are factions or allies, or, at least, identify who personies the enemy. e candidates mention
bureaucracy or previous administrations as possible causes of corruption, implying that these should be combated. However,
they do not specify the way to approach corruption or any corresponding strategies to implement. On the other hand, this lack
of identication can imply not wanting to “ght” with anyone, and reinforces the idea of being declarative only.
But what is the benet of referring to a logic of war? We will see that it is not gratuitous. First of all, it should be noted that
the Republic of Peru suered through a period of political violence between 1980 and 2000. Subversive groups confronted
the State, which, according to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC, Spanish acronym), produced around 70,000
victims, dead and missing (CVR, 2003, Annex 2:15). e subversive groups (
Sendero Luminoso
(Shining Path) and
MRTA
) and
the armed and police forces (CVR, 2013: Conclusions) were both party to certain human rights violations. However, after this
report
8
, employing the idea that Peru is living a war is commonplace, and that one way to “win” is to “eliminate the other.”
erefore, that the remnants of the
Sendero Luminoso
in the Peruvian jungle
9
must be eliminated is frequently pronounced.
is thought is reinforced when the aforementioned groups attack a police or military post.
doxa.comunicación |
nº 35, pp. 97-112
|
July-December of 2022
Edwin Cohaila Ramos
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
107
is idea of war involving eliminating the other has also been transferred to other issues. In the decade of the 2010s, crime and
citizen insecurity began to emerge as the country’s main problem in public opinion
10
. ere was consequently also talk that the
solution was to eliminate criminals, rapists, and kidnappers
11
, so much so that some candidates, authorities, and journalists
announced the best answer to curb crime would be to have the army to patrol the streets to mitigate any potential crime
12
. As
such, the use of war took another form in the discourse, making it more recurrent in other spaces.
is discourse of “eliminating the other” has been changing or evolving over the years. It is no longer common to speak of
treating the other in such a way. Nevertheless, the attitude required to confront problems is one of rmness: an unhesitating
“iron st.” Regarding the foregoing, it is commonplace to hear that one must be rm in ghting corruption, against delinquency,
and against other problems. is however is also true against people who may commit such acts of corruption and crime. In
this regard, Zechmeister (2015) indicates that some Latin American countries have been subject to right-wing dictatorships or
authoritarian regimes associated with repressing social protests and these were more prone to use a “rm hand” to maintain
social order.
e foregoing was manifest when the Fujimori government of between 1990 and 2000 monopolized all levels of government
and was involved in human rights and corruption problems
13
. Similarly, the political party
Fuerza Popular
is in tune with right-
wing postulates. erefore, it is not for nothing to hear Keiko Fujimori stress that problems must be confronted rmly, so much
so that in the rst round election debate, she stated that crime and insecurity must be dealt with a rm hand
14
.
In the same sense, Meléndez (2013) considers that in its rhetoric
Fujimorismo
contemplates a certain right-wing partisan
identication, which justies strong-arm measures against perceived threats such as terrorism, economic instability,
and crime. Dargent (2021) also states that
Fujimorismo
is a “very Latin American conservative” party, which has made an
attachment to the status quo. Likewise, it would not be gratuitous, as Sulmont (2018) mentions, that Keiko Fujimori uses a
“rm hand” in her campaigns on tackling society’s greatest problem: citizen insecurity. She was the alternative candidate
because she would boldy confront insecurity. She continues to use this discourse, as in the last interview where she mentions
that she will act with a rm hand
15
. She does so as to align with a certain group in the population. Dargent (2021) points out that
parties express these “simplistic” ways of reform, especially those parties he calls “popular conservatives”, in order to have a
10
You can access the Ipsos Peru polls, https://www.ipsos.com/es-pe/news-and-polls/news
11
https://www.americatv.com.pe/noticias/actualidad/pena-muerte-peru-quienes-estan-favor-y-contra-n297385, https://peru21.pe/
opinion/essayos-impopulares-aldo-mariategui/death-penalty-382392-news/
12
For more details, seer https://peru.com/actualidad/mi-ciudad/philip-butters-sobre-seguridad-ciudadana-ejercito-deberia-salir-patrullar-
calles-noticia-125777, https://canaln.pe/actualidad/fuerzas-armadas-no-pueden-salir-calle-combatir-delincuencia-n199845, https://
peru21.pe/lima/cesar-acuna-fuerzas-armadas-deben-salir-patrullar-calles-194125-noticia/
13
Currently, Alberto Fujimori is serving a sentence for crimes against humanity and corruption.
14
See https://elcomercio.pe/politica/keiko-fujimori-asegura-que-con-decision-politica-y-mano-dura-rescatara-al-pais-de-esta-tragedia-
sanitaria-y-economica-fuerza-popular-elecciones-2021-debate-el-comercio-nndc-noticia/
15
Interview conducted in January 2021, https://rpp.pe/politica/elecciones/keiko-fujimori-explica-la-mano-dura-es-la-rmeza-contra-el-
delito-pequeno-y-comun-noticia -1317652
108
| nº 35, pp. 97-112 |
July-December of 2022
The issue of corruption in the government plans submitted by candidates for the Municipality of Lima 2018
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
doxa.comunicación
correlate as voters do not demand details either. ey allow themselves to be carried away by the high-own or striking nature
of the proposal, but ignore the processes or ways in which a reform may be implemented as such.
Although a reconguration has been observed -- no longer considering a problem as war, but to deal with it using a rm hand
-- this premise once again shows how to uncompromisingly and unhesitatingly deal with a problem. Yet this doctrine can
repeat the mistakes that were made in the ght against terrorism, and involve personnel, such as the armed forces, in dealing
with problems for which they are not trained. What could be even more concerning is that once again such a posture on the
problems may leads to dealing with said problems rashly. Such actions do not contemplate dialogue with other institutions or
the participation of other actors. It is nevertheless considered a way of dealing with problems, yet does not aid in explaining
how the problems will be resolved, and thus remains in the declarative.
5.2. Tolerance to corruption: does work, but steals
As had been observed, the candidates did not manifestly disagree with the idea that certain works could be carried out if
it beneted the population, whilst hinting that it was not essential to follow the procedures, transparency, or eciency in
accounting for expenses. Regarding this, the 2014 Datum survey found that 41% of Lima’s population believed that they would
vote for a candidate who does work, but steals. Along the same lines, in the 2015 Proetica national survey
16
, 51% indicated that
corrupt ocials should only be punished if they do not do anything. Both surveys show little disagreement with this premise
held by the Peruvian population, which therefore highlights a certain tolerance of corruption.
For Vivar (2020), there is a certain correlate when using the phrase “steals, but works” that stems from the transition process
from Peru’s hyperination (late 1980s) to the economic boom (early 2000s). During this period there was an eort to stabilize
economic indicators that the population was content to enjoy. is led to a certain amount of corruption being tolerated
if a certain stability was attained. e most worrying aspect for Vivar is that a society that forgets or leaves ethics aside is
more prone to corruption, which can subsequently spread throughout society regardless of position, “from the circles of big
business down to informal transport workers” (p. 213).
Although Tratemberg (2016) does not specify where this premise of tolerance comes from, the same believes it must be
understood from the context of the population: one that has unsatised needs and expectations that someone will come to
solve them. It thus does not matter that when certain works are done, there is some theft involved. e author, on the one hand,
reinforces the state’s ineciency to solve the fundamental problems of the population (and to provide prevention and control
mechanisms), and, on the other hand, the tolerance that the population may have.
Meléndez (2014), reecting on this premise shown by the Datum survey, tries to identify where it is accentuated, and identies
that it is higher in socioeconomic levels D and E (50%), very similar to the general average in level C, and lower in levels A
and B (30%). Meléndez states that this pragmatism can be understood in the lower levels due to poorer income levels and
16
For more details, see https://www.dropbox.com/s/ba68wrn2y2f4s4m/292794637-Novena-Encuesta-nacional-sobre-percepciones-de-la-
corrupcion-2015.pdf?dl=0
doxa.comunicación |
nº 35, pp. 97-112
|
July-December of 2022
Edwin Cohaila Ramos
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
109
informality, but does not manage to explain it for the higher levels. In this regard, we could indicate that although there are
certain dierences according to socioeconomic levels, tolerance of corruption traverses all socioeconomic levels.
Proetica (2019) indicates that tolerance to corruption is at a medium level and has increased from 65% in 2017 to 68% in
2019. erefore, the population’s tolerance to corruption is constant, and it is not surprising that, when electing a municipal
authority, respect for the procedures and rules of contracting, or even ethics or transparency are taken into consideration.
However, it is “permissible” that said authority is linked to corruption in order to ensure certain civil works. is normalization
of practices is also noted by Vega and Elías (2020) when analyzing corruption in the districts of Lima Norte. ey bring to light
these normalized practices by municipal ocials and citizens, which implies that the participation of authorities and civil
servants is “tolerated” in land tracking, as is the existence of middlemen to obtain certain municipal licenses.
However, what may be more serious is what Tratemberg (2016) mentions when pointing out that candidates and government
ocials are not perturbed by accusations of corruption, as they know they have the support of the population. In other words,
the authorities are aware of what the population believes, and thus take advantage of this circumstance. Romero et al. (2021)
assert that this phrase also implies, from a psychological aspect, the role that the citizen fullls, where the same only does so
as a spectator and avoids their responsibility to participate. As such, this situation could be the basis to continue voting for a
candidate who steals, but who does work.
6. Conclusions
e issue of corruption in the analyzed candidates’ government plans submitted to the National Jury of Elections is not salient.
We do not refer only to the number of pages focusing on the issue (less than one page in the government plans submitted), but
also to the lack of constructed logic, where one would expect to nd the problem, its background, possible causes, consequences,
and possible solutions. is is even more evident it comes to candidates seeking to occupy an important position such as the
mayor of Lima. What the candidates stated remains declarative and poorly reasoned. Although corruption is perceived as one
of the most pressing problems for the Lima’s inhabitants, the candidates do not treat it as a priority issue. is situation erodes
the importance of municipalities as an institution for citizens.
e candidates do manage to establish possible causes or consequences of corruption, however, not in any depth, and broadly
without identifying specic participants, previous administrations or personnel (bureaucracy). e candidates do not attempt
to clearly identify them, as they prefer to be declarative only or very supercially reason the issue. No indication is made of
specic public policies to tackle corruption. However, we must stress that the public does not demand any further focus on the
matter, nor any information on how the manifested proposals will be implemented. erefore, to confront corruption citizen
participation must increase, since, as we have seen, politicians will do only the minimum and reinforce the declarative.
e government plans do reveal certain recurrent latent discourses, such as considering the ght against corruption as a war.
e foregoing demonstrates that the war premise has been in our imagination and that it has been able to transition, taking
on another form, such as the rm hand premise. Said premise has thus been recongured, but it still maintains the idea that
when confronting problems we must have be unhesitatingly rm. is situation also manifests in the little value attributed to
the dialogue and that there may be dierent situations when contemplating a certain issue.
110
| nº 35, pp. 97-112 |
July-December of 2022
The issue of corruption in the government plans submitted by candidates for the Municipality of Lima 2018
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
doxa.comunicación
Likewise, the premise of “steals, but works” is reinforced due to Peruvian’s tolerance to corruption (and not only in Lima)
that cuts across the various socioeconomic levels. e tolerance furthermore corroborates something perhaps more serious:
that the authorities are aware of corruption, but do nothing to combat it. Rather, they use it because they foresee that certain
corruption can be tolerated if certain works are facilitated or certain basic needs are met. erefore, their aim is not to
build institutions or instill trust in them, but rather to maintain the
status quo
for the candidates’ own benet. e focus on
corruption tends to center on serious economic issues, but in doing so, the impact it can also have on local institutions and on
the population as a whole is often left aside.
After observing how the candidates for Lima’s municipal government address corruption, the lack of state capacity that
Bertranou mentioned is evident. Not only should candidates communicate their plans, but how they will fully develop and
implement the same in an institution, such as an autonomous municipal government. Again, the candidates conrm, as per
Majone, that the discourse is solely declarative and poorly reasoned.
A kind of symbiosis is observed between what the political parties propose, which have their correlate in the declarative, and
what the population demands, since no details are demanded. As such, the ashy or grandiloquent is better than stating the
process and the measures for the plan’s implementation, which consequently questions the role we should have as citizens.
7. Acknowledgements
Article translated by Steven Hallet.
8. Bibliographic references
Bardin, L. (1996).
Content Analysis
. Madrid: Akal.
Bernete, F. (2014). “Content analysis”. In: Lucas, A. and A. Noboa (editors) Knowing the social: strategies, construction
techniques and data analysis. Madrid: Fragua Editores
Bertranou, J. (2011).
Preliminary analysis of the development of state capacities at the national level for the promotion and
control of road safety
. Buenos Aires: Ministry of the Interior of the Nation.
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (2003).
Final report. Lima: The Truth and Reconciliation Commission.
Retrieved
from
http://cverdad.org.pe/ifinal/index.php
Dargent. E. (2021).
The reformist wasteland
. Lima: PUCP.
Declara JNE. The municipal government plan of Jorge Muñoz (June 10, 2020). Retrieved from
https://declara.jne.gob.pe/
ASSETS/PLANGOBIERNO/FILEPLANGOBIERNO/13175.pdf
Declara JNE. The municipal government plan of Daniel Urresti (June 10, 2020). Retrieved from
https://declara.jne.gob.pe/
ASSETS/PLANGOBIERNO/FILEPLANGOBIERNO/13175.pdf
Declara JNE. The Municipal Government Plan of Renzo Reggiardo (June 10, 2020) Retrieved from
https://declara.jne.gob.
pe/ASSETS/PLANGOBIERNO/FILEPLANGOBIERNO/2780.pdf
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
doxa.comunicación |
nº 35, pp. 97-112
|
July-December of 2022
Edwin Cohaila Ramos
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
111
Huber (2017). Corruption and transparency, balance of investigations in public policies 2011-2016. Lima: CIES. Retrieved
from
https://www.cies.org.pe/sites/default/files/investigaciones/balance_y_agenda_ludwig_huber.pdf
Huber, L. (2008).
Break the Hand. A cultural interpretation of corruption
. Lima: Institute of Peruvian Studies and Proetica.
Krippendorff, K. (1997).
Content Analysis Methodology
.
Theory and Practice.
Barcelona: Paidós Comunicación.
Lima Como Vamos (2018). IX Perception Report on the Quality of Life in Lima and Callao. Retrieved from
http://www.
limacomovamos.org/cm/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/EncuestaLimaComoVamos2018.pdf
Majone, G. (1997).
Evidence, Argumentation and Persuasion in Policy Formation
. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Económica.
Meléndez, C. (2014). Steals, but does work. (December 12, 2020). Perú 21. Retrieved from
https://peru21.pe/opinion/
roba-obra-185915-noticia/?ref=p21r
Melendez, C. (2013). “Peru: the 2011 elections. Populist and integrated. Political divisions in a ‘party’ system.” In: Alcantara,
M. and M. L. Tagina (editors).
Elections and politics in Latin America: 2009-2011
, Mexico, DF: Federal Electoral Institute;
Chamber of Deputies; Senate of the Republic; Miguel Angel Porrua.
Mujica, J. (2006). Corrupt relationships: power and authority in local governments.
State, public administration and society.
Discussion papers
, 10. Caracas: Latin American Center for Development Administration (CLAD).
Mujica, J. (2005). Strategies of corruption: power, authority and corruption in local spaces. Óscar Ugarteche (Comp.),
Public
vices: power and corruption
, 133-160. Lima: Fund for Economic and Southern Culture, House of Studies of Socialism.
Munoz, P. (2010). Does politics matter? The political determinants of the efficiency
of municipal spending. Lima: SER Association. Retrieved from:
http://www.cies.org.pe/sites/default/files/
investigaciones/informe_final_paula_munoz.pdf
Pajuelo R. (2009).
There is no law for us. Local government, society and conflict in the Altiplano: the key case
. Lima: Institute
of Peruvian Studies (IEP).
Public Attorney Specialized in Corruption Crimes (2018). Thematic report: Corruption in regional and local governments.
Lima: Minjus. Retrieved from
https://procuraduriaanticorrupcion.minjus.gob.pe/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/LA-
CORRUPCI%C3%93N-EN-GOBIERNOS-REGIONALES-Y-LOCALES.pdf
Proetica, (2019).
XI National survey on perceptions of corruption
(November 12, 2020) Retrieved from https://www.proetica.
org.pe/contenido/xi-encuesta-nacional-sobre-percepciones-de-la-corrupcion-en-el -peru-2019
/
Proethics (2017).
X National Survey on perceptions of corruption
(November 10, 2020) Retrieved from
https://www.proetica.
org.pe/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/Pro%C3%A9tica-X-Encuesta-Nacional-sobre-Corrupci%C3%B3n-1-6.pdf
Romero et al. (2021). Psychopolitics and governance in Peru. Political Issues, 39 (70), 716-732.
Sulmont, D. (2018). “Is there a programmatic vote in elections with a weak political party system? An analysis of the Peruvian
presidential elections of 2016”.
Journal of Political Science,
38(3), 429,457.
Tratemberg, L. (2016). Steals, but does work. How to understand it from education? (December 15, 2020). Retrieved from:
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
112
| nº 35, pp. 97-112 |
July-December of 2022
The issue of corruption in the government plans submitted by candidates for the Municipality of Lima 2018
ISSN: 1696-019X / e-ISSN: 2386-3978
doxa.comunicación
https://www.trahtemberg.com/articulos/2729-roba-pero-hace-obra.html
Vega, E. and Elias, L. (2020).
Municipality and fight against corruption: the case of Lima Norte.
Lima: UARM-KAS
Vivar, A. (2020). “The eternal tension between the individual and the collective: the case of corruption in Peru”, in
Acta
Médica Peruana
, 37(2), 209-214,
http://dx.doi.org/10.35663/amp.2020.372.1036
Zechmeister, E.J. (2015). “Left-Right Identifications and the Latin American Voter”. In: Ryan. E et al.
The Latin American
voter: Pursuing representation and accountability in challenging contexts
, Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>
<p>[Enlace de URL / hc (has AS)]</p>